Box 103, Item 1: Correspondence and drafts of Culture and the roots of political divergence: a South Pacific perspective with emphasis on the Australian/American contrast

Box 103, Item 1: Correspondence and drafts of Culture and the roots of political divergence: a South Pacific perspective with emphasis on the Australian/American contrast

Printout of various drafts with handwritten emendations, and handwritten notes, undated. Includes correspondence from Alan? (Department of Philosophy, University of Alberta) to Richard Sylvan, 9 June 1988 (typescript, 4 pages) re feedback on paper; Richard Sylvan to Alan, 13 July 1988 (handwritten, 2 pages) re: feedback on paper; Alastair (University of Waikato) to Richard Sylvan, 17 April 1985 (handwritten, 4 pages (2 leaves)) re feedback on paper; Tom (Philosophy Department, Massey University) to Richard Sylvan, 10 Jul 1985 (handwritten, 3 pages (2 leaves)) re feedback on paper.

Letters redacted from access file (PDF) due to copyright restrictions. Unnumbered paper from collection, item number assigned by library staff.

The University of Queensland's Richard Sylvan Papers UQFL291, Box 103, Item 1

This item was identified for digitisation at the request of The University of Queensland's 2020 Fryer Library Fellow, Dr. N.A.J. Taylor.

For all enquiries about this work, please contact the Fryer Library, The University of Queensland Library.

[157] leaves. 357.51 MB.

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HORKING DRAFT

CULTURE AND THE ROOTS OF POLITICAL DIVERGENCE:
a South Pacific perspective

with emphasis on the Australian/American contrast

A ma.ior function of culture is to regulate and control change,1
Political

in the South Pacific,

change

North,

industrial

can,

in

and political

principle then,

the

be grounded in and

powered

by

One organising theme, a corollary of

features of local and regional.culture.
the

from

divergence

argument, facilitates the transition from principle to

practice:- It

is

that the requisite elements are present in regional cultures, the potentiality

is

South Pacific region (and Australia

the

for

there,

in

particular)

to

proceed in a very different social and political direction from the North (and

USA in particular).

th"

from

American arrangements,

Given the radical

unsatisfactoriness of the
2
in many frequently exposed respects , such a different

direction is worth taking - if it can be.
serious problem in the way of

a

But

arrangements,

from outside or from above.

change is imposition of
And,

political

since imposition shades into

this is

only one of the obstacles impeding change in the

South Pacific and elsewhere.

Another^forcing more and more peoples, no longer

political pressure,

sheltered

into the same type

of

socio-political

is supposed to derive from human nature itself.

Free people are

by geographical isolation,

arrangements

economic people,

in pretty much the American mould,

so it

is

claimed.

By

this route, economic imperialism can replace political imperialism.
1.

Nature,

theory

- one

culture,

to

which

A supposedly key question in political

and control.

we are said to have no satisfactory

answer

in

the

absence of a worthwhile theory of human nature (or human natures) - is this:-

1.

Thus Abraham p.29ff.; Awa p.30.

2.

For a recent trenchant expose, see Cohen and Rogers.
1

To

extent does human nature alloM for alternative political

Mhat

arrangements? Or, to turn the question around:-

in

virtue

of

nature

the

of

much-promoted

6nglo-6merican

Enl ightenment,

is

oMn

gain

or

(including

technical knoM-hoM),

from

6

the

taboos

(and

Mill

(properly) concerned Mi th

information
3
free people are basically economic people.
but for their

shortage

of

that is to replace one ideology by another.

ideology is no longer so

Enlightenment

of

range

descended

directly

are essentially

people

that is,

interests;

6 s ought noM to be evident,

the

answer ,

self-centred individuals,

become)

broad

that once freed from systems of myths,

superstition,

from

the

"nature" reduce the organisationa! options?

HoM does that

controls,

on

humans

What restrictions are imposed

evident:

Mhat

But

recommends

it?

Under pressure of this sort, the 6nglo-6merican answer gets transformed to the
that the economic picture of human nature is superior,

theme

and fitting

of

That 'self-appointed West European superiority'' has in
4
the
Romantics.
Fortunately,
turn been disputed, since the time of Herder and

rational

creatures.

hoMever, the extensive ensuing dialectic can be substantially avoided.

For all these questions and ansMers presuppose, to begin

Mi th, a certain

misplaced essential ism, that there is such an invariant nature common to human
beings,

Mhich

exactly

separates humans from other

creatures,

suitably constant and invariant
5
necessary and sufficient conditions , are legion. They are
specify

such

an

essence,

attempts

to

given

by

and

a frequent feature of Enlightenment thought. 611 men are the same
because of universal drives [such as to pleasure and the avoidance of
pain]. These drives mill operate independently of any location.

Chief among those drives Mas that toMards self-preservation - Hol bach,
for instance, stipulates:
Me shall call nature in man the collection of properties and
quali t i es Mhich constitute him Mhat he is, Mhich are inherent to
his species, Mhich distinguish him from other animal species or
every man feels, thinks,
Mhich he has in common Mi th them
3^

These people are also picked out under various alternative (but not
strictly equivalent) descriptions, e.g. as acquisitive individuals,
possessive individuals.
2

acts and seeks his oMn Mell-being at all times;
these are
qualities and properties that constitute human nature ... 6.

But this attempt at essentialist definition of human nature fails,
Fts it stands, the definition is inadequate;

characteristic May.

humans seek just their OMn Mell-being alMays;
hut f?

yoMtc df-e,

other commitments.^
L

to

egoism,

by

HoMever,

replacing

(

'Mell-being'

(such as human vegetables,

definition,

replacing

'every

definition is again inadequate;

example,

in a quite
for not all

some are altruistic,

some have

Ct '

suppose Me avoid such familiar counterinstances

rendering such internal egoism analytic.
examples

the

by

say

'broad

Mell-being',

thus

&nd suppose to avoid other counter-

morons and the like),

man' by 'every normal human'.

Me normalise

the

then

the

But

for it fails to distinguish humans from, for

It applies equally to dolphin nature or, for that matter,

dolphins.

to qori11 a nature.
Of

4.

course

the

definition can again be patched,

by

appealing

to

the

(From previous page) See Berry, p.30ff., from Mhom the quote is taken,
It
is Morth spelling out a little the extent of agreement and
disagreement Mi th Herder. Hhat is applauded is

1. 'Herder's dismissal of the Enlightenment's conception of human nature
as static, acultural and ahistorical' (Berry, p.32), but not.
XI.
Herder's cultural relativism, that 'each culture ... should be
treated on its OMn merits and not judged by some faulty perspective such
_
In the
as la belle_____
nature
' (p.3U), or from any other perspective.
pluralistic framework of the text (Mhich presupposes PPP), a good many
cross-cultural judgements are made and defended.
X2.
Herder's relativisation of human nature to culture, and embodiment
of it in cu1ture; for example, 'it is through language that human nature
Hi th
can be seen to be specifical1y embodied in cu1ture' <p.32).
bu t
relativisation the notion loses its original theoretical point;
Mhile failing in this role, cultural nature is open to many of the same
Nor can language bear the Meigh t
sorts of objections as human nature.
Herder loads upon it.
Herder's human chauvisism: '... it is speech and Mi th that reason
X3.
I1an can choose, man is king'
and freedom, that differentiates man.
Hild animals are free, can choose, communicate, solve puzzles,
(p.36).
carry
out elementary reasoning;
in these respects they surpass
and
and
many
other
humans.
Furthermore,
X3 gets Herder into serious
chi 1dren
not
to
say
inconsistency,
Mi
th
1.
trouble,
5.
6.

Abraham, draMing on Hittgenstein,
essence, p.23ff.
Berry p.17.

presents just these conditions for an

Berry supplies several other similar examples.
3

cluster of -features that separate humans from other mammals or

anatomical

biological specification of homo sapiens.

the

to

normalised

But the resulting

definition,

Mi th its analytical egoism, does little more than such biological

definitions

of

human:

it does not supply a nature,

does

it

deliver

not

superbiological

features of political relevance. The notion of human nature
-a/"!
thus fragments: into the satisfactory enough biological notion of human, and

an

superbiological (or sociobiological)

unsatisfactory

nature or essence.

addition;

What is this further, problematic, nature?

that

of

The Romantics

can be read as arguing that there is none, no nature as distinct from culture,

only local nature (Herder's term) Mhich coincides Mith culture.

excretions and variations in order to reach an essence leaves,

cultural

off

Peeling

like

Wittgenstein's artichoke, nothing.
The notion of human nature is a theoretical item,
amid cultural variability,

stability

a constant bulMark against

but designed as Mell to justify (as natural or, failing that,

of

type

particular

political

provide

introduced to

economy and legislature, and

relativism,

as superior)
its

a

imposition

7

fashion,

fact

and

that

the

is not so easily dissolved,

notion

by one illustration.

is Mritten large in much

political

but is defective,

illustration reveals,

such

a

HoMever the

theory,

does not shoM that it or the embedding theory is sound.

received,
not,

This resilient notion has been Midely applied in

else.

everyMhere

and

is

f)nd it is

and in its socio-political selectivity it is,

as the

virtually of a piece Mith human chauvinism (Mhich Mould

assign an unduly privileged position to human beings in the ecological

scheme

of things).
In

under
7.

fact

the superbiological notion of human nature begins

any attempt to set it doMn,

in much the May that

attempts

to

dissolve
supporting

Hence the Enlightenment program of imposing enlightened Western culture
everyMhere, later emphasised by Bentham.
The Legislator, knoMing that
human nature is ever the same [different countries do not have different
catalogues of pleasure and pain), can reform the laMS and even transplant
them from one society to another' (Berry, p.18).

doMn something ethically
chauvinism
3
disintegrate.
The notion of human nature - a nature

human

there

stable or constant social

some

are

features

humans

about

(some special classes of humans excepted perhaps)

humans
that

special

- presupposes

holding

for

across different cultures, Mhich are furthermore distinctive!/ human

peop!es,

features.

The

presupposition fails,

because once cultural variation between

shared

peoples

characteristics

remain ,

Mhich

furthermore

are

shared

various

by

animal

cu1tures, such as those of primates.
Consider ,
books,

or

first,

such

products or tools of more literary cultures as

Since

of contemporary cultures as telephones and computers.

cultures

lacked

such items,

their

possession

most

distribution

or

obviously cannot figure as part of Mhat marks out human nature. Consider next,
Mhat are commonly taken to be key components of (human) nature, certain

then,

basic human needs,

such as food and shelter.

These requirements are far from

free of cultural and environmental determinants.
as required in the May of shelter,
place to place.
Mays,

common

under

For look at Mhat is regarded

and hoM it varies from cu1ture to culture,

(&nd even Mhat is taken as basic can often be met in a myriad

Mays.)

though acceptably in some cultures only in a feM fixed

The

denominator is the rather trivial requirement of some sort

more extreme conditions - a requirement also of Mombats.

The situation

This claim concerning human chauvinism is argued in detail in EE. But the
claim concerning human nature is only sketchily defended in the text. For
.................................
'
t nature, 1 ike
the alleged social-arrangement-dictating
features of' human
determinism,
are
alleged
features
of
economic
or
technological
simi1 ar
insofar
as
they
to
be
removed
especially
rather major obstacles
supposedly severely and inevitably restrict the character of future
societies - than the main business of the present enterprise.
For tunately then the claim, that the superbiological notion of human
nature is a defective theoretical one Mhich dissolves, is defended
elseMhere: not only,
,, in effect, in Mork of Romantics from Herder on, but
also in significant recent literature. Foucault, for example, can be read
as saying that human nature is an invention of the Enlightenment Mhich
dissolves: ''his much discussed ... dissolution of man is nothing more, or
less, than the claim that the attempt to establish order upon a
scientific understanding of human nature is both profoundly mistaken and
italics added).

food,

Mith

and

sex,

so on,

considerably from race to race,
by

flourish.

Again

the somewhat

conditions,

trivial

lowest

or

more

loosely

Mhere

common

tribal

denominator

Nor are attempts to mark out

by some more complex list of jointly necessary

nature

vary

requirements

Europeans for example being very inefficient

applies also to various groups of animals.
human

Dietary

tribal standards and unable to survive satisfactorily

many

people

is hardly better.

by a cluster of natural

and

features,

the

sufficient

much

more

successful, or of direct political application without the importation of what
is culturally at issue - values. In any case, such vague and general lists as
10
emerge
impose little constraint at all on a political direction, since a

variety of political arrangements is compatible with such listings.
Accordingly,

nature

as such is not. an

important

constraint

on

or a theory of human nature a key ingredient in endeavours
11
work out a political philosophy or political directions .
The reason is

political
to

human

theory,

the reason that determining the conditions for the good life would

like

not

impose a satisfactory constraint on a political theory, namely presupposition
12
failure.
Like the meaning of life , the good life fails to demarcate a
single

thing;

there

are many styles of good lives.

So too there

is

human

*9^

The
converse is seen in the extent to which tribal peoples gain weight
on European diets, At another level, consider the Haori attitude to, and
underlying revulsion by, cooked food: see Alpers, p.7-9.

10.

For one such list, which however requires pruning and adjustment, see
Nilson, p.22. As it happens, Nilson does not make anything much of this
list (which does not supply necessary conditions), immediately presents a
parallel list for insect societies - a list which does considerable
damage to more traditional claims about human nature - and then proceeds
in effect to demolish main criteria that have been used to separate
humans from animals and to restrict cultures to human societies (e.g.
p.39).
For more on contemporary "scientific" efforts to deploy a theory of human
nature for social and political ends, see Appendix 2.

11.

Nhich is perhaps as well, since we still have so little reliable and
unprejudiced information as to what "human nature" amounts to, what its
variational possibilities, in different environments, might be, or of the
possibilities beyond past terrestrial selections of cultures.

12.

On which see Routley and Griffin.

6

and human nature,

nature

depending on the culture or social paradigm and

on

Nature, both human and not, varies uith culture and environment.

the setting.

Because of this tuo-uay dependence,

there is no unique stable superbiological

human nature.

notion of human

is

nature

the

picture of nature as given, as a

stable

across races and tribes,

notion

uith culture as a variable

There is no such culturally invariant division:

The picture is flaued in much the same uay,
as

perception,

top.

on

culture affects local nature.

as the familiar picture of

then,

stable

consisting of given uninterpreted sense data,

across

(normal) perceivers, uith interpretation imposed on the neutral data.

Nor therefore is culture something that can be creamed off the top, so to

find real human features or basic nature

to

speak,

Certainly,

underneath.

be destroyed; however uhat results from removal by destruction of

not something closer to real people,

but people uith a destroyed

it is also uith attempts like Hobbes or Rauls to peel

organisation

off

the the top,

in order to locate in a

political

quasi-analytical

or

quasi-historical uay, a state of nature underneath or preceding some organised

state

or

other,

derived from mistaken

flaued picture,

questionable

or

presuppositions, is assumed.
Hhat uill be found underneath, or in the original (natural) state, is, it

is usually conveniently assumed, a nature that fits the vieu to be developed uith the

explai ned
and

the

culture's

riqht values very fortunately in-built.

is

privileged
image

status quo -

position of some

of itself,

and

elements of the

as uell

dominant

as

a

be

serves

for

economic man,

social

hardly surprisingly, that

for Enlightenment man,

7

dominant

Northern

fully competitive possessive individualism (much the same model,

uhich

to

or justified is something like present socio-political arrangements

paradigm - underlying human nature turns out to be,
of

Given that uhat

for

the

that is,

"rational

etc.)

person",

myths,

to

The myth of unique human nature functions,

perpetuate

other

like many

or instil particular social arrangements

and

special

pr ivi1ege.
Thus too the myth of human nature is linked to other culture-based myths,

myths

the

of

predominantly

self-interested

- to

rational)

(normal)

al 1

bring

humans

maximizer s

no firm starting point in human nature,

myths.

of

myths.

None

aboriginal

peoples

comprised

their

least

and

as

insofar

as

they

are

Mith

the

image

of

up

As there is no underlying hard ground,

so there is none in these

repeated

the

Melanesians,

associated

Polynesians

or

Australian
maximizers;

strongly communal lifestyles and

after

especially,
and

(at

individuals

The South Pacific Mas, and remains, rich in cultures Mhich upset these

associated

indeed

aggressive

some of the myths bound

in

urban-industrial humans.

contemporary

as

preparedness

a loM sufficiency threshold had been reached,

source of criticism from the

European cultures

Mork

stop,

to

Mas a major

that

came

to

dominate the region.
forms and types of

Even

aggressiveness,

and approaches to

Mar,

often

taken to be solid ground, are culture and environment dependent, and vary Mi th
13
both
parameters .
Aggressiveness is often supposed to impose
huge
constraints

on political

arrangements.

But there is little substance to the

claim that humans are naturally aggressive independently of social or cultural
setting.

The most that appears

clear is that circumstances can be

through croMding or provocation or cultural

arranged,

for

instance

TEh

A striking illustration of environmental variation is afforded by the
differences betMeen savannah dMelling and forest dMelling tribes of
baboons.
For a local illustration, consider Maori approaches to Mar
(like Mar conventions, a social phenomenon), before European corruption.
Thus Best reports that 'an individual, or a Mhole clan, might decline to
take part in an engagement on account of some evil omen, and such an
action Mould be approved of (p.15).
There are several, apparently
reliable, stories of Maoris engaged in Mar supplying the opposition Mith
equipment or ammunition, or temporarily abandoning their fighting effort
to help out the other (British) side, so the battle could proceed
proper 1y.

relocation,

Mhere

of

peoples

cultures Mill become aggressive

familiar

more

people of other cultures Mill not,
in the face of immense brutality.

depends

Once

types.

Certainly some arrangements are required to

but these can be of a Mide range of

shortsightedly

again,

Mhat is normally

as fixed:

see

certainly,

such

Mhich

components

nature

human

accounted

varies Mith culture and environment,

and

upon

perhaps

as people often do

but Mill just give up,

cope Mith or suitably isolate aggression,

alternative

- and

often

people

as

selfishness,

cooperativeness, individuality do.

Hhat

is

presently much more important than either culture or nature

determining social arrangements is another factor:

imposition.

social

Whatever

one

from

Mithout,

through

region

and neM arrangements imposed,

Hith long-standing arrangements,

May or another.

invariably

namely, outside control or

arrangements have evolved in a

local nature and culture can be overridden,

imposition

is

and the changes in arrangements typically

especially,

the South Pacific has,

in

almost
involve

either violence in their adaption or mass migration of people or both.
last tMO hundred years,

in

In the

like much of the

been drastically so affected, in a complex May. ^nd the changes,

neMer Morld

still floMing strongly from the North, continue.
He

are

in the last days of the destruction of

old

and

cultures,

economic

destruction is noM to a considerable extent by more subtle cultural,
and

technological

Outside

direct

control can be exercised,

economic sanctions,

film

and

television (i.e.

earlier

times.

in many Mays less blatant

than

such as through introduction

of

etc.,

as

monetary and loan policies,

as through exchange and training programs,

magazines,

14.

or occur,

intervention of one sort or another,

neM technologies,

Mell

means than the cruder methods of slightly

the

textbooks,

through physical

advertising

and

exemplifications of

Hi Ison's argument that humans are innately aggressive involves such an
invalid move: he looks at the behaviour of Semai men Mhen 'taken out of
their nonviolent society' by recruitment in a British colonial army
(p.100)!
^s Mell, Hilson's case rests on a dubious redefinition of
innateness, and a loM redefinition of aggressiveness to take in forms of
mere (nonaggressive) conflict (pp.9?-100).

of

process of cultural conversion and erosion;

this quieter

are

unwittingly, part

European peoples in the South Pacific are often

culture).

rather than,

victims as well as,

now

but many of

perpetrators (cf.

us
and

Crough

Wheelwright).

Human

communities

have been - and many still are

- as

insensitive

to

other human cultures as they are to the natural environment (witness Americans
and their allies in Vietnam).
or

beyond redemption.

pushed

of

creation

Like an ecosystem, a culture can be destroyed,
This is

disaster

areas proceeds

Yet

the

blatant cases
15
by disruption of culture and lifestyle using violence.
There is

typically

political

furthermore,

where

apace

is possible at all,

recovery

a

sometimes of the order of human generations.

perhaps

well-known.

sufficiently

production

of

imperialism,

these politically
e.g.

USA

in

contaminated

Central America,

- in

recovery

long

period,

Yet there is increasing

regions,
Israel in

especially

Lebanon,

through

Russia

in

Afghanistan, Indonesia in East Timor and West Papua, etc.
In the South Pacific, there are many quieter Northern influences at work,

but

the

strongest now is unquestionably the

businessmen,

films

can

academics,

American.

American

companies,

tourists and warships, their technology and patents,

and television programs,

There

are the most evident and

be various motives and aims (and assumptions) behind the

newer

behind endeavours such as the American to
16
Granted it
everywhere.
"free
enterprise"
philosophy
and
practice
their
17
business
and
American
to
American
economic
supremacy,
mostly contributes to
and

economic imperialism,

15.

These disaster areas should perhaps be cordoned off like those
by communicable disease,
but from continuing disruptive,
interference.

infected
outside

What is said about American cultural and politic al imperial ism applies,
with adaption, in a lesser way, to imperialism and col onial ism by other
nation-states such as USSR, Britain, France and Indonesia. USA has no
monopoly on imperialism. US imperialism in the third wor1 dis in part
documented and analysed in Chomsky and Herman.

17.

Though not invariably as the experience with the Japanese motor industry
has indicated.
10

the transfer of substantial regional wealth and surplus value to the

to
But

national economic reasons are not the only sort of reasons such

are

pursued;

apart

t^at many

from the side-issue of integrity,

USA.

policies

Americans

really do believe in the optimality of their local ideals to the exclusion

other

of

arrangements, there are deeper and somewhat more respectable ideological

reasons as wel1.
imperialistic

The

that

assumption

for

nature,

be

underpinned

all human nature is at bottom really

political

(a

technological

means.

can

instance highly economically oriented.

distortions

economic)

endeavours

means,

way:

they

by

like

Thus,

descriptive

a

American

human

but for political

analogue of economic externalities)

and

lack

and

other peoples would choose the American (political

simply have not really been given the

For many peoples this is simply not true;

of

opportunity

or

for most other cultures let

us hope, or pray, that this is not the case. Alternatively, or as well, a more
arrogant

prescriptive assumption may be at work,

that all human nature ought

best, because America not only has the best
18
way of life in the world and mostly the best ways of doing things
, but has

to be like American nature at its

a

special

hold

on rationality.

The free-enterprise

system

(perhaps

representative democracy American-style tacked on) is the rational

18.

with

enterprise

Thus, for example, American agricultural textbooks and agricultural
spokespeople are fond of announcing that American agriculture is the best
in the world;
similarly for environmental
protection,
forestry,
technology, university education, and so on.
But since they are the
best, it is evident that these American ways should be exported, isn't
it? Even granting the large assumptions, No, firstly, because that is to
neglect important regional and local variations and differences, and
secondly because these ways may interfere with other significant features
of regional life or culture.

It' has not passed unremarked that the high standard of material life in
USA depends in part on a very fortunate inheritance (e.g. some of the
best and deepest soils) and in part, as in Europe, on a lower standard of
1 i f e and conditions elsewhere, upon siphoning off wealth and especially
resources (US currently uses about one-fifth of world resources and 30 X
To be sure, economic apologetics
of world energy) from other regions.
proffer other explanations of American transcendence, e.g. ingenious
constructions like that of Olson, built on a sandy logic of economic
actors collectively locked into economically determined arrangements,
substantially independent of the resource base.

11

Certainly the system is sometimes peddled,

embodied.

the

American May,

it.

Mhich Mas often

Mith the same evangelism as Christianity,

and presented as the rational religion,

seen

by genuine believers in

at least before science got

at

science hasn't got at the free-enterprise religion yet, but on the

Hell,

noM has a social division heavily devoted to its justification and
19
furtherance.
HoMever some philosophy has got at the system, sufficiently to
contrary

that it is no unique embodiment of rationality - there is none such

reveal

but

a decidedly irrational practice in many circumstances.

is

irrational if local goals are to preserve local

especially

Thus,

it

environments

is
and

cultures, as much experience helps attest.

is aspects of the false descriptive assumption,

It
Mith

emerge

rejection,that are a main focus in Mhat folloMS (though various

its

the reasons for rejecting the prescriptive assumption
recorded).

broader

and Mhat can

important

An

basic

nor

in

substan t i al 1y

of

Mill also emerge or get

underlying theme Mill continue to be

that

nei ther

varies

human
Mays that are highly political relevant - relevant

to

the

frameMork a society adopts. In

imposed

upon from outside or above, the variation can be

through

cultural

variation

alternative

assumptions,

is part of "nature",
again

"human nature"

variations;

(Mhich

but

in

turn

depends

on

environment,etc)

are then, those of cultural pluralism, that

shaping in particular local human nature. Of course once
can be pared back and back to try to

in this May Mhat are taken to be

important

remove

cultural

superbiological

features of human nature for political theory are also excised (e.g.

that

The

make prisoners' dilemmas and commons' tragedies come out one May

features

rather

than another).

19.

In elaborating on hoM modern societies control their citizens, Foucault
has explained various extensive types of social control exercised and
licensed through received social sciences, by May of approved standards
of normality, health, stability, adequacy, rationality, etc.: see Philp,
p. 15.

12

Just as different cultures can mean different social arrangements,

so in

a larger setting they can imply different political organisation and different

directions.

political

Where

do

requisite differences

not

occur,

because

incongruous arrangements have been imposed, cultural differences can be a
"A
powerful force for change. Likewise developing elements of cultural difference
can

a potent base for social change - or resistance to imposed

be

(especially) in communities where other more orthodox

as economic incentives or penalties,

have

change

bases for change,

become inoperative or

-

such

failed,

or

used,

but

are not available.
Culture is however a double-edged instrument,

resisted.

example,

For

though

not only to be

indigenous

leading

features of
Pacific cultures are to be reactivated, as forces for change, some

these cultures are to be resisted (such as male domination),
features

Features of culture are thus

modern Western cu1tures.

of

along with

and confront undesirable (implanted or imported) sources

resist

many

used

to

culture;

of

excessive consumerism, persuasive
such as, inequitable political arrangements,
advertising

media and loaded news systems,

structures,

etc.

for

sol id foundation - but also

This

reasons

is as true for American culture as Antipodean.
Mhy

job

forth,

is

to

antagonistic
One

of

the

so

mainstream American culture

so
encouraging

prime sources of

up resistance against,

and

culture.

alienating

It is important not only to build and design alternatives -

which elements of

di sman tie,

chief

holloa suburbia,

that

movements

offering

or

and
alternatives have been repressed by the dominant corporations

the state apparatus (see especially Goldstein).
2

The

Why

work with such an unfavourable contrast case as Australian—society

regional and environmental orientation.'

in defence of themes

concerning

1*'

'yV
4"

cultural variation and their force for change,

contrast

US

it would no doubt be easier to

culture with some other culture which diverges

13

more

strikingly

Mith some Pacific society poised for revolutionary change, such as perhaps the

Then there are conspicuous differences,

Philippines.

as the following

table

begins to reveal:-

SOME WESTERN CULTURAL THEMES CONTRASTED HITH THIRD HORLD
Fi1i pi no [Melanesian J

North American [AustralianJ

Individual autonomy encouraged;
Mithin paradigm, individual should
individualize, solve oMn problems,
develop OMn opinions

Dependence encouraged; point of
reference is authority, older kin folk

Competition [aJ primarymethod
of motivation

Community reduces or excludes incentive
to excel over others

Relations Mith others informal
and direct

Relations Mith others more formal;
social interactions more structured

Clear distinction betMeen public
and private property

Public property divertable unguililty
into private [Much "property", e.g.
1 and, is communal J

Materialism a dominant value

Spiritual, religious things matter as
much or more than material.

Evident trouble

culture

Mith

the choice of Australia as contrast is that

is not only much influenced (like all

Australian

accessible cultures) by

parts

of American culture, but is very similar in many respects, including evolution

and

comparative

stability.

similarities are often sought,

to

that

in broad outline,

explanations

of

the

and it is debated Mhether the similarities are

by imitation or through similar evolution.

explained

debate is,

is so similar

It

simple:

namely,

The ansMer

to

the

as Mill appear, both types of

mechanism have played a role.
There are,

as

a

main

contentions
so

hoMever,

contrasting

several reasons for Morking Mith Australian culture
case Mith American.

A lesser one is

that

if

regarding differences can be made good in =uch a case it Mill

much the easier Mhere more conspicuous differences occur.

But the aim

the
be

is

not to make a difficult argumentative task more difficult. Rather it is to try

207

This table, adapted from AMa
more discussion is given.

p.30,

14

is draMn from SteMart,

Mhere

much

to

clear the May for a different philosophy and different political positions

in

Australia,

and

Pacific,

more comprehensively in the South

than

those

slavishly adopted from the North, to clear the May for political arrangements,

grounded in the elements of local culture, Mhich are more benign, both to

the

environment and to other cultures, than those imported from the North.

in several respects,

Australia is,

named from Europe the

Antipodes,

a

(bordered

the north by the Hallace line).

There is some prospect that this region
21
a meaningful sense.
That in turn encourages the

Mill become nuclear-free,in

or be induced in the

faint hope that other socio-political changes may occur,
- a

region

notably

moving

aMay from the dangerous and

nuclear

poMer

and nuclear Meapons.

independence comes from the USA.

Antipodean

exploitative

main

The

damaging pattern,

(and

significant

and

perhaps

this

The USA Mould impose significant

generally it aims to include the region under its
that

to

opposition

components of its Mar system, including nuclear Meapons,

more

attitudes

so Mell exemplified in technological things nuclear,

of the North,

practices

If

includes

Mhich

biological and geophysical region of the South Pacific

distinctive

in

region

inexact

rather

the most important component of that

capitalist

is

already Mell established,
the main) resistance

upon the region; and

to

broken,

be

eventually

must

hegemony.

come

from

Australia.

countries

Smaller

have

resisted

Marships;

first Vanuatu and recently,

genuinely

nuclear-free

suit.

And

politically
21.

if

and

the

the imposition

environmentally

American

initiative is

deeper,

to

Australia
broaden

tied to a more

nuclear

NeM Zealand. If a

more significantly,

South Pacific is to emerge,

nuclear-free

of

must

into

profound

folloM

something

regional

This is just one reason Mhy the recent fashion of trying to count
Australia as part of Asia, Mhich it is not, or as Mithin the (excessively
large) Asian-Pacific region, Mhich it analytically is, should be
resisted.
No doubt looking at the larger region is convenient for
economic and some defence purposes, for trade and aid;
but it is narroM
economically-focussed,
nation-state thinking,
Mhich discounts huge
geographical, biological and cultural differences.

15

independence

and

then

militarism,

leaders.

Australia
the

Hence

free

self-reliance,

from

of

components

the

must not merely follow,

but be there

interest in American/Australian

cultural

American

Mith

the

differences,

especially those relevant to socio-political divergence.
The

main

cultural groupings of the Antipodean region can

be

developed

from the following diagram:
Aboriginal peoples

Australian

Polynesian

Melanesi an

Anglophi1e
Main
Colonial
Powers

/////
Francophi1e

poli tical1y
entirely
dominated

Poli tical1y
subordinate

Largely
independent
politically*

The independence struggle continues in NeM Caledonia Cohere it Mill
probably succeed soon) and in West Papua (Mhere there appears little
prospect of success against the Javanese without outside support).
The
situation in Fiji is complicated as a result of the colonially-organised
immigration of East Indians (so typical a legacy of British control).

%

Apart from the Indonesian intrusion, there is American penetration
Samoa, and the French remain, most notably in Society Islands.

There

are

Antipodes,

Zealand).

tMO

essentially

major

independent

Melanesian and Anglo-Australasian (i.e. White

in

the

Australian and

NeM

groupings

The latter is the important group from the point of vieM of present

for the usual politico-economic reasons: comparative

change in the Antipodes,

numbers, poMer, influence, Meal th, resources, etc.

cultural features matter,
be

cultural

in

obtained

significantly,

in

such

a

It is Mi th this group that

and Mill make a difference, assuming difference can
May.

For

Melanesian

culture

for the most part in the right sorts of Mays,

American culture.

16

already

differs,

from mainstream

Though

culture.

already

features

distinctive

language suggests).

with

in

Antipodean

origins and attitudes can be enhanced,

varying

carefully

and

from

and extended to change

away

can

(like

continuing

those of sweet

powerful

Northern

Perhaps

by

directions

of

insensitivity.

intellectual and educational factors,

evolution

influenced,

away

Perhaps that movement

Northern barbarism and socio-environmental

cultural

observable

European

Cultural evolution is proceeding, perhaps with considerable pace (as

situation

European

from

are

there

stock,

the

the peoples of Australasia now consist predominantly of

pea

the

evolution)

forces,

now

suitably

be

predominantly

and multinationalisation, not merely resisted but turned to
22
advantaoe.
Among the questions which immediately arise, but which

Americanisation

local

remain insufficiently

investigated,
life.

are those concerning the interaction

How do

intellectual

cultural

and

culture?

Conversely, what impact do the cultural shifts

intellectual

elements

of

influence

- whatever they are,

a fundamental matter * have on intellectual life, especially in areas that lie
23
at the heart of such life, namely ideological orientation and philosophy?
A

special case,

from which this exercise began, is that where the philosophy is

environmental philosophy,
and

to

the

environment.

where the orientation concerns attitudes to
An

initial question resulting

differential effect of Antipodean culture,

or of the

is:

what

nature

is

the

distinctive elements in

22.

Often these Northern forces are presented as those of internationalism,
which is taken to be desirable. But ask what African, or Latin American,
or even Russian components these forces reflect, and what centres these
forces emanate from, and the extent of internationalism and mix of
nations and companies involved, will become clearer. Certainly there are
desirable qualities in internationalism, but these seem to be displayed
on the faces of internationalism least often observed or paraded.

23.

It is difficult to gauge how much philosophical and speculative concerns
matter to more ordinary people.
In a direct way, not very much, one is
inclined to say; yet ideological themes, like technological changes
deriving from the advance of science, heavily influence them and even perhaps
control the main structure of their lives.
As Keynes wrote in a much
quoted passage, 'Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt
from any intellectual influences, are usually slaves of some defunct
economist' - or more likely philosopher or shaman (for the fuller quotation,
see Heilbroner, p.12).

17

24
it, upon attitudes and approach to the environment?

Answers
relations

Mill

be prised out by contrasting differences in attitudes

so far as they can be

to the environment,

Antipodeans Mith those of Northerners.

of attitudes,

set

still

a

discerned,

clearly

even among dominant cultural groups,

in the North.

After

there

Asia,

contrast in attitudes to the natural Morld betMeen

marked

of

there is not a uniform

firstly,

in the usual May the immense complication of

aside

setting

But,

and

the

is

Old

Horld and the NeM Horld. In the Old Horld there Mas and still is comparatively
and practically none for

little feel for the natural environment,

or the need for it or the desirability of it.

Milderness

Unsurprisingly, these attitudes

are ideologically underpinned, in particular by ancient chauvinistic themes as
to

the locus of all value in humans (and,

by more modern,

equally defective,

formerly,

in Mhat they image) and

themes forged in the Enlightenment,

that

superiority is manifested through independence of the natural Morld,

cultural

especially independence of the vagaries of climate and natural plant
25
groMth.
It is not that Europe, by contrast Mith the Antipodes, is entirely
and

devoid

of natural environment,

that there is no natural environment left

in

USSR, say, but that most of it is remote and that the culturally dominant part
of

the

primarily

Soviet
in

community does not live anyMhere near,
the

vicinity

of HoscoM,

environment as of any value for itself,
The

elements

and

does

not

but in

the

cities,

regard

the

natural

but only as a means,

of deeper ecological approaches,

instrumentally.

like the hazards

of

tobacco

smoking and industrial pollution, are not Mell knoMn or Midely advertised in
26
USSR
or the Eastern European block generally - though Eastern European
countries contain much of the least ecologically disturbed of European lands.

24.

And the converse is equally important:
the impact of local environments
on the cultures?
Approaches to the environment are an important
component of culture, more so than such obvious manifestations of culture
as literature (see beloM).

25.

For details of such Enlightenment tests of cultural
intimately
bound
to
the overarching
ideals
Perfectibility, see Berry p.14.

18

superiority, tests
of
Progress
and

Of course the Old Horld cannot,

environmentally.

European-based

some

Environmental
IUCN

environmentalism.

And

be entirely set

organisations

(such

aside

as

the

and the British National Trust) have been operating

for

time,

considerable

and could never,

and

movements

and

have

influence

an

had

on

Australasian

people in Europe concerned

there have long been

Mi th

happenings in the NeMer Horld, especially the nearest part of it, Africa. But
27
for
the
most part the spirit of European culture
remains
antienvironmental:

there Mas,

and for the most part still is (though things

changing Mi th green movements and parties),
for,

the

natural

environment,

as

little interest in,

gardening

and

more recently plantation forestry.

cultures''

other

exploitation,

such

and

opposed to the managed

environment in Mhich the Mealthier took an interest,

they

e.g.

little

through

for

feel

manipulated
landscape

As for other places'

fit

are

and

plunder

and

at least Mas the dominant attitude and the practice

(and

environments,

Mell

the practice persists at best thinly disguised,

Mere

though no longer uncontested:

Japanese enterprise in the Pacific).
So in Mhat folloMs Old Norld,
28
European approaches
are mostly left out of vieM: the spotlight shifts to the

consider

neMer-fangled North American attitudes, Mhich are hoMever intertMined Mi th Old
Norld sentiments.

The

most

substantial,

most

articulate,

and still

by

far

the

best

26.

(From previous page) In the period folloMing the Russian revolution until
the rise of Stalin, there Mas considerable, if shalloM, concern among
Russian scientists as to the environment (see Neiner). Like much else in
Russian society this rather elitist concern Mas actively discouraged. At
a more popular level environmental concern noM loses out to elements of
economism.
''In a country Mhere the glory of technology and the glitter
of economic groMth still radiate so seductively, radical environmental
protection does not have much of a chance even Mi th the best of
intentions'' (Haren-Grisebach, quoted in Capra and Spretnak, p.78).

27.

Exceptions such as Hill's life-style, for one, represents are exceptions,
and very conspicuous as a result.

28.

These approaches form, of course, the main stock of the disastrous
environmental heritage that Mas sloMly adapted and is still being adapted
in the NeM Morld. The stronger environmental components emerged from the
Northern
European heritage,
not the Latin or Southern
European
inheritance. This is evident too from the Meakness of environmentalism in
Latin America.
19

documented

past and

And it is uith the situation in North America,

America.

environment

contrast
America

movements are those,

environmental

there

the

adopted,

This is a further major

the other end of the cultural contrast being

as

North

the attitudes to the

that ue best look for contrasts,

Antipodean scene.

of

present,

ue

that

reason

for

developed,

best
taking

and

as

select representative of the industrial North.
ue dig doun to the details of the cultural differences that

Before

to

differing

attitudes in the Antipodes - difference that could

accentuated - there are,

should

come first,

and then junked,

determinism.

rubbish).

are those that some uill think

since they could render much of uhat follous

the issues surrounding determinism,

be

differences

have been brought out (issues uhich can then be throun out uith the

Among the issues postponed,

readily

preliminary issues to be dealt uith, and

as aluays,

issues to be postponed until the substantive cultural

other

yet

lead

of technological,

irrelevant:

economic, and cultural

for example, uere correct,

If Marx's technological determinism,

multitude of productive forces accessible to men determines the
29
nature of society',
then there uould be little scope for a distinct culture
'the

that

or distinctive attitudes to the environment in

the

Antipodes,

the productive forces accessible are supplied from the

can only remain,
of

as it mainly is,

North.

since most of
The Antipodes

predominantly derivative. But the evidence

cultural divergence from the North assembled in uhat follous uill afford a

base on uhich to argue that such deterministic themes are false, that cultural
30
divergence is occurring (and could be accelerated).
And this is happening
though

much,

the economic life by uhich such cultural things are supported is

too

much,

under the influence of the North;

though (under present governments) the

prospects

indeed it is

very

happening

of economic and much higher

cultural independence are bleak (unless, e.g., nuclear disaster befalls us).

2?.

Seiected Horks 1:

31 d.

20

In

free

some parts of intellectual life,

it is comparatively easy

the heavy influence of the North,

of

for regional intellectual life to

One of these areas is philosophy, especially more narrowly

prosper.

(the

philosophy

sort

break

to

of thing that tends to go

in

on

somewhat

academic
insulated

academies). Academic philosophy is easy, because a few people can do that. For
cultural differentiation, by contrast, ideas have to affect whole communities,

Philosophical ideas can be

to be absorbed and acted upon and in accord with.
like

bubbles

one

community life.
and

positions

with in an office

plays

In any case,
on-going

or

cell,

not

affecting

wider

there undoubtedly are distinctive philosophical

philosophical research projects

in

Australia

(see

For other academic areas, especially those with an empirical base

Prospects).

relying on high technology,

it is more difficult to obtain such independence.

For different reasons, there is also, as with high technology, little prospect

of

This

attaining a full distinctive or independent high culture in the Antipodes.

is partly because the human

people,
deal

at less than 20

million

is (fortunately) too small and widely distributed to support a

in

comprises.
30.

population base,

the

way

of such artifice as parts of

high

It is also because such high culture is,

culture
and

great

substantially

remains,

primarily

(From previous page) Determinism may be pushed into one or other of these
forms: i) it asserts some sort of necessity. Then it is falsified by the
real possibility of alternative technological choices, for instance. Or
ii) it is only contingently true. Then the phenomena of sub-cultures and
rival social cultures refutes it: see Cotgrove.
Technological determinism neglects major causative factors in change,
such as environmental factors. The land or resource base is almost as
important as the technology available, in lower technology societies more
important, so land determinism is at least as plausible as technological
determinism - which helps to show that neither are plausible. But both
can be combined into a broader economic determinism, which is much more
difficult to refute. However even if economics is very broadly construed,
such determinism is false. Economics operates within a framework of moral
and legal and other constraints; many choices - moral, legal and other which affect change significantly fall outside that framework.
Technological determinism and other forms of determinism are important in
bolstering the uniformity of human nature and culture assumptions, or at
least the theme of the convergence of culture with the spread of Hestern
technology and mainstream economics. So its falsity is also important.

21

31
a European product.

attitudes to the environment, though definitely an important -feature of a
are not part of high culture. Nor do they fit easily into

culture,

but

culture":

"loiter

the

most

been

part,

HoMever

differentiation.

of

the

Mhere attitudes to the environment have not,

for

again is largely because the

that

cultures is a European one,

as

regarded

Mherever

a

significant

division

feature

of

cultural

such attitudes fit - it Mill probably

harm to see them as part of a broader loMer culture,

little

so-called

and at the

same

time help to erode the erroneous idea that interest in natural environment
an

elitist class concern - they tie directly Mith elements of culture at

do

is
the

loMer end.
At the loMer cultural level there are very distinctive features - some of

admittedly

them

features
are

can

gambling,

common

found in many colonies,

and

just

perhaps

be

in the different attitudes of Antipodeans to the
included such things - and attitudes

environment.

- as

them

these

religion,

time, service, etc. Nearer the grass-roots level there is a

Momen,

culture

to

colonial

Some of

- Mhich separate Australasian from Northern culture.

reflected

Here

those

in

Australia

snd

NeM

Zealand

Mith

distinctive

feature^

reflected in folk lore, folksong and myth (not all of them admirable, e.g. the
treatment

of indigenous people,

organised

sports.

Yet

Antipodean cultures,
authoritarianism,

that

there

and of Momen),

are also differences betMeen

differences in pace,

these

tMo

main

religious orientation, ethnic mix,

conservatism, political organisation, values

are sometimes hard to pin doMn precisely.

all-important fact that part of Australia,
31.

and in the mania for similar

There is,

- differences

for instance,

by contrast Mith NeM Zealand

the
(but

It can be argued that philosophy and other intellectual enterprises are
also. This is not so. Philosophy in Asia - from Mhere indigenous
Antipodean people apparently originated - predates that in the Nest.
There are, moreover, grounds for suspecting that the roots of
philosophy Mere imported into the Nest, to Ancient Greece, from India.
AnyMay, every full culture includes an ideology and some rudiments at
least of philosophy.

22

in Eastern USA),

places

like

Mas settled as a penal

appear to colour many of the differential features of the

origins

culture.

On

the

other

Islanders

is

noM

introducing Polynesian

language,

concepts and attitudes) into NeM Zealand culture,

quite

The

colony.

corresponds

in

side,

increasing presence of

the

strands

Though

Australia.

Australian

Maori

and

elements

of

the

(especially

convict

to Mhich nothing

concentrates

Mhat. folloMS

on

mainstream Australian culture and its contrast Mith American,

much of Mhat is

observed for Australia can be seen to extend to NeM Zealand.

But not all

more conspicuous differences at least Mill be remarked.

any means:

One major difference,

rest

the

of

by

Antipodes,

in

Australia,

hard to miss,
concerns

Mhich separates Australia from

of

the nature

the

environment

itself.

contrast Mith the islands of the remainder of

striking

the

the

Antipodes, is in the first place, vast - approximately the size of continental
USA

or

again

paradigmatically

of

Europe

(including

contrasted Northern

Eastern

Europe),

i.e.

It is also,

regions.

not a geologically neMer mountainous country.

flat land,

from the eastern seaboard and a feM other favoured areas,

of

the

main

an old Morn-doMn
And it

apart

is,

a dry to arid land,

predominantly treeless, a Mide red and grey land, Mith unusual inhabitants. It
is

still seen by Northerners as a harsh and difficult land,

alien and

often

ugly (formerly it Mas also an incomplete and Godless land); and this is hoM it
is

frequently vieMed also by NeM Zealanders.

landscape
and

is,

much

more

to superficial appearance,
congenial

to

from

people

NeM

The much modified

Zealand

much more like the European North,

the

North.

Correlatively,

population of NeM Zealand tends to look
32
more to the North, to England in particular, than that of Australia.
established

European-descended

Australians are often imagined to partake of the land,

earthiness.
promoted

32^

Certainly

image

of the

the

much

its harshness and

corresponding features have been assigned to the muchAustralian-Man-of-the-Land,

Thus, for example, the
ansMers back to London.

tough,

legal appeal frameMorks in NeM

23

tall

and

slim,

Zealand

still

bronzed, sun and time lined, a stockman or at least a horseman. But so far the

is not so different from that of the Texan (if they spoke,

image

Nor of course is this image of the people at all accurate.

distinguish them).

are mainly (almost 90X) suburban,

Australians

would

that

them 1iving

more than half of

in one of the two huge urban conglomerates , centred on Sydney and Melbourne,
33
The men are often soft, if brown in summer,
on the milder east coast.

increasingly resemble counterparts

in

Hhile there are certainly important features

of

and they
the western American cities.

convergence

technological-economic
for

of

features

the

land

here

determinism

and

pattern,
Thus,

is of some importance in helping

the history

of

its

the

also

network.

communication

and

transport

i t has much 1 ess relevance for

the convergence;

there is

deriving from a similar or common settlement
and

framework

economic

North America to bring out,

from

divergence

(

and Mi th little experience of the

from excess beer consumption,

overweight

account

divergence,

settlement

where

land-based

(a

determinism, so to misleadingly say) are much more important.
overlapping history,

An

part

of

especially of California and the

south-eastern

transforms

(regions which can easily be seen as ecological

of
one

in the convergence:

another),

analogous

frontier

experience,

only

there is not

but there are the miners who

came

in

the
from

there are
major differences:-

of
from

the

Australasia had no Spanish experience,

and the conf 1ic ts

American settlers with the natives were very different

the

compar i son

hostilities

in

Australia or

wars

in

New

Zealand.

character

in

Still,

the

with California avoids complicating features of US history with no

substan ti al analogue in Australia, e.g. the puritanical religious settlements,

the

slave experience and the civil war.

33.

In New Zealand the compact countryside is much more densely settled than
most of Australia, but the population is again mostly suburban (a perfect
target for television) and small town, and is (at about 86X) more urban
than USA.

24

However California is

not

entirely

but often regarded even in America as something of an anomaly

typical of USA,

(and certainly as much more experimental, cult-ridden, etc., than say the more
conformist Midwest or South).
there are significant cultural differences between

While

especially eastern USA,

USA,

there are also, then,

Australia

and

powerful forces at work

eroding those differences. The differences are already such that extrapolation
Australia of US experience and experiments in socio-political areas can be

to

unreliable, and is strictly illegitimate. For it is evident enough that, where

cultures differ sufficiently, transfer or extrapolation from one to the
may

be

unjustified.

conveniently ignored,

cultural respects.

been

seen

with

What

often

has

not

been

so that damaging

clarity,

have not

agricultural

forestry

to

cutting,

control

Australia.

Examples

burning,

differences

in the people,

have been simply

(clear

and intensive agricultural methods

(heavy

extensive use of herbicides,

machinery,

its

practices

are intensive

etc.)

and

North America with

generally better soils and more favourable rainfall regimes,
imported

been

has

even in the land,

which can be got away with more easily in

practices,

else

is that America and Australia do differ considerably in

Surprisingly the differences,
any

or

seen,

other

forestry

So it is even more with

etc.).

the

which are perhaps harder to see than those in the

1 and.

The differences carry over to differences in social and political theory,

and

differences

significant

unlikely
includes

directions

to

minarchism

arrangements;

Whitehead's

related

generally

in

in American

philosophy and ideology.
34
philosophy , for example,

obtain responsive chords or much following

individualistic,

as

more

(or

right-leaning

competitive

libertarianism),

anti-social

and

in

for

There

are

which

are

Australia.
which

Australian

This
too

is

social

but it also includes religious-based organic philosophies, such
later philosophy (which is scarcely known in

transcendental philosophies of nature,

25

Australia)

which are much too

and

religious

for secular Australian culture.
3.

Grimy details of the cultural contrast

problem

it

that

hard

is

There is of course the inevitable

that

to say much about culture

qualified and even then still subject to counterexamples.

is

Also it is hard

test hypotheses, and confirm observations, of the type involved.

much

point

in

heavily

not

even such impressionistic accounts and theory as

to

Yet there is
follows, in

particular for the intended social and political applications.

main

The

socioloqy.

method

Though

it

adopted
is

is

what

might

be

marshmallow sociology,

called

like

impression i st i c

marshmallow

it

has

substance. And it is different from and an improvement upon pop sociology. For

firstly

it backed and cross-checked,

tighter data;

anecdotal,

and,

where it can be,

other

secondly, it is assembled into a theory. It is not merely

then, in two major respects. However, it does not pretend to offer

better than tendency or trend statements;

(atypical)

by surveys and

exceptions.

But

to any generalisation there will be

that's alright.

That is the stuff

of

improved

common knowledge. The aim of course is to fit these trend generalisations into

a better story,
To

avoid

contrasts

strictly
such

into a theoretical structure,

repeated

and tiresome qualification

which can then be put to work.

of

claims,

comparisons

are however stated in bolder form than the evidence or their

bases

Often a qualifying functor should be taken as implicit

in

Even then there is constant danger of lapsing into naivety

or

warrant.

claims.

and

mere caricature in this wide and difficult sociological landscape.

34.

(From previous page) Perhaps the more original directions in an imperial
culture not exactly distinguished by its intellectual originality (as
opposed to its technological genius), especially given its resources. For
unless times have changed since the Second Horld Har, there are no
American philosophers of really great stature. Whatever one may think of
Santayana and Hhitehead, they were not really American philosophers, much
of their work being done within a European setting and a good deal in
Europe. Emerson was not strictly a philosopher. James, though clever and
entertaining, was a lightweight (by Greek standards), so presumably was
Dewey. Perhaps the erratic and eccentric Peirce affords the exception
that
proves the rule.
But the salient point is that
American
civilization, like Roman civilization with which it invites comparison,
has
not attained the intellectual heights that might have
been
anticipated, given the colossal material base.

24

present

The

rests there,

focus

unexpected

in

to

and

these

out

bring

have to go doMn

other

differences

trying

Although

contrast

upon features of environmental

differences,

socio-political

inter 1aced

preferably

some

of

between environmentalism in Australia and North America.

contrasts

one

investigation greM from the discovery

Mel1,

as

and

first,

of environmentalism in Australia by comparison even Mith North

America.

But

at points of deep ideological difference, ue soon and

by beginning elsewhere,

easily diverge into many other - sometimes relevant, sometimes more trifling features of the broader cultures, before returning at the end to environmental

contrasts.
the resulting investigation Manders through and over a Mi de and

Although

no kind of completeness is sought;

varied cultural landscape,
grander

edifices of the built cultural 1andscape

1ibraries,
35
outside.

the

larger

obiiquely,

- art

many

galleries,

of

the

museums,

and so on - are not entered or even glanced at from the

theatres,

as these structures of higher culture are typically clustered
only touch attitudes to

they

cities,

by contrast Mith religion,

Mhich,

the

natural

in

environment

Mhatever main Western form

it

assumes, has tended to dictate and enforce a shalloM human chauvinism.
a.

The influence

and decline of,

religion. There is considerable basis for

the all-important theme that "Australia [is] best understood as a (the

post-Christian
(O"Farrell,

society,

p.3).

in

Although

Mhich religion [is] barely relevant

theme

this

requires

first)

culturally"

qualification,

virtually any cultural generalisation (and gets qualified in its

source),

like

it

is not far from the mark. Australian

religions

suspicious of the Mider culture - and both to a more intense degree

than elseMhere" (p.7).

35.

On the historical place of some of these edifices in Australian culture,
see issues of Australian Cultural History.

27

Though 'there is much evidence for thinking that Australian
is becoming more secular in character',
The

phenomenon.

decline

Christianity

the weakness of religion is not a new

from a comparatively low level

began

of

popular

commitment;

'Australian churches have never been able to claim the allegiance
36
of more than a minority of the people.
In
basis)

Australia

religious

declined

has

August 3).

Nationwide,

from

attendance (on more than
33Xtol8-19Xover

the

a

merely

past

feu

to Australians
Sundays
religious

USA,

the

in

(a

resident

receding

gospel).

tending

sometimes

(ABC,

feature

The religious

to straight nuttiness,

not only in sizeable

in USA,

of Australian

presence on television (e.g.

10 channels have a

years

In Europe religious attendance is much?higher, 50X or

more, and in North America higher still, sometimes put at 60X.

fervour

occasional

life),

church

is evident

turn-outs

on

but especially in the

in a not atypical major city 3 out of

heavy religious component,

substantial portions of it hot

The born-again Christian movement - a major (and dangerous) movement

in USA involving not merely a shift back to older Christian values but also to
the

far political right - has had comparatively little flow-on in
This

religious

publicity,

these

revivals,

have

Australia.

emphasized

old

36.

The quotations are from Inglis, p.72 and p.73 respectively. The second
quote reports the only thorough study of early religious practice in
Australi a.

37.

figures from William Grey.
Such figures
are
very
Unconfirmed
Part
of
this
is
due
to
'the
reluctance
of
people
to
be
con troversi al
the
census
form,
about
their
indifference
or
hostility
to
candid, on
In
one
study
less
than
SOX
of
those
claiming
affiliation
religion'.
'could give any details at all of what takes place at Church' (Inglis,
Actual fiqures for religious behaviour (e.g. saying
p.45 and p.46).
grace, reading bible, etc.) in Australia are also 'extremely low'.

Regularly, however, there is news of a religious revival in Austra la.
But it like frequent news of the rise in value of the Australian dollar.
Having fallen not so long ago from an exchange value of US$1.12 to, on
occasions, less than $0.60, it has now risen from 63 cents to 65 cents.
'Revivalism ... has been a normal part of Protestant evangelism here for
more than a century: but there has never been any solid evidence that it
shifted for long the boundary between the Church and the world (Inglis,
p.74)

28

contradictions.

There are serious tensions, to say the least, in the American

(characteristically

religious commitment

combine

Jewish) Mith acquisitive individualism and its trappings.

peaples have Mitnessed the incompatibility (cf.

Melanesi an

Lini).

that conspicuous

at tenders do not have a serious or very deep religious
redistribution

Christian

dedicated minority.
is

the

commitment,

and the like being undertaken only by a very

smal1

But an alternative suggestion Mhich also has some backing

there is a cultural schizophrenia:

that

of

resolution takes the line that most

obvious

or
and

Many colonised

missionised

An

Christian

there are

separate

salvations,

religious and acquisitive economic.

The

religious

differences

between

USA

Australia

and

originate

in

important differences in the May the tMO colonies Mere first settled, the type

their backgrounds and their commitments,

of people,

more

conversion

But there is

The differences have been enhanced Mith the mass 20th

to it than that.

century

and so on.

to

in

science,

Australia

a

doMn-to-earth,

very

naturalistic, evolutionary science, incompatible Mith spiritual elements.

resistance to religion in Austral a is a resistance to

The

general 1y

spirituality

The only religion that has had or made

(including idealism).

much

impact is Christianity (its more recent role being due in considerable part to
practices).

immigration

That

impact moreover is slight compared Mith

North

America: the reborn Christian movement did not roll through Australia, leaving
converts

everyMhere.

Attitudes

to

religion

and

spirituality

Australian society not only from North American but also from

separate

the, in certain

respects more conservative, NeM Zealand society.
Attitudes to spirituality are directly reflected in Australian philosophy

and

in

attitudes to the environment.

A predominant

position

and

research

program, in Australian philosophy is materialism, in a strongly reductionistic
form.

The

that nature.

natural Morld studied by physical science is all;

In fact man is but an advanced

2?

man is part

of

sort of computing system, and so

at

Hind is effectively identified Mith

bottom a naturally-evolved "machine".

brain,

mental

of

product

Australian

states

being brain states (of

sophisticated

"Miring" and programming.

materialism is opposed,

religiously

or

some

sort),

Even Mhere

crude

this

rival minority positions are

spiritually involved;

a

consciousness

mostly

Mhile they are rather more opposed

not
to

reductionism, they are mostly secular.

dominant materialist reductionist

The

philosophy reflects

touches

and

in

other

several

the

broader sense, and a certain earthiness: the Australian male is a man from and

of

secondari1y.
famous
tie

so to speak,

the earth,

Attitudes to,

and,

in the North (though someMhat unjustly,

only

as Mill become apparent),

the environment.

by

traditional

Western religions;

fortunate

so the

do

chauvinism

human

For

and male chauvinism are analogous phenomena Mith similar sources;
38
They are
attitudes and patterns of domination go Mith them.

supported

figure

for Mhich Australia is

and oppression of Momen,

more directly to attitudes to

Momen

as in much mythology,

similarly

decline

of

is of paramount importance in their demise.

The
direc tion

most important for

more

5"/

environmental

thinking has

taken.

A

contrast

main

American environmental thought is in the

the

betMeen

religious/spiritual

componen t of the latter, but not the former. Deeper environmental positions in

USA

are much
more inclined to find
39
things,
to make room for the sacred,

Buddh i sm

and

spiritual

to

consider

Certainly

other

dimensions

in

natural

sympathetically

Zen

things

not

these

are

absent from the Australian scene, especially from parts of the North
40
scene , but they lack the prominence in Australian
environmentalism

33.

that they attain in North America;

As ecofeminism has stressed.
Earlier cu1tures in the Antipodes, e.g.
Polynesian, also display conspicuous chauvinism, Once again culture is to
be resisted as Mell as used.

30

regarded as essential.

then,

In many respects,
been

ideas,

and

often

that

is,

Mi th class chauvinisms.

outsiders,

partial

characteristically linked Mith sets of false

have

religions
damaging

the decline of religion is to be Melcomed.

Mi th

For

very

and

nonsubscribers

marked intolerance for

But the decline can

leave

or

a

a place

vacuum,

imported science;

and i t has in Australia.

The vacuum is hardly being filled

in a satisfactory May, as

The
for

areligious

character of Australian life has important

culture and change.

For it means that one of the main

implications

institutions

of

induction (namely church, family, and school), Mhich normally inculcate social
cultural values and Morld vieM,

norms,

many

in

the

of

influence

are largely untouched

Church and religion.

by

the

critical

historically

really

But the situation is

or

missing

seriously

Meakened.

There is no longer

respected elders - except in isolated and specialised areas,

even

such as

that technical or professional field - and

emphasis

on

youth tells against much deference or many concessions to

of

the

sort

made in more traditional or

Coupled Mi th this is the decline of the family,
39.

Third

the

heavy

Horld

of

experts

or

people

more

frameMork

a

this

in

is,

and disturbing. For other traditional components of induction are

remarkable,
also

society

That

is substantially missing.

cultural
older

communities.

Mhich has certainly lost much

(From previous page) Thus, for example, virtually all the books Nash
mentions (in 82) as "defining the emerging field" of environmental
ethics, if not overtly religious, have a heavy religious bias: indeed
Nash mentions "the
tendency to emphasize the religious nature of
man-environment relations".

deep ecology is spiritual in its every essence"; so say, accurately
enough, Capra and Spretnak (p.53) , in the course of reporting on "the
spiri tual aspects of [German] green politics " and continuing their
(pp.53-6)
German
German-Amer i can
this account
comparisons.
On
religiosity
of
American
environmentalism.
environmental ism shares the
40.

(From previous page) Or from Patrick Hhite"s approach.
But he is
inclined to bring God in Mays that leave many thinking Australians
uncomfortable. Hhat there is, Mhich is different, is a groMing link Mith
features of aboriginal culture.
31

of

former

its

and cohesiveness.

strength

accordingly falls on

education,

The

main

of

burden

such as communicational media,

induction

most notably

But these arrangements are hardly adequate for the purpose (for
41
descriptive-style
reasons).
Nor given their
ideological
messages,
television.

especially

in

the

case

of manipulate popular media

like

television

and

popular song and newspapers, are they desirable means.

This situation, the failure or weakness of main institutions of induction

and the high adjustibility and manipulability of the remainder, has advantages
as

in very different ways,

happen

of

Changes

Australia

fairly

perhaps

But

directly from the top down.

For

culture,
a

example,

can

be

shift

of

to a much more violent society could be pulled off by a combination

conservative

governments

and their police forces

and

friends

few

There is copious evidence however,

control

the

induced

or imposed changes tend to take decidedly undesirable directions

matters

that matter:

main media.

reliance andthe like.

civil liberties,

independence from

New Zealand,

children

against

that

the

Alternatively, change can be achieved at a

level, at least for significant subcultures,

of

it

liberating.

perhaps

damaging,

which have a residual basis in the

this sort,

accomplished

of

society,

change in such a society can be accomplished quite rapidly.

cultural

can

For compared with a traditional more stable

well as drawbacks.

by direct action.

who

top-down

North,

for
self-

grass roots
In the case of

consider the effect of massive withdrawal by parents and schools

from competitive sport,

rugby especially (initially in

racially-implicated rugby policies),

and the immersion

of

protest

children

instead in very different types of games.
It

influence

is around this difference in religiosity,

and its marked decline

in

in Australia, that many other cultural contrasts between mainstream

American and Australian societies revolve. However only so much can be made of
the difference; it is by no means a total explanation of the contrasts, as the

41.

See e.g. Illich, especially Deschoolinq Society.

with

situation

New Zealand culture helps show.

For mainstream New

Zealand

culture otherwise differs from American'culture in many of the ways Australian
does.

The

b.

benign

Vt
qoverment,
(market)
/v
To North Americans the amount of government, and

superficial

organisation and regulation.
of government,

level

of

role

and state control,

the

State:

Australia (and even more in New

in

Zealand) is very conspicuous, and often irksome. 'Australia has a higher level

of

planning than the United States but less than

state

country

France'

as

(Hi Id,

p.39).

Hild

goes

on

such

of

Australia

- a

government,

they find government much

and

upon

remark

to

pervasiveness of rigid bureaucratic organisation' in Australia.
suspicious

centralised

a

'the

Americans are

too

powerful

feature locals are sometimes prepared to acknowledge,

but

in
do

little about, despite much right-leaning media incitement.
Indeed government and its supporting bureaucracy are increasing in power,

size

and

in Australia.

influence

extent of public inquiries,
the

acclaimed

'Australian talent for

even

Western standards,

procedures,

incompatible

bias is written in,

approaches

objectives.

Nor

There

are

policy-determining

For they

are

top-down

a heavy

with bottom-up democratic control;

value

a conservative bias from the judicial system in the

Royal Commissions;

confrontational

intended

e.g.

For

equivalents

of increasing length and real cost.

not much asked in Australia.

questions

of

organization.

questions about these forms of "fact"-finding and

procedure^,

case

and

are large numbers of Royal Commissions and their

there

serious

bureaucracy'

and

This is part of

Royal Commissions and the like.

example,
by

numbers

So also are the associated

the

and

in

methods

Commissions)

employed

(e.g.

are commonly unsuited

are fundamental questions about

forms and procedures of government,

adversarial,

the

for

the

established

which are often raised in USA, much asked

in Australia.
Australia

was

fortunate

to have determined at

33

time

of

Federation

a

respresentative democratic system,

Mhich Mas,

by the standards of the times,

very sophisticated, and capable of reflecting minority positions * not that it

been used sufficiently for these purposes by most minorities.

has

of

mass-production

update

electronic computing equipment,

it is

noM

federal and state electoral arrangements,

Australian

the

Mith

feasible

to have a

to
more

direct democracy Mith more pluralistic and responsive representation; but such
a change is politically unlikely, improvements in the directness and pluralism

The only changes

of democracy having obtained little public discussion even.

mooted
have

anachronistic simplifications of electoral arrangements (such

are

occurred

of

direction

Mhere

some

and

reasons,

Mhere

money

minorities

a

plays

little

have

major role in

political

the

federal

impact

determining

or
gets

Mho

(For a catalogue of major deficiency of US capaitalistic

and so on.

democracy,
several

US,

the

representation,

elected,

in

in NeM Zealand) Mhich Mould take Australia

as

valuable suggestions for

electoral

arrangements

improvement,

being

one,

smaller

For

OD).

see

population,

another, government remains much more accessible and responsive (e.g. to small
represenations) in Australia than USA,

group

influenced

by

If the unfortunate American
42
folloMed hoMever, much of that Mill change
Connected

the

attitude

America

seem

Mith differences in attitude to goverment are

servants of the government.

are looked doMn upon:

immediately

to

path

is

differences

in

professional lobbying.

to

admit to having.

The civil servants

it is the sort of job one may not,
By contrast,

more

Mhich by contrast is much

the public servants in

be held in considerable esteem (and some among the

taller

in

North

does

not,

Australia

unlopped

43
poppies)

Mork

One source of the difference lies in the underlying attitudes

and service.

In USA the public sector isn't really considered

to

to
Mork

42.

Occasionally for the better. Australian government has much to learn yet
from American about openness and freedom of information.

43.

Hhat is shared betMeen North America and Australia is the attitude of
middle level people Morking for the government: often these people do not
like Morking for the government (even though it provides them Mith a very
comfortable 1iving).

34

(because

it is outside the market system),

but constitutes a burden

on

the

private sector Mhich does Mork. Though there have been efforts to import these

of (erroneous) market assumptions into Australia,

sorts

they have not really

thriven.

In seemingly curious contrast Mith the respective attitudes taken to

public service,

there is contempt for specific politicians,

if

even

are the vieMS of the political and judicial systems.
there

is

the

In USA,

considerable

resDect for the political system: the constitution is virtually God-given, and
44
certainly something to be proud of and much superior to anything elseMhere.

In

Australia

is considerable cynicism about

there

it has little or no high authority and backing,

system;

judiciary

political

gerrymandering,

the reputation of

same holds as regards the judicial system:

the

and

the

favouritism, etc., are virtually expected and accepted features.

corruptness,
Huch

hoMever,

is

constantly

being

practice) in the Make of scandals.

propped

up

(Mith

unjustified

the

success

in

Both again contrast Mith attitudes to the

public service, Mhich Australians tend to consider relatively honest, and most

certainly not open to bribery on an Asian scale (thank you!).
There are significant (but significantly different)
both mainstream cultures over government:

all

cover

deeper,

the

branches equally;

then,

in Australia respect for the

of government does not penetrate very deep,

branches

tensions,

and certainly does

in USA respect for the

institutions

in

chief

not

goes

but does not cover the functionaries.

The American situation is the more easily explained, in outline at least.

In USA government is vieMed,
frameMork apparatus,

in principle, as a rather minimal regulating and

Mhich does not itself Mork,

but keeps the market system

Mhere

the real Mork is done Mell-oiled and suitably running,

other

capitalistic

44.

institutions

such

as private

property

and

guarantee^

and

individual

1^ recent decades, 'Americans continued to say that they Mere proud of
our system of goverment.
Their lack of confidence Mas clearly directed
at the people running those institutions' (Lipset and Schneider, p.16?).
35

freedoms.
social

government has become too large,

But

expensive

services),

functionaries

parasitic

as

take the flack for that situation.

Big expensive

arrangements.

unproductive

government

is invidiously contrasted Mith market

Furthermore,

government

often operates,

and is seen operate in

organisations furthering their OMn interests and profits,

large

in

government

And

burden.

many of them accordingly parasites and seen

and employees,

looking out for themselves,

- a

overextended (specially

favour

of
the

whereas

market system, for all its basis in competitive self interest, does not bestow

great

A

favours.

extraordinary

markets:

in

political

America

mainstream

is

the market system bordering

on

and support systems

are

outside

or

operation

of

supported,

deplored.

The

feM

further

assumptions,

deductively justified through)

commitment to competitive individualism.
the

intimacy of regard and effort,

but

mainstream

American commitment to market arrangements is in turn explained by (and,

but

an
the

in

faith

arrangements taken to accompany free

brief the free-enterprise system is religiously

arrangements

by

explained

suspicion of any political arrangements stepping

a

capitalistic

the

beyond

to

commitment

and

system,

about

deal

Mith

cultural

the

The associated emphasis on Mork, and

Mhich accompany market euphoria,

can

be

explained, historically to some extent, by May of the originally difficult and

predominantly puritan settlement of America.

But such a genetic

explanation

is hardly complete; for largely gone, as no more than relics, are the forms of
early more democratic America,

the toMn meeting places and so on,

largely in

favour odf super-market places.
The American commitment to market procedures, and American enthusiasm for

market
d
lochte

methods,

does

not extend to mainstream

a distressing 'Australian distrust of markets'.

have found, underlying this

individualism,
an

Australia,

endorsement

distrust, a Marranted

Mhere

Americans

But Mhere they

rejection

of

might

competitive

they couple it,

not incorrectly, but more superficially, Mith
45
of egalitarianism'.
For market processes do redistribute

Meal th and Mhat goes Mith it, in very unequal fashion over the course of time,

36

46

both

theory

allocation

market

and American experience attest.
processes

as

highly

desirable

Americans
given,

and

take

to

tend

to

regard

deviations from or interference in on-going market processes, such as a social
preference for equality, as (economically) asinine and certain irrational, and

as carrying an expensive price tag.

The

predominant American view is that the market i^ fair and

wise,

but

preceding quotes are
(From previous page) As Withers, from Mhom the tMO the emotional and
draMn,
remarks,
'as economists and Americans,
to elude them' ANU
intellectual basis and content of such vieMs seems
Reporter 16(6) (1985) 6.
46.

47.

Beginning in 1820 Mith a much more egalitarian society, USA experienced
many decades of increasingly inegalitarian income distribution; see
Williamson and Lindert.
most
Thus, for example, Caves and Krause, pp.400 1, also p.2, Mho for the
al 1
processes
(it
is
after
part simply assume the superiority of market
,
and
appeal
repeatedly
to
the
efficiency
of
economic conventional Misdom),
..
a
definition
of
market outcomes.
It is loaded efficiency, Mith
For
market
efficiency appropriately adjusted to market proces=e=.
minimize
arrangements are not particularly efficient
or to
on market externalities (such as environmental degradation)
maximize on other objectives (such as income fairness).
1 ou t
Extensions of these points apply against the usual arguments rolledOne of
t
of
market
procedures
everyMhere.
0..
for the imposition or dominance
to be Caves and Krause, namely 'the efficiency of
......................
, and
market and nonmarket allocation is open to empirical
test,
and so the
the
distrust of market outcomes should be subject to modification 1
that
evidence Marrants' (p.400).
The trouble Mith this is not merely
(p.400).
much depends on hoM "efficiency" is assessed; it
i. is
-- that empirical tests
ar" virtually never attempted, are difficult to ca<^ out in real-1 ife
situations (Mhere there are too many uncontrolled parameters , and Mhen
methods.
attempted do not deliver unequivocal results favouring marke
of market
So there is fall back to theoretical argument: the
C._ efficiency
„
That
is
true^
Mith
"efficiency"
given
^39**"
processes can be proved.
That is true, Mith "efficiency
P
but under highly restrictive conditions,
(externalities neglected, etc.)
such as perfect competition, Mhich are virtually never satisfied in
Caves
and Krause do recognise that frequent failure
actual conditions.
1
striking
conditions
of one of the more Sn
------- for
— market efficiency in . Australia
may account for local suspicion of markets, Mhich 'may arise natur
y
a oeographically isolated country in Mhich the actors are too f
ensure efficient Market cuties' (p.2: no doubt yet another
but Minor
econoMic reason for pushing for a larger huMan population
is to get Market actors up to competitive strength!)
However such
reasons "cannot really account for the suspicion of
population substantially unfaMiliar with conditions for Market adequacy.

tt is false then, what economists like Caves and Krause try o suggest
(e.g. p.400), that distrust of Markets has, except in special cases, no
economic foundations.
That May be Mainstream American economic wisdom,
but it hardly passes undisputed in many parts of the Morld.

37

not the government;
1$?57

and 1977 held

"gives

everyone

a

for example,

... large majorities of national samples in

that the free-enterprise system is "fair and wise"

fair choice" (65/D,

(82Z),

and that it is a "fair and efficient

system" (63X)', whereas 'not only do large majorities (1980) believe that "the

government

is

themselves"

is

pretty

(78X),

much

run by a few

big

intereasts

out

looking

for

but also that "you cannot trust the government to do what

right" most of the time (73X)' (Lane,

p.3).

Lane's summary of

American

public attitudes does not extend to Australia:
the public tends to believe that the market system is a more fair
agent than the political system; people tend to include the problem
cases in the political domain and exclude them from the market; they
ignore many of the public benefits and, with certain exceptions,
prefer market goods to political goods; they prefer the market's
criteria of deserts to the polity's criteria of equality and need;
they believe that market procedures are more fair than political
procedures; and they are satisfied that they receive what they deserve
in the market but much less so in the polity, and by a different
measure, are much more satisfied with the general income distribution
among occupations than with the distribution of influence among social
groups in the polity (Lane p.7).

It is enough to reflect on Australian attitudes to wage determination,

security

and medicine,

and the like.

social

Australians are less inclined to

market rewards as fair returns for hard work,

see

and more inclined to see market

rewards as based on luck and chance as well as on performance in popular areas.

In USA,

Even where the market's methods are thought unfair to certain groups,
such as blacks and women, the intrusion of government into the sacred
precincts is regarded with hostility, for the government's program of
rectification trespasses on the evaluation of persons by the market's
process of "revealed contribution".
Hhere government purposes are
approved their implemtation is stifled, partly, at least, because the
government's
justice
norms
are discounted and
because
such
implementation
violated market justice
norms.
Thus,
minimal
government is assured and people are endowed with more commodities and
fewer collective goods (Lane, p.27).
In

Australia,

support,

active

by contrast,

respect and trust,

opposition.

Hhile

the market system does not enjoy this

level

of

but encounters especially in the area of labour,

small local markets (e.g.

fruit and

vegetables,

trash and trivia) are often well supported, the extension of markets into many

significant

spheres

of working and of moral life is

38

resisted.

Unions

and

Mith extensive nonmarket social agendas, thrive, to

labour and other parties,

irritation of Northern-schooled economists and political scientists

the

diversion of resources, open-ended

regularly point to rent-seeking behaviour,
costs,

and

the

(Mho

zero-sum nature of governmental

redistribution

equity

and

measures).
a certain market distrust or indiffierence

Since

economic phenomenon in Australia,

government

functioning

and various related

claims

Mhat they notice, in particular,

assemble no evidence;

operations in many places Mhere

organised

important

as Mell as to its historical source.

claim,

is

an

it is Morth inquiring as to the evidence of

this phenomenon of 'pervasive distrust',

competition' (p.400),

appears

markets

could

reflect

('the design and scope of governmental policy and action

This

this distrust'), so they assume government interference or intervention.

is

once

again to assume,

erroneously,

that markets are the natural May
state alternative is

constitutes "interference".

contrived,
"rights"

for
or

instance

In
by

hoMever,

areas,

many

governmental

markets

vouchers or the like trade-Morthy items,

to

of

glimpsed)

have

introducing

regulations

be

function

to

be

special

at

all.

Frequently in Australia the government eventually acted in areas Mhere markets

had failed, e.g. in generating employment, adequate Mages, etc., or else Mhere
there
over

Mere no markets,

for instance in the secularisation of society to take

formerly carried on by religious organisations.
Given the
43
context and evolution , it is decidedly misleading to say that

functions

historical

choose at some cost the seemingly greater control of outcomes
that

government interference promises' (p.2).

(and is uniikely to be),

There Mas strictly no

no cost because there Mere no satisfactory

choice

markets,

and so no such government interference.

Australian Mariness of markets, and distaste for them in various socially
^.significant

areas,

had of course been observed much earlier (though not Mith
3?

same level of disapproval as the Americans display).

the

It Mas part

a

of

long tradition of (predominantly nonmarxist) socialism, Mhich Mas coupled Mith

an

anti-economic

people.

open-handed

'Australians are a

They dislike refusing favours,

Hancock in a much quoted

(thus

costs'

stance and sentiments.

passage:

counting costs is not economic behaviour;

good-tempered,

and they do

e.g.

Connell

not

count

p.29).

nor are the nonmaximizing,

Not

take-a-

day-off, leisure-oriented features of the older culture.
Explaining

mainstream Australian ambivalence toMards government is

more

Given the anti­

difficult than explaining the Mariness of market procedures.

authoritarian elements in the history of the country (e.g.the convict origins,

squatting),

bushranging,

strongly egalitarian attitudes and image presented,

the

given

Mhich are continued in the mainstream culture

government in Australia, and the
glamour

b^en

media figures),

supposed

importance:Each

and

of

ncreasing importance of politicians (Mho are

is someMhat surprising.

to lie in the lack of religiosity.
Firstly,

the poMer

and

Part of an explanation

There are tMO

and puritanism foster

Protestantism

points

has
of
49

individualism

every one of us has to ansMer for him or her-self (before

God,

or

48.

(From previous page) Australian history has arguably' shoMn a strong
preference for collective action, both Mhere there might have been
The early convict
markets to intervene in and Mhere there Mere none.
phase affords clear evidence of this, and the later nineteenth century
has !been characterised (by Butlin) as a period of 'colonial social ism'.
The early tMentieth century Mas the time Mhen the Antipodes served as; a
Hore recently , hoMever, the European
laboratory for social experiments,
II.
especial 1y since Nor Id Nar
industrial Morld has caught up,
(Australian public employment and expenditure Mere much higher than most
Western countries in the early post-Mar years, but to have not increased
nearly as much since: see Aitken).
Glenn Nithers made these points,
Mhich as he remarks gives a modified Brookings' vieM, as presented by
Caves and Krause some historical grounding.

49.

As does even the Catholic Church at times of reformation: perhaps Me are
entering a second reformation, as the Church of the Third Horld gets
transformed.
The same types of individualistic themes are also promoted
by Transcendental Meditation (e.g., the emphasis upon 'individuals taking
responsibility for shaping their OMn lives ', irrespective of their socio­
economic circumstances; 'the effect of meditation itself is a strong
affirmation of our OMn poMer to affect our OMn lives and so accept
greater responsibility for our OMn level of Mellness': H. Southern, ANU
Reporter 16(5) ( 1985)).

40

!.;.i h Qii! 9'-.- er) :

is supposedly responsible for his. or her

each

successes and failures,

own

lives,

their

additions! props and supports, such as welfare

etc.

and an elaborate social security system, are not required (or even desirable).
That religious basis tor individualism has been largely eroded or displaced in

Australia,

but

not

North

in

Rmerica where a

latent

puritanism

persists

(prohibition would never have survived in Australia).
the State serves as a substitute if not for the Maker at least

Secondly,

for organised religion or for the Church (in a society strongly influenced

'The functions and power of the state in Australia have come to

Catholicism).

take

over,

O'Farrell,

bx

and
p.7).

displace,

the

'Reliance

on

social
the

activities of

religion''

state has increased to

the

(to

adapt

extent

of

significant erosion of former religious-oriented areas: in charity, hospital=,
a whole gamut of social and psychological services and counselling work ,

and

above all in education (there are, to take one striking
50
example, no strictly private Australasian universities ).

h-= miqhf hav .idd^d,

But the religious explanation is not entirety plausible.

For one thing,

the substitution argument has been used to explain too many '-lu^ely
phenomena:
patriotism.

UBR,

where

phenomena
50.

not

just

the

Nationalism

power

of government,

but

nationalism

also

and patriotism are however at least very strong

no corresponding substitution is assumed.

supposed 1y

connected

explained

appear

almost

as

And in fact
old

as

the

all

and
in

the

allegoric

features of
The reasons for this are complex;
the
1 ack of a
Australasian society taken up below: anti-intellectualism
lack
of
wealth
philanthropic tradition, egalitarianism, and the relative
and
grant
endowmen
t
,
and super-rich capitalist.
On the philanthrophic,
have
.norm
situation
for culture in Australia (to which norm
things
early
substantially reverted following the high-cultural heydays of the
70s), see McLeod, p.2ff.

4!

can be.

substituting
extent

In addition,

t
the religous explanation covers

which the State has deliberately extended its power and

to

up

the

displaced

rival social structures, thereby undermining community- and self-reliance.

For these reasons a different two-part hypothesis wi1 } be preferred which

is

State

The hypothesis is that

the religious explanation as one part.

includes

progressively

and

organisation

displacing

society,

and

arrangements,

social

local

that what religious

and

the

community

organisations

had

supplied were many community arrangements; especially in health and education,

'n

fact

m economic and political science

(.especially

other

conflation of the State with society

the

decision

social

arrangements:

arrangements

making

is

nowadays

especially

literature),

compared

are

ubiquitious

wi th

it is virtual!y always the state versus the market,

when

market

Mith other

social arrangements'and mechanisms collapsed into the state.

is much less opposition and resistance to the encroachment of

There

where as emphasized

Australia than in USA,

in

state

an

pathetic) faith m market alternatives persists.

rather

reactive)

state

encroachement

egalitarian measures;

for

welfare

and

but often it is promoted for sectional advantage from a

this reason,

for

cand

Sometimes (typically

supported

state (hence the view of the milch-cow state,

hand-out

Partly

in Australia is

unquestioned

the

remarked by Hancock).

the impression still comes strongly

through

that,

despite the growing power of the State, respect for government and politicians
does not run deep in Australian society,

would

do

distaste

no

harm

and could, easily be

were legendary Australian disrespect

for

dislodged.

It

authority

and

for tall poppies directed against political leaders and

government,

so at least that both are regarded more critically.
The

society

surprisingly

rule-bound

and

uncritical

fits with attitudes to government,

character

of

Australian

and again traces back to colonial

origins. H heavy-handed government was something people got accustomed to, and

also relied upon and reacted against,

42

early on in Australia. For example, 'in

1/-98

government of New South Hates

th?

authoritative to a high degree' (Within,

was

omnipresent,

centralised,

p.22).

And, owing especially to/the

cost of what is much more evident in USA, ! oca! government).

society

apparent!'/ more rule-bound than North American,

is

and

prolonged strikes are much more common in the antipodes.

But although the
as

things

such

To some extent

this

can be seen as a further reflection of rules: trade union laws are stronger in
the Antipodes and unions less repressed.

on the State has meant (excess) toleration of the State and

Reliance

governments, and hence the condoning of much corruption in
branches (e.g. pot ice and prison systems).
than

European

(except by occasional journalists)

government and its

Australian attitudes are more like

m the way corruption is

umerican

North

of

hidden

and allowed to pass.

from

gaze

This is not to imply

that corruption is more extensive than in USA * it is almost certainly less

-

but that it is viewed and treated differently.
The

ugly

underlying

face of the State,

private property,

capitalism:

laissez fairs,

security and violence.

for

advanced

Despite the minima!,

view of the State prevalent m the USA,

The US State has a very extensive,

different.

and conditions

''?ry

the practice is

and crucial role in providing

the conditions + or advanced capitalism both at home and abroad. At home, there
are two main factors, maintenance of capitalistic institutions such as private

property and ailing big business, and interna! security.
In

USA

contrast,

in

property

are

private property has taken on an almost sacred

Australia,

much

restrictions on (in principle)

more extensive,

accept further restrictions and the "erosion" of private

for

example,

equivalent.

is

built

entirely on leasehold land;

Much

rural

land

important

in

leasehold

categories.

establishing

was

unfettered

and there is much more

leasehold,

parks and reserves,

something

is
which

and a good deal

to

Lanberra,

Ameri_an

no

Nuch "freehold" rural land is under various

43

private

preparedness

property.

there

By

character

has

proved

remains

is

types

of

si^y^

* a ] [ rfi e s te .-g. police -st n d-pr i s o n * s y-s^omsJ——Fm-str^lian...attitudes are more li-^e

North

than

European

in the way corruption is

American

and allowed to pass.

(except\by occasional journalists)

hidden

gaze

from

to imply

This is n

tainly less

that corrup^ixpn is more extensive than in USf) * it is almost c
that it is viewed and treated differently.

private property,

capitali^m:

laissez

face of the State,

underlying

The

t in the USR,

tensive,

The US State has a v

different.

advanced

Despite the minimal,

security and X'iolence.

view of the^^ate preval

fairs,

for

and conditions

the practice is very

and crucial role in providing

both at home and abroad. Rt home, there

the conditions for advanced capit

are two main factors, maintenance of capitalistic institutions such as private

and internal secur i ty.

property and

!

In

s taken on an al

USR

contrast,

in

property

are

st sacred

restrictions on (in principi^)

ia,

more extensive,

restrictions and the "erosion" of private

ortant

a,*tc,n 1 rl
51.

in

built

entirely on leasehold land;

Much

rural

land

establishing

was

leasehold,

parks and reserves,

there

something

preparedness

rty.
is

catMuch ""Treel)ol*d——r-uraJ—Land—Ls—under various

to

Canberra,
American

proved

which

and a good deal

By

private

unfettered

and there is much m

is

character.51

remai

ty

The origin of the institution is much clearer that its .justification.
French constitutional and cultural influence undoubtedly contributed to
the situation that has arisen; but even the French have observed the
'private affluence and public squalor' of much of US of
Fortunately,
however,
USf^ has retained some zones of public land which on French
perception would be private, e.g. beaches, where in the French world it
may be necessary to rent a spot to sit down.
Hhile the guaranteed accumulation of capital is essential to capitalism
and to acquisitiveness, the accumulation of property and a comprehensive
institution of property is not necessary for competitive (as distinct
from acquisitive) individualism.
The reason is simply that competition
may
be
differently motivated than by acquisitivism or
material
accumulation, e.g. for status, honour, pure perfectionism, etc. However
material accumulation can most certainly foster competition (since
cakes are limited); and the Hestern competitive drive would surely be
much dampened were the ability to accumulate material rewards and
property reduced.

zoning restraints,

etc.

orders,

And

-tor example, environmental preservation, tree preservation

rural land is regulated by

all

virtually

local

Pasture

Protection Boards, Mhich can authorise removal or destruction of noxious Meeds

or species, by

organisations Mhich

bushfire

require

can

fire

restriction

practices, by Mater and soil conservation authorities, and so on. Fortunately,

some

of

Scandinavian
52
regulation Mhich in effect requires the exploitative use of forested land.

hoM<=ver,

the

have

controls

private, corporate and public, are a very visible

Security arrangements,

and

not taken the direction

feature of American social arrangements. In USA the police
53
is highly conspicuous to Antipodeans.
(In this respect the place

expensive

presence

resembles Eastern block countries much more than less uptight parts of Hestern

Accompanying

Europe.)

precautions.

(Among

the

an extraordinarily high

is

this

most

guarded

places

in

level

Australia

of

security

are

American

installations: take a look at the US embassy in Canberra, or at Pine Gap.)

high level of police,

A

things,

different

for

and associated military presence,

first,

instance,

as

often,

can

reflect

repressive

and

unrepresentative political, regimes, or second, considerable social inequality
alonq Mith dubious legal methods of self-aggrandisement,

or third,

both (as

in Brasil). The USA is usually taken to be a relatively pure case of the

e.g.

second.

The

inequality

level

in

opportunity,
theory

of

the

etc.

a

of

security is presented as

society,

in the distribution

reflecting

of

private

level

of

property,

in

the

But it is not merely this: there is no associated accepted

person's

place,

as

in

class

or

culturally

stratified

societies, Mhich .justifies position in a social hierarchy, or Mhich .justifies,
52.

Of course Australian privatisation in turn leaves much to be desired by
Melanesian and Aboriginal standards.

53.

As a raM NeM Zealander, Mho greM up in a small toMn Mith only a couple of
policemen, I Mas astounded by the level of police activity in Meal thy and
laM-abiding Princeton. There Mere 3 standing sets of police in the toMn:
state, city, and university, and the federal force also had access. All
Mere armed: the situation Mas not merely astonishing, but alarming as

for instance,

On the contrary, it is all too evident, in

continued poverty.

the

highly individualistic US society,

ha=

b<=*=n largely eroded,

role

Mhere sense of social place and

that there is no very sharp moral division

between

54

and illegal aggrandisement,

"legal"

between police and mafia,

etc.

(The

same phenomenon is developing in Australia, especially in NSH and Queensland.)

There

is

a

major reason Mhy the USA is not

another

pure

and

case,

that

concerns the significant level of repression.

The

security arrangements in USA operate to deal

internal

also

Mith

certain types of political dissent. There are substantial numbers of political
mainly black;

prisoners,

even so the number appears small compared Mi th many

of the Third Horld regimes USA supports (e.g. Indonesia to take a neighbouring
55
example)
. In Australia by comparison there are feM political prisoners

(though there are no doubt some,

some of

the

and have been conspicuous examples); hoMever

requisite legislation to detain such prisoners,

legally, is noM

in place, and should be removed before it can be used.

Hhether

or not the number of political prisoners in USA

of prisoners is not.

number

according

to ABC figures,

is

small,

in

There are huge numbers of prisoners

the

USA:

more than half a million people in gaol.

'As its

prison population increases at record rates, it has been estimated that the Uh

has

already

a larger percentage of its citizens behind bars than

nation except the Soviet Union and South Africa" (OD,
figures by means reflect the extent of the crime.

p.28).

any

other

fet the prison

There is an enormous crime

crime rate Mi th more than 5000 unsolved murders a year.
The

USA is,

Australia is not.

sheer,

54,

55.

increasingly since Horld Har II,

a

militarised

society;

The militarisation of the USA is not simply a matter of the

massive numbers (more than 2 million) of Americans in uniform, at home
As Veblen observed, early in the Century.

For Indonesia,
January l'?85/.

see

Amnesty

International.

Lf

s t r a 1 i an

Society

and

hold doMn the

to

abroad,

and

enterprise

bureaucracy

business

and keep the Morld free (but

empire

It is a matter also of

interests).

and research devoted to

military

heavily militarised Keynesianism) have

(of

USR,

though

not nearly as many as might be expected;

they

have

mainstream

support,

these

the

critics within

sadly it appears

reflect

and to that extent

Ub

industry,

Certainly

objectives.

arrangements

the

for

that

prevailing

the

cu1ture.
one of

in simple terms,

policy and practice is,

US

abroad,
international

capitalism

under US hegemony and of encouraging or

right-leaning

capitalism

in as many places

practice has worked Mell from

part

significant

Mith

militarily

"information",

installing

and education,

a

channelling

is

US domination

largely political and economic and
propaganda

The

feasible.

an American business viewpoint,

of the Morld surplus value into the USa.

maintained by a mix of methods,

together

as

promoting

military,

heavily backed

by

intelligence, security, and military operations.

like american religion,

US practices abroad thus exhibit,

set

of

double standards:

a rhetoric of freedom and

rights,

a remarkable
given

limited

practical realisation Mithin the USa, coupled Mith activities quite opposed to

those ideals in many Third Horld countries.

The capitalistic and bureaucratic

control of the main media and educational outlets is such,

the

majority

perception

of

Americans

remain

largely

of US support of aggression,

sheltered

violence,

that

furthermore,

from

torture,

inconvenient

suppression

of

rights, and so on, abroad (points Mell documented in Chomsky and Herman.)

56

Hhile australia cannot, by and large, be convicted of such practices,
government

policies

activities.

States

malpractices,

56.

support,

find

it

and

remain

very

uncritical

expedient to turn a largely blind

and even atrocities,

of,
eye

of other "allied" or neighbouring

american
to

the

states

These are small-scale activities Mhich channel "aid" in fact beneficial
to military structures of adjacent countries, rather than to the local
peoples, as Mith aid to the Philippines.

(witness australia's official approach, and aid packages, to Indonesia and the
Phi!ippines).

The

USa

is a particularly violent society,

directly

(in

several

torture

training),

Mays:

military

violence

and exports

practices,

intelligence

through example,

and also less directly,

both

operations,

through

media

coverage

and

the sooner

the

American

life-style ceases to be one to imitate and becomes one to avoid

and

scorn,

popular culture,

the better.

and so on.

From this angle,

The relative extent of violence in US life is Mell enough

'On the average death by homocide is eight

illustrated by homocide rates:

to

nine times more likely in the US than in other advanced industrial states ^OD,
It is even more strikingly revealed by comparative figures for
57
gun killings Mhere detail:s for 1980 are as folloMs:

hand-

p.27).

In
are

Australi a
UK, Canada
SMi tzer 1 and
USa

in
in
in
in

4
8
24
11,998

USa.,

part this is no doubt due to the vast numbers of hand-guns i n
not

used purely for deterrence :

hand-guns

countries

60 mi 11 ion in 1980.

are not available in the same free

they

to

felt

(presently)

are

ideological

difference:

be

required.

and

and

easy

is

there

Pacific

South

In

an

Mhich

May,

nor

important

Reagan's mainstream American vieM that 'the right to

carry arms shal1 not be infringed' is not shared in the South,

Mhere no

such

laMlessness

and

unqualified right is conceded.
The

differences

.just

in Meapon availability,

are

Australia

as a pioneering society,

the

of

American

vieM

of

in roughly the same position as parts

of

American Mest some (unspecific) time ago,

reasons

toting,

the reasons Mhy the common

violence,

some

gun

is

concern the organisation of the society,

seriously

astray.

Other

the extent of socialisation

and lack of key elements of a coMboy economy.

57.

Figures from a 1984 aBC documentary on violence in USa.
are given in 00, pp.28-'?.
4?

Similar figures

.

Liberty, equality, fraternity - compared and updated.

Though conditions

of personal liberty in Australasia are rivalled in feM other places,
not,

in

marked

contrast

to
58

appropriate bills of rights.
examples

restricted;

USA,

guaranteed constitutionally

Furthermore,

they remain quite

they are

by

or

any

unnecessarily

are conditions on libel and the right to MithdraM one's

labour in Australia (and in NeM Zealand constraints on sexual freedom).

despite

serious

inadequacies in Australasian legal codification and

recognised poor performance areas as regards civil liberties,

Yet,

certain

it seems

clear

that the record of political repression and infringement of civil liberties in
59
USA is Morse.
There is also notably less tendency to self-censureship,
whether

in the Mork-place or in social life,

than in North America.

in Australia (and NeM

Zealand)

Australians tend to be open and speak their minds

on

things.

in several respects

Australian society is considerably more egalitarian,
(but especially wealth and treatment),

dominated

its

cultural

life.

supported^inequality in Britain.

than the Northern societies that

There is

conspicuous,

and

still

have

socially

There is very conspicuous inequality in USA,

most countries in the primary US "sphere

of

influence",

and

also

58.

In certain respects this lack of state guarantee matters only to the
legally inclined Mho Mant to see everything codified (it certainly
In part the lack of
matters less to the anarchistically inclined),
appropriate codification of rights and freedoms is due to poli t ical
inertia and the reluctance of government to concede rights^1 in part it
can be traced to a different heritage from the American, to
t_ {he British
The
trouble
is that there
system enlarging on an uncodified common laM.
______ _ of
_ common
__
are elements
laM, still having some force, Mhich are inimical
to various freedoms.

59.

Nhile it is difficult to impossible to document claims of this sort, some
quantitative impression can be gained by trying to match temporal1 stages
stages in
of political repression in USA, as assembled by Goldstein, Mith
<
Similarly
corresponding
lists
of
conspicuous
infringements
of
Australia.
civil
liberties
could
be
draMn
up.
But
even
if
this
arduous
recognised
there Mould remain many problems of
task Mere folloMed through,
especially
as
to
Mhat
extent population and concentration of
Mei gh t ing,
should
be
used
to
average
data, etc.
popu1 at i on

60.

This is part (but part only) of the alleged rudeness and crudeness
Australians Mhich repels refined Europeans.
On the self-censorship
American citizens, see Goldstein, p.556ff.

in

e.g.

of
of

Central and Latin America.

The inequality is obvious to Australians, and even

It is confirmed in varying degrees, by

who visit major US cities.

Europeans,

a ranqe of statistics,

home ownership, extent of

as to wealth differentials,

poverty, etc.

inequality

Gross

is not only present in America,

throuoh the competitive individualism of the

underpinned,

blame:

to

herself

work will remove it.

Protestant

work

(such

approved

as

Poverty

culture.

the opportunities to avoid it are there,

or

individual

and

Thus inequality is justified ideologically in terms of a

strongly

and worth ethic and s

American

American inequality is not,

primarily

ideologically

A person in poverty has only himself

squalor are commonly deserved.

and

but is

and

social

philosophers

political

like that of Europe,

however,

suppl'-*'.

one of class, but

and of opportunities connected with this.

of wealth,

philosophy

individualistic

old

New and

money are equated.
A
it

and the extensive popular support

main source of American inequality,

seems

to enjoy,

widespread support for

is evident

fairly

unfettered

market processes and belief in market justice, and so (with further suppressed

assumpt i ons)

in

capi taiism.

American inegalitarianism is supported,

grossly

unequal

distribution

wealth

under

market-based

at a deeper level then,

—sttppor-fs—marke-t—ar^-angetwnts a&d the like,--- t4+e—the-mcc

individualism.

competitive

1 n ter*!

But

the

endor semen t

is far from clear,

some cur i ou s specu 1 ^Lc-n .

ex amp 1e,

much less egalitarian countrDes
it "Australian nationalism" w

it ha

for

een a matter

^en tied to nationalism; but

e explication circular).

And,

in

concerning the vigorous

= democratic values against an angl'-English themselve

,

and h

of

JSA) appear as nationalistic (to make

par t i a 1 opposi t i on to
ertion of k

source

e upper

These no longer tenable theses a

tw-eg di sp 1 i.ced-by a11-J Lh—an t i ^aut

class,

it is

t *.r i an , ttreme---- eta—th# fac

h'./

wh.3.t

suppor ts

market

competitive

1 n teres ted
endorsement

arrangements and the 1 ike,

But

individualism.,

of egalitarianism'

some c u r 1 ou s speculation.

the

is far from clear,

For ex ample,

the

source

themes

self-

of

'Australia's

of

and has been a matter

for

it has been tied to nationali am $ but

much less egalitarian countries (such as UBA) appear as nationalistic (to make

And,

it "faustralian nationalism" would render the explication circular).
partial opposition to this,

has been pressed a thesis concerning the vigorous

assertion of Australia's democratic values against an anglophile upper

or against the English themselves.

said,
it

being displaced by another,
with

inconsistent

hierarchial

the

organisations

in

ihese no longer tenable theses are, it is

anti-authoritarian, theme - on the face of

extensive popular
as

class,

government

Antipodean

and

army

- as

for

support

to

such

'Australians

something said to be shown by their
-61
bad relations with the police.
No doubt element* of all these

collective dislike of higher au thor i ty',
undoubtedly

themes have historical relevance, and certainly Australian egalitarianism

So far as

deep historical roots'; but that does not explain why it persisted.

however,

it has persisted,
the

including

controlling
two-way

Australian

elites,

linkage

it appears to be due to a complex mix of factors,

anti-authoritarian

perhaps

causal) with the

orientation of the mainstream society,

Hancock

aptly

has

streak

particularly Northern ones.

(not

has

opposition

to

But more important is

the

and

fraternal

and

socialistic

what was 'colonial socialism

called 'socialism without doctrines' (.though

it

and what

is

not

really devoid of underlying ideas).
Not

convincing
61.

only

is

detail,

this explanation of

Australian

egalitarianism

short

on

but in its course it touches upon an interesting paradox,

These now unlikely explanations are brought together in
Connell z4.
Against
Hancock's
claim 'that egalitarianism and nationalism
are
"interwoven"', was
opposed the view of the 'democratic
masses ...
defining themselves against the Anglophile upper class'
(p.34) and
Phillips' claim that 'allied to this rebellion against the English is a
vigorous asset* tion of democratic values' .
'he anti-authoritarian claim
is advanced by Connell himself.
Bad relations with and clashes with the
police are of course not uncommon elsewhere, including America.

puzzle of Australian anti-authoritarianism - or authoritarianism

the

continues to vex discussion of the mainstream cutture.

there

there

other,

unnecessar11y

is

evident support for,

authoritarian

reliance upon^and

institutions,

such as

heavy-handed

of group size theory.

resist

the

about

complacency

"self-reliance",

most

But on

Australian

attempt wi11

gover nmen t

to

side,

For on the one

clear evidence of Australian antipathy to authority.

is

ujhich

by a difference

Roughly, individuals and small primary groups Mill tend

imposition by other individuals or small groups or

factions,

counter to large groups or attempt to

Australians Mill not

but
buck

the system.

To say that Australian society is more egalitarian than American, or than
British or French, is not however to say that the local myth of an egalitarian

society is Justified,
and some,

and perhaps extensive, poverty.

than m New Zealand),

appears

or that there are not conspicuous differences in wealth
There are (and on both <-ount= more

and the polarisation of income and wealth in

to be increasing (with inflation).

Even so the differences

the very rich and the poor are not nearly as marked,
63
numerous or ill-assisted as in USA.
In

62.

Australia

there

Australia

between

and the poor are not

is also a recognised cultural

drive

towards

so

more

The evidence is notjmere 1y historical and anecdotal, as Rigby shows. Nhat
Rigby demonstrateshs that English college students are 'significantly
more pro—authority' than Australian, 'with English students fa.V'juring
institutional authorities more strongly (p.41, p.46). Rigby's, results
also suggest that Australian radicals (at least among students) are more
opposed to authority than their English counterparts',
and
that
'attitudes towards the police are not anoma 1 ou s in Australian life ...
but fall consistently into a pattern of attitudes towards institutional
authority genera 11 y' (p.46).
Nh areas 'England has lor had J a tradition
of respect for ths police; in Australia the police are commonly viewed
with contempt, especially by the young
as previous studies have
confirmed (p.46) .
Note that authoritarian' is used throughout in itstandard dictionary senses of 'subservience to authority ,
placing
obedience to authority above persona! liberty' and not in the unfortuante
extensions (discussed by Rigby) made by Adorno in elaboration of the
"authoritarian personality".
Rigby explains the notion he is operating
with as 'the degree of approval or disapproval with which a person views
various institutional authorities' (p.42).
51

equality,

manifested

poppies"

ta!!

or

striking!;/ in the proverbial procedure of "cutting dc.-jn

"tall timbers".

at

F'eop!e who excel,

in

!east

certain

respects such as intellectual or artistic ways, are strong!;/ disapproved of in
certain traditional social groups,

poms,

are

and,

like know-alls,

cut down to size if it can be done.

But this levelling is b;/ no
for instance in sport,

means general!;/ applied locally to outstanding people,
84
politics, and increasingly nowadays in business.

nowadays-

applied

fellow

sm a Iler

break",

a

63.

in the bigger cities is levelling

Even
up,

less

giving

regularly

the

-mall

though such aid appears to have been accepted practice

c omm u n i t i es,

along with

poufters and

wogs,

and h as con s i der ab1e basis in the

t_ u 1 t u r a 1

sympathy with the underdog' and more broadly in an

in

tradition,

intolerance of

(From previous page) There is much argument about the extent of equa!1ty
data organised by Rubenstein (especially Iable 1,
in Australia. ' But
the
meagre
spread of weal th in lustra! ia compared with d-A
p.26) reveals
Embury
and
Fodder 'conclude that although the distribution
and Britain.
Australia
is
far from egalitarian, it is no less so than a
of income in
as
Japan
and
rather more egalitarian than some of the
country such
world's most industrialised nation , notabty, USA, UK, Canada and Italy
They present as a. common finding in sociology that
the
(p. 122)
inequality of size distribution of family income compares favourably with
(p.l8-f.).
that of other countries' (p.188).
Aitkin, in the course of making
= e^cr'R] points of relevance regarding the equality and social welfare
for more than 70 years
situation in Australia, is less cautiou:
Australia has enjoyed the benefits of a basic-wage system and an arbitral
method of settling industrial disputes which incidentally fixes wage and
salary rates.
Two consequences are that Austral ia (a.) has one of the
most equal distributions of income in the world [further references are
cited], and (b)
that there has been a floor under the wage system
throughout the twentieth century" (.pp.18-'?).
Reliable data pinning down the comparative extent of poverty in Australia
and USA faces further difficulties, in differences in the way poverty
lines are set, and because the Australian government fails to keep any
due records of poverty (%?ot always recognising it as a social problem?).
As a very rough rule of thumb,
however, poverty appears almost tw1cf a =
extensive in USu, in terms of percentage of population, as in Australia.

64.

It remains unclear where levelling down applies and where it is waived,
and perhaps there are no clear principles involved.
The criterion, if
any, is not what Caves and Krause suggest, that 'foreign recognition of
outstanding qualities of certain Australians somehow legitimizes those
persons and makes them acceptable at home (p.?).

'Justified levelling-down is a significant feature of the culture, that
will recur; for example, it is linked toAustalian anti-intellectualism,
and it is said to be motivated by the incompetence and typical corruption
of controlling elites.

64
n nti).3 rLaj^z.----- Ff)—btrsi He = S .

i rtg 1 y

p.

nowadays

break",

a

up,

"giving

small

the

ce

though such aid appears to hav^

and has considerable basis in the

communities,

ma!I er

1evelling

in the b i ggerco

in

tradi tion,

culture

3 1 nnr^-L^Llhaih\hii th the under dog-—and mare- broad! y --i-rY—M' frYtc 1 oranco
65
oppression'' .

pressures

The
extent

greater equality are shown more

to

objectively

of party and political support for redistributative and like

which would lessen inequality.

in

the

measures

Such support, like the support for socialistic

is much more widespread and respectable

measures it is commonly coupled with,

in Australia than in North America.
The
reluctance
broadened

egalitarian

(nowadays

facade of Australasian life has been propped up by
also

declining,

especially

under

the

impact

the
of

a

immigration practice) of rich people to extravagantly display their

wealth (in vulgar European fashion).

Presumably the forces of egalitarianism,

though in part mythical,

explain this reticence to tout wealth and indulge in
66
conspicuous or wasteful consumption.

64.

It remains unclear where levelling down applies and where it is waived,
and perhaps there are no clear principles involved.
The criterion, if
any, is not what Caves and krause suggest, that foreign recognition of
outstanding qualities of certain Australians somehow legitimizes those
persons and makes them acceptable at home (p.2!) .

Qualified levelling-down is a significant feature of the culture, that
will recur; for example, it is linked to Austalian anti-intellectualism,
and it is said to be motivated by the incompetence and typical corruption
of controlling elites.

65.

These sorts of equality in justice. as they might be called, are
mentioned
in Connell 74,
who reminds us of the importance
of
distinguishing equality determinates, such as treatment, condition,
opportunity, and so on.
All these forms of equality are manifested to
some extent in Australia, whereas in UbA equality is more and more
restricted to a certain (but limited) equality of opportunity, along with
equality (in principle) before the law. The famous Australian equality
in treatment, approach and so on, is regularly illustrated by the
phenomena of tea and taxis, and in the (democratic) slogans that 'no-one
is (feels?) superior' and that 'one man is as good as another'
(cf.
p.2'?ff.) .

But
males,

Australian

to (potential) mates.

Mhite

male-dominated

Evident blots on Australian egalitarianism

social arrangements.

prevailing in USA,

society.

decade,

doubt

It is little consolation that they are perhaps little Morse

.justified.

Altering

these

in

image

While the

of prevailing social arrangements as sexist and racist is no

criticism

those

Momen

and the situation changed considerably in the last

exaggerated,

are

Indeed Australia has a particularly bad

image in the North as a racist and male chauvinist society.
L-jas

Australian

notorious White Australian policy and the treatment of

former

the

egalitarianism has been restricted to

than

Mhich is also often attacked as a racist and sexist

Antipodean arrangements,

in a

fashion

for

Mhich

however there is little traditional basis in any cultures, offers the prospect

of

major changes in social and political arrangements,

other

matters

as peace and Mar (as feminists have explained,

such

especially

and as

in

opinion

po11s have c1 ear 1y indie a ted).
at

With the comparative male egalitarianism of Australasian societies g% a
lack

of

class

stratified

and

Mell

While

(there are professionals,

so forth),

appropriate

distinctions.

Australasian

society

of various sorts,

the important notion of c1 ass,

to the Antipodes.

undoubtedly

blue-collar Morker=,

like so many

enough in the North or at least in Europe,

is

classificatiun=

does not

extrapolate

There is practically no upper class and the

and Morking classes substantially merge,

middle

and there are virtually none of

the

significant social barriers (discussed^/ in Olson) that go Mith cla=r-, at lea = t
6^

(From previous page) This, and the comparative l ack of Meal th, may also
help to explain the paucity of grand mansions in the Australian
countryside.
Host grander mansions these days are built by fairly
recently arrived immigrants Mho have made their fortunes.

.67.

Similarly Marxist theory does not extrapolate Mell Mithout fundamental
overhaul. It is decidedly misleading to speak, as some do, of the rigid
class structure of rural society'* in Australia, Mhere all those spoken of
are land holders, often large landoMners. There are divisions, farmers
and graziers, poor graziers and rich graziers, and there is a rough
understood social order of landholders based on quality of property,
Mealth origin, time in district, social and political affiliations, etc.
But it is hardly a rigid order, and, more important, does not correspond
to Marxist (or other) classes.

for sufficiently Mhite male Australians.
society

(another

diversity on conventional indicators than

less

shoM

the strata in Australian

Moreover,

in

USA

partly due to the much

but highly stratified society),

"classless."

those

smaller spread of Meal th and smaller population.

in

The conventional stratification picture leaves out an element of

variety

society Mhich may prove of much importance for social

change,

Australian

namely the growing phenomenon of Alternative Australia;

that is,

Mho

people

have dropped out of or moved out of the mainstream society and its concomitant

commitments to a Mork ethic, to materialism, to maintaining an approved social
standing, etc. (in short, have abandoned key elements of the dominant Northern

It

paradigm).

is not knoMn (and is impossible to estimate exactly) hoM many

people belong to this loose and vaguely defined grouping, but it is sometimes
88
very optimistically' put at several millions.
It certainly takes in the

extensive

netMorks

of

communes and alternative farms in

(Mith a main concentration in coastal northern NSN).

prices
is

(for that matter,

USA

rural

are much higher,

hoMever

takes

in

many in the Aboriginal population,

distinctive ethic grouping.

S3.

The grouping

in the cities;
though

land

Mhere

the squatters and many

beach people and others surviving largely on the dole
probably

Zealand,

and unemployment significantly loMer/^j
but includes

in

It appears unmatched

it is not matched in NeM

by no means rural,

Australia

eastern

they

of

the

and it
form

a

It is people from Alternative Australia Mho have

On the groups involved see Smith and Crossley, Cock and
especially
Sommerlad et.al.
To keep matters in perspective, it is important to
recall that these groups have been much influenced by analogous groups in
For instance,
USA and by a significant literature floMing from USA.
Morking
Capra and Spetnak estimate that the membership of 'groups
is over
Mith means and goals that are consistent Mith Green politics .
2 million'* (p.223);
(p.223) ; ^ith a base of that size (though still only about IX
Even more
of the population)^ Green America is far from negligible.
pr om i s i n g, '15 million adult Americans ... according to recent studies by
the research institute SRI International, are basing their lives fully or
par t i a11y on such values as frugality, human scale, seif-de termi nation,
HoMever partial
ecological aMareness and personal groMth'* (p.i?5) ,
basing on one such value may amount to little more than subscription to a
meditation or encounter group; and so the high figures may only reflect
Californian fashions.
54 5^

played a major part in protest and action movements right around Australia, in
70
the forests of North Queensland, East Gippsland, and first at Terania Creek ,

by the dam sites in Tasmania,

at the uranium mines in South Australia, at the

American installation in Central Australia, ... ,

Though
points,

they

of

many

have broken Mith the dominant social paradigm

these peoples have tapped into elements of

independent Australian culture.

strongly

at

the

critical

continuing

They represent an important source

and, because of the May they connect Mith the older culture, they

for change,

can carry other parts of the established population Mith them.

As

equality

with

and liberty,

even

so,

more

so,

Mith

fraternity.

Mainstream Australian society certainly surpasses American in fraternity, Mith

fraternity

broadly' and

communi ty,

and

sec t i ons).

But liberty , equality, community , these are important virtues to

construed,

sexistly
elements

socialistic

(as

to

Mill duly

include

Mateship,

in

subsequent

appear

aim for, or even better to have already built into a society or state.

that is the sort of society French revolutionaries long envisaged,

sort

of

only

there

society that some of the founders intended to implant in

it

got

out

of control and

greM

in

different

and

Indeed

it is

the

America
dangerous

71
directions.

Australian

society is lucky to retain a solid

cultural

base

6'?.

(From previous page) The dole is the government-supplied unemployment
alloMance.
The dole undoubtedly finances a good deal of day-to-day
operations of Alternative Australia (as distinct from capital investment
in land and equipment), and to that extent its flourishing depends on a
subsidy from mainstream Australia. But it doesn't folloM that it is
parasitic, any more than infant industries Mhich are subsidised are
parasitic. Furthermore, it can be argued, Mith some justice, that
mainstream Australia has confiscated the main means of production for its
OMn ends and uses, and should pay rent for the resources and facilities.

70.

In the forest occupations,
Zea 1 artd Mere adap t ed.

71.

So it is astonishing that, on the basis of its economic performance,
American society is often presented as some sort of model for Australian
society to try to emulate.
A narroM economism,
Mhich measures
productivity through material goods turned out and, more important here,
quality of life basically through per capita GNP, and neglects liberty,
equality and fraternity, is at Mork here/— as it is at Mork in the ideal
developing nations are encouraged to pursue. It is a false ideal.

direct action methods earlier applied in

NeM

from Mhich to reorient itself, to steer bac k t OM a r ds these traditional virtues
(as amended).

has diverged from its original ideals in large part because

America

ideological leaders have accepted or bought,

its

and most of the public have been

sold, an economic vieM of the Mor 1 d, Mith advanced man (and contemporary Moman
72
even more so) an economic animal .
The large assumption has been and
remains,

".free"

to repeat it in crude populist

form, that the operation of the

enterprise market system within a suitable democratic

framework

Mill

the other virtues, at least to the extent that they can be desirably
73
obtained,
in much the same (no hands) May that the market system guarantees

ensure

most efficient organisation.
The large assumption is false, as the American
74
experience has shoMn;
and it does not fail simply because of imperfections

in the American application of a perfect economic model.
Despite a massive promotional effort in Australia and NeM

both outside and many felloM-travellers Mithin,

the
.just

Zealand,

the American economic vieM of

Morld has not been Midely bought in Australia or NeM Zealand.
that it has been substantially rejected,

australia, but

cultural
tradition.

individual

that

tradition

it

in

in particular

runs counter to important
australia,

materialism

from

components

despite the earthy

It is not

alternative

by

of

materialism

competitive

the

main

of

that

individualism,

or

fixation on economic gain (as dialectical materialism reveals,

at

For

does not imply

least in theory).

72.

and thereby also a rational animal.
On this modern characterisation of
man, and rationality, see, e.g. abraham, chapter 1.

73.

For of course incentive musn't be removed by too much equality.
equality of opportunity, an important sort of equality, that the
enterprise system is supposed to deliver above all others.

74.

Nhat results is rather a society rich in go-getters, scoundrels and
cheats, many of Mhose main heroes, successful capitalists, remain .just
sufficiently on the right side of bent laMS, if that.
Consider,
seriously, e.q., Mhat is applauded in Heilbroner'*s celebration of the
rise of capitalism, in The Nor Idly F'h i 1 osopher s .

But
free

Competitive individualism,

JoL

and the pace of life.

immensely individualistic,, and highly competitive.

American society

is

Australasian society

is

sufficiently individualistic, but less competitive and operates more on direct

cooperat i on.
Individualism

even more in economic and political

and

practiced

is a conspicuous feature of American arrangements, both as

theory

reinforces

Mhich

practice.

It is seen in competitive form in the American dream, Mhich has no

Australian

equivalent:

is

the

of

dream

manifestations Morth singling out,

Mi th the emphasis on individual salvation,

not reflected in Australia.

it,

Extreme individualism has

for instance,

and elevation of personages as heroes,

selection

making

individual

the

and so on.

in individual life-style,

financially,

other

it

in high culture

in fundamentalist

the

religion

in survivalism, a "movement" again

In USA the individual aims above all to excel; it

is the individual that is unique, Mho can make a difference on his or her OMn,

Mho succeeds.
things,

Individual reduction is very strong,

make

differences,

achieve.

It is individuals Mho do

support systems

The

make

that

such

achievement realisable, the structure and the other individuals, fade into the
background.
Individualism in North America is accordingly not merely methodological

Mith

reduction

of social and political arrangements

to

"individual" actors

in the form of nuclear families and nuclear firms),

(typically

interrelations, other than market exchange,

as can be managed.

implies that each such individual operates,

in large measure,

OMn ends, in an individual-first or individual-only fashion.

in

implies,

situations

of

limited

resources,

and

opportunities, severe competition betMeen individuals.

America certainly,
indeed

an

Australia),

and seemingly inevitably,

immense emphasis,
on

mechanisms

foster

5

Individuali sm
to his or

her

And that in turn

sought

positions

and

Individualism in North

involves competition.

Mhich is exported Morld Mide (and

that

Mith

competitiveness,

so

There is

includes

especially

those

entrenched in mainstream economics, such as market competitiveness, and factor
competitiveness
active

environmental

America;

for employment,

(e.g.

movements

etc.).

promotion,

in

there is a difference in approach

is much more competitiveness within the

there

the

Even within

US

North
more

movements,

emphasis on leaders, less cooperation, than in Australasian groups.
resulting American-preferred picture of pure individual

The

competition

has however to be conspicuously qualified - rather more than minimally - since
the competitive mechanisms do not continue to function in optimal fashion,

even
market

system, which is not nearly as self-regulating as is often

requires

to

resources.
and

mechanisms.

As well,

etc.

But

purity

the
the

determine broad functions of

the

capitalist

lands

namely

democratic

within these supposedly necessary and desirable

republican

state,

You outshine

move,

change your friends to get ahead, etc.

sort of competitiveness isn't altogether approved of in Australia,

Zealand,

is

And yet another individualistic-type arrangement is required

or beat down your rivals,

New

and

state

such as private capital and private and state

constraints, competition is the avowed and encouraged objective.

in

free

pretended,

to ensure

defend and police the institutions within which

system operates,

select

to clear markets,

state,

and break coalitions and unions,

to

required

and

(capitalist)

the

competition

market

The

without organisational regulation and intervention.

at all,

or

where

the

American influence

is

weaker

That

still less

Polynesian

and

attitudes increasingly influential.
In

Australasia,

there

You do not do down mates.

mateship.

some of

is more cooperation,

with

fortunately not all extra-

friendships are superficial, and fortunately the rural tradition of

familial

neighbourliness,

net

disappeared

adequately

with

explained through

where

the

self-interest,

the advance of agribusiness (itself

significant cultural phenomenon in Australia).
also

coupled

Of course there is far more cooperation

in USA too than the ideology strictly allows for;

entirely

it

individualistic

ideology

does

a

has

far

not
less

There are many other respects
not

square

with

American

For instance,

practice.
differs

the many places Mhere advanced corporate capitalism

earlier phases of capitalism,

from

in

demand,

producer-controlled

through organisation people, in burgeoning bureaucracies, and so on.

environmentally

very

significant,

by

dominated

cooperation

because they bear on (Mhat are

to present unsatisfactory socio-environmental

alternatives

society

Antipodean attitudes to competition and

different

The

competition is liable to give quite

are

seen

as)

arrangements.

A

weight

to

undue

competitive mechanisms (like the market system) and goals (such as achiever or
product maximization), and so to support a range of undesirable objectives and

practices,

as those exhibited in capitalist business

practice,
75
failure and so on, exhibited in short in contemporary America.
such

differences in lifestyle floM from the differences in

Hany

cooperative

not

friends,

forth.

neighbours,

Antipodean

In

materialistic

extent

acquaintances, Australasians do

to outstrip them in their consumption,

need

competitive-

Because they are not competing to the same

orientation.

Mith their colleagues,

market

material

success,

cultures there is not quite

so

and

the

same

pressure to consumerism (though there is certainly far more than enough) or to

conspicuous or Masteful consumption.
American

culture

consumption,

conspicuous

estimated

partly

in

acquisitive,

terms

of

especially

The competitive individualism of

explains the high levels

of

North

acquisitiveness,

the

the Mastefulness (the consumption and Maste can
throughput).
of

money.

American

culture

is

particularly

The incentive to obtain money is

more of this is always better, typically Mith no upper limit.

be

high;

Hence too there

is strong resource orientation, since resources can be converted into money.

75.

Theoretically the emphasis on competition shoMS up in the Meight assigned
to games such as the prisoners'' dilemma and tragedy-of-the-commons and
the May they are supposed to be taken.
Note hoM very important
differences in culture are for the treatment of these games; an example
is the corresponding children's game Mhich is played very differently by
American children (Mhere it jis competitive tussle) from Chinese children
(for Mhom cooperation affords a rather trivial solution).

The relative lack of such enterprise and drive in Australia,

of less competitiveness,

the

and

helps explain the slow speed of technology transfer,

to

resistance, both of business and con*=umer =
76
Australia.
The relative lack of enterprise

comparative

in

technology

Northerners often claim,

to the Australian business

innovations' (Stretton,

Immigration

Department,

Mhich

'Australi an

community.

a special program

has

ex tends,

Such a view has been bougtrF by

p.35).

n ew

risk-averse, and stow to copy

capitalists are accused of being unadventurous,
others'

a corollary

attract

to

btj = in^ = -m^n (including Asian ones) and also businesswomen,

the

northern

because Australian
yy

business is lacking, it is. said, in enterpreneurial skills and drive.

The

pace

of

life is much slower in the Antipodes than

North

There are significant differences in time conceptualisation in the
deriving

Antipodes,

in part from the limited extent of industrialisation (wh i *- h tries to

people to be on t i me) and the weakness of c ompe t i t i on in daily

force

There is not the same pressure to get on,
workplace
much

America.

or to be at work,

on

living.

time.

and daily competition goes a race against the clocks (as overtly in

competitive

sport),

also

and

pace,

stress,

competitiveness goes a marked difference in pace,

etc.

Nith

American

with the most rapid pace in

the industrial East where the competition is most widespread and intense.
one moves south and west in US,

declines.

Zealand

Nith

and west from the centre in Canada,

As

the pace

But in Australia the pace is conspicuously slower still, and in New
78
noticably slower again.
Antipodean people are "laid back" by

American standards,

even if city people still seem in an immense rush, to get

nowhere much, to country visitors.

The slower pace is tied not just with !e==

76.

Features of Australian enterprise developed by the former Minister of
Science and technology, B. Jones, in his Sleepers Awake!. Jones, who i=
all in favour of having Australia convert to Northern business enterprise
and competitiveness, or worse the South Asian parody of it, is inclined
to ascribe Australian "failure" to a supposed separation of technology
and culture.

77.

The sooner this program is halted the better. Much the same applies to
recently renewed immigration programs to import more Europeans: for the
reasons see Birrell et. al.

competitiveness,

but

standards,

threshold

often

a

with

more easy

going

acceptance

sometimes verging on sloppiness,

and evinced

of

letter

such

in

familiar slogans as "It'll do" or the famous She'll be right". The differences
taken up more theoretically in terms of maximization in

be

can

America,

as

opposed to much more widespread acceptance of "enough does" (of satisizing) in
the Antipodes (for details see MSS).

USA it's keep moving,

In

"commodity"

too

is

hustle.

"wasted"),

the

Time is short (even if much of
best

life

is

in

the

fastest

this

lane.

'I need to get back to the office, to be at my
7?
is what is much more often said than in Australia.
There is a clock

Punctuality
class'

is

important.

in/clock out attitude in North America,
fortunately

hasn't

industrious

and

been

widely

shared with Germany and Japan,

or enthusiastically

industrial Antipodes.

adopted

in

the

Nor has the associated American

which
less

go-

getting taken to any great extent.
The

much

Northern go-getter vanishes into a role.

more readily;

Northerners assume

people identify with their position.

In the

Antipodes

instance

much less role playing, people retain their more dimensions,
30
in their jobs.
This has an important corollary for ethics:

Northern

fashion for trying to explain a person's

there

is

roles

ethical position in

for
the
terms

73.

(From previous page) By New Zealand standards metropolitan Australians
are pushy (as well as commonly vulgar);
and for the New Zealand visitor
the very congested Sydney does, at first, acquaintance, appear to
instantiate the rat-race, especially the aggressive driving on the
narrow, crowded and polluted roads.
Harris gets down some of the other
felt
differences:
'New Zealanders regard Australians as flashy,
effusively patronising, as scruffy urchins playing Big Brother
(The
Austral i an, April 23-2'?, l'?85, Neekend Magazine, 5).

79.

Beinq 10 minutes o^f so late for appointments is common, and acceptable,
in Australia;
but not the hour or more some Latin American countries
allegedly tolerate (cf. Awa, p.3).

30.

Nhy there is less readiness to assume roles in the deep South, like the
reluctance of Australians to take deferential or service roles willingly,
is a bit puzzling.
For in mainstream Australian the society is less
individualistic, more social, and in apparently relevant respects less
conservative than American.
The problem is taken up again in the text.

c

of

his

her

or

various

roles loses much of its

point

force

and

the

in

antipodes.

Role

is

occupation

actions,

responses,

intimately mith formality

coupled

dress,

and so forth.

of

fixity

and

In these matters a rough spectrum

can be observed, as shomn:-

australian

american

European

typical 1y
informal

typical 1y
formal

a

Such

range,

in

exhibited

both to mork

applies

mhich

such things as responses to

In some of these areas,

dress.

leisure

and

strangers,

such as dress,

is

activities,

customs,

and

manners

american culture displays

a

switching between extreme informality and formality, a

certain schizophrenia,

level

of

informality in mainstream australis has led to memorable sociological talk

of

phenomenon

also

seen

in certain trendier australian cults.

the peculiarly australian "culture of informality".

tells

aoainst

',-jell

in

angloph/ije

The extent of informality

the more artificial parts of higher culture mhich do not

australis,

outside

small

(but

sometimes

government

fare

sponsored)

minorities.

Role-regulation extends to person-to-person relations.
an

The

But here there is

interesting reversal of australian and american positions (on the

diagram

above), mith american relations being more flexible than australian (and these
more relaxed in turn than the more British and role-regulated relation^ in Mem

Zealand).

Hhile american approaches to human relations, as to adolescence and

education,

are increasingly influencing australian practices, ameri<-an= =till

more rapidly reach first name stages,

on;

they

details of their life histories, and =o

regularly converse mith strangers .juxtaposed on

invite m^re acquaintances into their houses,
and

more

friendly than australians,

americans tend to be much more open,

public

transport,

and for the most part are marm^r

Of course mhile both

australians

and

forthcoming, and initially friendly than

Europeans,

are serious questions about the depth and dependability

there

of

many of these (and their) relationships.
The "easygoinoness" that Americans often find in the Antipodes is in part
due

the considerable informality and in part to

to

pace.

slower

the

The

societies are not after al 1 that easygoing in other respects, such as personal

and

relations, and they are not exactly Mell-knoMn for

race

toleration is increasing in Australia Mith the development of a

(though

and further stratified society,

multicultural

of factors,
climate,

strong

though

dying,

is
mix

as is the more leisurely sense of time. One obvious factor i s the

casual dress,

etc.

(Ireland being the European

1 and

encourages informality,

Mhich

inheritance

Irish

Another i s the

of

"Take

your

less submerged than in USf), is

)*

—f ocus on ttLij^gs-^ittpltasised Ml

pnpular
footbal1

Mork,

6

Irel and:

pol 11 les,

Borse

(as the n eMspaper s daily conf i rm).

pub conversation in Dublin;

Mork,

racialism,

more

The easygoing casual features are perhaps due to a

still far from dead^

topics

tolerance

their

an i sat i on,

so they are in Melbourne.

and socialism.

in

n approached in an

lie Mork and union Mork, Mhich are of

especially p

anitested

The s1OMer pace is

informal and rather casuaj^ May by Northern standards^y)(4 I
attitudes to Mork are par

Americans generally notice a 1 ack o

ervjce in the Ptntipodeans,

through indifference to positive r'.

often

astonished

ascribe

to

by

the service

class difference,

North

y illustrated by attitudes to service.

Correspondingly,
the

ranging doMn

Rntipodeans are

Mhich

North,

they

an ascription that\hardly applies in

often

America.

Part of the reason for,this difference lies in different attitudes to Mork, to

the

relative

source

desines and pressures to serve Mell;

these differences remains someMhat obscure.

On the one hand,

is suggested
don' t

that f^ntipj0c!eans in service can be rude because it's acceptable and

have to prove anything,

in particular to the person they're serving.

.

of

_____

On the

___ -

popular

Australian

racing,

football

focus on things emphasised in

organisation,

Nork,

politics,

These are the

(as the newspapers daily* confirm).

topics of pub conversation m Dublin:
e.

Ireland:

horse

leading

so they are in He 1 bourne.

and socialism.

in

The slower pace is manifested

especially public work and union work, which are often approached in an

work,

informal

and

downright

rather

casual way by Northern standards,

lazy and sloppy fashion by most industrial

organisations or- "systems",

and sometimes

The

standards.

both public and private,

a

in

large

are regarded as open to

some exploitation (time out, free services, etc.) in a way that mates are not.

Attitudes to work are partly illustrated by attitudes to service.
Americans generally notice a lack of service in the An11podeans,

through mdifference'to positive rudeness.

often

astonished

ascribe

to

by

Correspondingly,

the service rendered in the

class difference,

North,

North

ranging down

Antipodeans are

which

they

an ascription that hardly applies in

often

America.

Part of the reason for this difference lies in different attitudes to work, to
the

relative

desires and pressures to serve well;

these differences remains somewhat obscure.

but the full

source

of

On the one hand, it is suggested

that Antipodeans m service can be rude because it*s acceptable and they don t
have to prove anything,

in particular to the person they're serving.

On the

other hand, it is suggested that there is a need in the Antipodes to emphasize

that

there are no strata differences (when there are),

not need to serve.

to show that they

do

On this less likely view Americans can serve because they

are equal, and see themselves as such.
A further element here is North American identification with the
or

the

thought

ladder.

firm:

the person who serves the firm may still often admit

'I might be president',
In

Australia,

or at least much further up the

by contrast with Japan and America,

appear to be the same "organisational feudalism".

but not vice versa.)

concern
to

the

competitive

there does

not

(In Australia, you owe me,

siihpr hand, it i.i.snn<^e^t-ed^

a need in t]r= AntipDii^s- to<-emphj^M^-

trata differences (mhen there are) ,

there are no

to shom,^ttlat they

do

likely viem Americans,-can serve because they

see themse1ves as such.
fl \ur ther element here is North American identification mith the

or

concern

the person mho serves the firm may still often admit

the

or at least much further up the

ight be president',

thought

Australia,

1 adder.

appear fo'be t h $

the

to

competitive

there does

by contrast mith Japan and America,

not

,3 " nr nan i sat ion al feudJtJism".____ (In Aust rjJ-1-3-,—yiau—cm - -me,

.

e v?r sa t f

especially

Nork,
are

Britain''

and morking conditions and salaries

to a much greater extent by politically

controlled

Australia

blue collar mork,

in America.

than

(Nild,

p.50).

powerful

'Unionisation is high compared to

unions

and

American

Australian unions are mostly left-oriented

The

in

by

American standards, some of them so far to the left that they are strictly off
the

truncated

socially

American

spectrum.

political

They

are

by contrast mith the generally right-leaning US

committed,

and the US industrial-military complex.

union

situation

can

again

be

traced

Part of the reason for the

to

the

unions,

individual

support that strange advanced capitalistic mixture,

mhich

often

furthermore

ideology

of

values
American

competitive

individualism, but an important part lies in social selection, =tate-supported

repression of left-oriented unions (see Goldstein)..
The

Australian unions are,

politicised,

and,

by morld-standards,

by the same industrial standards,

very active and

extremely strike-prone.

They can serve as an important source of and aid to change.
of

the

Australian

environmental
things

prevent

unions

concerns.

extend

to

social

environmental

matters

For the interest=

and

sometime^

Australian unions have been very important in

as bans on uranium mining and shipments,

and heritage destruction,

highly

as mell as

to
=U'_h

in green ban=> to

patterns not emulated

(and

mostly not wanted) in North America.
It has been suggested, but on slender grounds and by Americans, that such

as

action

green

undesirable

legal

heritage.

And

environmental or other.

important

redressing

for

like those concerning constitutional rights, in a

Mhile

the

in

difference

of

channels

action is,

to

access

Mithout

the

from
the

courts

doubt,

an

American

and

Australia and in NeM Zealand,

that

it cannot account for the differences.

the approved channels sufficient,

in

as many American failures make

many important cases,

to

extremely

difference betMeen the environmental situation in USA and

end,

Mith

The sources of this evidently

and constitutional inheritance

history

politically-approved

approach,

class action cannot be brought in the public interest

situation lie,

different

the

But the most that rings true in this is that,

minor recent exception,
to prevent vandalism,

of

militancy

and

strength

be accounted for by the relative weakness of 1ega1 means

environmental vandalism.

the

the

Mith

movement in Australia and its often confrontational

environmental
can

along

bans,

in

Nor are

in

plain:

there is no alternative but recourse

to

direct action, to the streets and forests.

Like

most

of the Australian unions and universities,

both Morkers

greenies (those active in environmental movements) remain influenced

sometimes inspired

by,

and

certainly linked by,

socialist

by,

ideals.

and
and

The=e

influences, overt in Australia, have largely been Miped out oygone underground
in USA,

being incompatible Mith advanced capitalism,

the American establishment.

as communistic inspired,
the

communist

politicians

can

folloMing

confusion of communism,

Indeed socialist themes are commonly disposed of

or as,

has been

and seen as inimical by

Mhat they are not, ..iust communism.

kicked,

regularly,

and

hard,

by

leads and encouragement from North America,
state socialism,

Although

Australian

a

simple

democratic socialism, and so on has

been made in Australia in the Midespread and crude May that has occurred

in

North America.

Socialism and a Mel fare state approach Mere adopted

long

ago in NeM Zealand (about the beginning of the Century) and only shortly later

whereas there is little sign of their gaining much ground

in Australia,
no^.'

in North America.

even

Socialist principles are regarded w i t h suspicion even

except for a small minority.

bv more educated North Americans,

Right-leaning

attitudes have a prominence in US that they (rightly) do not enjoy
81
Australia.
In several respects, then, Reagan and his substitutes are

political

in

representative of the mass of America people.
The

double

(Christianity vs.

standards we have

seen

exhibited

American

in

economism) and foreign policy (rights vs.

religion

domination)

and

could have been displayed in trade policy (free enterprise abroad vs. American
82
subsidies and protection) and elsewhere
— contradictions engendered not by
mere

between

practice

and

ideologies

— extend

to^much acclaimed Amt erican

conflict

incompatib 1 e
pragmatism.

ideology

but

threaten ideological fundamentals are not tolerated;

"dangerous"

elements

of

p1ur a 1ism

and

These operate in an unambivalent way only in a narrow ran%e where

ideological fundamentals are not seriously threatened.

to

through

viens are often excluded,

more difficult times at least,

toleration is hardly remarkable,

Thus parties

thought

and foreigners

nith

while natives nith such views are,
83
suppressed.
While the Australian record

in

on

and the society was until recently mu<-h more

uniform in character than American,

the room for political variety and spread

of political parties is greater.

81.

They are reflected in such small things as. the form of anarchist
movements - always strongly individualistic in North America, but mostly
pluralistic and socialistic, and sometimes communistic in Australia.
Even Alternative American remains staunchly individualistic; only in the
quite minor US commune movement do the contrasts begin to break down a
bit.
The differences are important in political philosophy and theory,
where Americans and Antipodeans tend to operate on different wavelength?.

32.

Thus, for
instance, the
policy, which combines a
substantial subsidies and
produce.

83.

See again Goldstei,
for example.
narrow pluralism of capitalist
chapter of 00.

doubl/ standards of American agricultural
free enterprise image with allowance for
discounts #4, American, but not foreign,

Worthwhile proposals for widening the
democracy may be found in the final

extent of toleration noM evident in Australia is not simply a result

The

of a strong British heritage (from an England that Mas) but OMes something

appear

markedly

multiple

the level of personal

features as Mell:- Firstly,

indigenous

roots,

in

is

in the industrial North

than

egalitarianism,

and

the

encouraged

by

a strong

to

tendency

of vieMS (an infuriating feature for

relativisation

(a

dielike

in the educational structure,

people,

overassertive
toleration

loMer

assertiveness
that

has

overbearing

and

feature
of

to

and so on).

personal

secondly,
in-group

or

teachers).

Ideological

argument and competition is avoided not so much by general pluralism of vieMS,

but by personal relativisation of positions (Mhich looks foolish at first Mith

questions such as God's existence, though not Mith matters of religious belief
and

political opinion).

action is not required.

as

lonq

But it noM looks (Mith

increasing

reorientation of the society and belated introduction of

cultural

methods into social discussion) as if

other

and

this sort of strategy succeeds only so

To be sure,

advance

to

an

- if

consensual

can

relativism

Australian

intellectually respectable pluralism

multi­

Northern

control

perfni ts.
*F.

Leisure time activities, eating, drinking, sport and gambling.

retailing

and consumerism,

culture,

that

Australia is

the

it is here,

Americanisation

of

Apart from

in surface elements of more
significant

features

of

popular
life

in

most conspicuous, especially in food and entertainment, but also

in sport.
Take food, for example. American impact and control occurs primarily Mith

fast

foods (Mhere most of the larger chains are American) and in prepared and

highly

processed foods (Mhere many of the companies involved,

larger

biscuit

and snack food companies,

concerns having been bought out.)

ready

are

ultimately

e.g.

all

American,

Significant features of these products

the
local

are

or immediate gratification from largely already-made or -prepared mass-

produced items,

Mith consumer attractiveness achieved through a high level of

The technology involved is imported from USA (though

fancy packaging.

may

the patents are American,

be some minor local adaptions),

so

involved,

are

skills

local

cheap

adolescent)

(often

there

and feM or no

labour

can

be

exploited.

This pattern applies of course to American penetration of the food

industry,

and tourist industry, in many countries other than Australia; it is

part

incorporation of the "free Morld" into

the

of

the

flagging

American

^'or Id-system, the American imperium as it is sometimes called.

features are involved in the American influence on entertainment

Similar

again designed to Min acceptance by a mass market,

and sport,

immediate gratification,

or

term
action

(or

bright

or

professionalisation.

containing

Take

the

short­

achieved for instance in the form of

violence) for passive audiences,
colourful

namely

and

effect

skilful packaging

many

changes

much

by

achieved

set,

of

and

on Australian cricket - formerly

a

very leisurely and, for spectators, often boring game - of American infusions,

dra'A'n

especially

uniforms

The

baseball.

has

game

become

substantially

there are many one day matches, Mhere the players appear in

professionalised,
gaudy

from

and lots of safety gear (noM necessary Mith the

increase

of

pace and stop-start action), and the game proceeds at a much greater pace Mith
lots of croMd pleasing action.

There

is

an American overlay also to more recent forms of

slot machine gambling and,

Australia,

more important,

overlay exhibits the same surface features,

as

in

sport

gratification

and

food

- and underlying these,

casino gambling.

designed to appeal to

action,

- colour,

gambling

professional

commercialism,

in

The

consumers,

quick

polish,

professional

control,

multinational organisation, and repatriation of profits to the North.
But
plausibly

the

in

each of these cases,

especially sport and gambling,

argued that the American influence is superficial - a

single bricks Mall of the Californian brick veneer,

appearance

of

masonry solidity to Mooden houses,

it can
veneer

be

like

designed to give the

a style noM ubiquitous

in

building

that is on to a

but grafted onto a ecualypt Mood frame structure,

Australia,

evolved,

that

though

antecedents

Mith

Northern

In the building industry (as to some extent in the

in Australia.

influences,

Northern

from

food industry) the distinctively Australian basic house structure is beginning
to

in

disappear

plantation-groMn

places like Canberra Mith the replacement

pine,

Honterey

of

by

hardMOod

the adoption (again from America) uf

light

timber framing codes, and so on.

It

indeed

is

in the spraMling suburbs of Australia that

veneer is most strikingly exhibited,

American

the

and

not just in the housing and streets

styles of automobiles (all local manufacturing companies being American,
a Japanese exception,

Mith

and the predominantly Japanese imports largely American

copies), but in the shopping centres, their supermarkets (American in style of

and

retailing

lots.

parking

increasingly in oMnership or control) and petrol stations

Nonetheless

Davidson is deliberately

and

Mhen

exaggerating

he

Mrites (Mhile ruminating on the film and entertainment situation) that
... Me need all the cultural consciousness Me can muster to delay - if
only
by
the tactic of infinite postponement
- our
complete
incorporation into the American Mgfld-systenr (p.21).
For

merely is there evidence t^fjt the American imperium has

not

i t-

pa = =ed

zenith, but again the American encroachment and influence is superficial.
Despite

the overlay,

the main structures of institutions such as

and gambling remain basically Australian,
of

Australian

forms.

history,

from European,

local adaptions, evolved

and particularly British and

Iri=h,
=o it

so it is Mith home '-ooking.

These

institutions

Mould

and club gambling;

remain substantially intact even if recent

other overlays Mere entirely removed.

Nhat is more,

and

quality of life not readily available,

The

community

afford good examples.

American

these institutions

and Mith further local adaption could to a much greater extent,

America.

over much

So it is Mith the main forms of football, Mith amateur cricket;

is Mith pub drinking,

style

sport

or available

and club structures of much gambling

and

can,

provide for a
at
and

all,

in

drinking

cA</iAvf*^tnA%)^nf
r^-v^A/

<**<A —

^to

the

^jA,f

^<?/^
^.f-At^Z/y
d. ^r^,f ^ta^n/ At//^<^y

^-A

viewpoint

of

th<=

p ^9^

^?^e-4t^-^-€.

believe what they se^^- accepted,
regional culture,

^cr/A^,

A4^.

largely uncritically accepted.
among

there

others,

are

From

undoubtedly

but they are problems to which there are known answers.

problems here;
nf

?4s ^A7f /i^c

/njA^^nZiAi^-

</<P^/l<tA</;
VAr<?KyA

/6
JTT, V^/

/ ^-, ^-*<?;/ */A,

longer-term answer lies in education,

Part

much

in the teaching of

more
86
critical attitudes to Mhat is presented through media such as television.
Pi

more

viable in countries like Australia (and even

immediate interim measure,

controlled,

more in New Zealand) Mhere radio and television are heavily state

to
and

remove much of the American fiction from the publicly licensed,

channels.

regulated

That

the short answer is the

is,

nondocumentary material displaying violence,

supported

same

as

Mith

so on;

sexual exploitation, and

given the socially and culturally undesirable results of such public
87
of such material,
it fails to merit purchase and public exhibition (if

namely,

use

people Mant to hire or buy this material for their OMn video systems,

another

matter).

difficulties

in

Certainly
selection

there

difficulties

are

here,

processes for Mhat is broadcast

especially licensed commercial,

tied

on

of

predominantly

drugs,

standover

censorship,

commercial activity,
tactics,

pictography,

selection and purchasing policies,
extent,

up

public,

Mith
and

channels (for there is far less fictionalised

violence on public-corporation than commercial TN in Ptustrali^.

suggested is not any kind of

that is

1'1 hat is being

straightforward social regulation

such as regularly
etc;

in

occurs

Mith

this case regulation

hard
of

of a type already folloMed to some limited

for instance in Psustralian content requirements.

Pt practical problem

85.

Contrary to American philosopher Davidson and his followers, usually
accepting Mhat is presented is not essential to living; but the idea
that it is necessary iWa standard part of the Ptmerican cultural and most
Northern and educational frameworks.

88.

See especially Bonney and Nilson.

87.

'The consensus among most of the research community is that violence on
television does lead to aggressive behaviour by children and teenagers
Mho watch the programs' (.reported in The Chronicle of Higher Education,
Narch 13 1?85, p.8).
Psdults too are liable to be desensitized to
violence through television watching, wi th influence not only ^n values
but sp^ill over to the real world, e.g. they estimate their environment
is more violent.
A
sV<vkcL.<-^44

^7, y>,

g in

mith such content requirements has been that there is insufficient

But

materia!.

rise

the

tota!

reduced.

domination

other

of the Australian and

there is nom much more regiona! materia!;

industries,
former

mith

and,

of Australian cinemas by American

Australian

regions!

as a result, the

has

films

the variety of television material nom available from

Given

an end to American domination of local television programs,

sources,

fi!m

been

morld
and

of

this part of Australian leisure culture, could also be achieved.
and gambling form a mutually supporting trio of immense

drinking

Sport,

importance in the popular culture of Australasia,

the

to grasp or explain.

outsider

('Much American sociological

gambling deals mith it as a deviant activity":
historical

on-going

influence

population is of Irish descent).
brought

and

activities,

writing

A

p.421.)

in Australia is undoubtedly Irish

(in

on
main

early

nomaday about 17X of

the

Nith their blanketing Catholicism, the Irish

propagated rather successfully a religion liberal

masculine

in

but exceedingly narrom in intersexual

such as those of the trio,

enterprises.
mas out;

Caldmell 77,

one quarter of the population mas Irish;

Australia

for

to an extent difficult

Drinking mas in, contraception mas out; gambling mas in, divorce

sport mas in,

lomer-church

homosexuality mas out ...

Catholicism

and

more

Catholicism mostly men in Australia,

purjit/nical

.

In the play-off betmeen

forms

o^

Protestantism,

mhereas in eastern USA more

puritanica!

forces prevailed, and these mere subsequently reinforced by Judaism.

is a central part of Australian social life and so of

Drinking

(Nhile it is important in Nem Zealand also,

social

momen.

life.)
For

it is a less dominant feature

of

It bears on the connected issues of mateship and attitudes

to

matesh ip

relationship,

and

is

mateship

often based upon,
is

(cobbers) mhich excludes momen.

North

culture.

America,

that to his mife.

or groms

characteristically a

Indeed,

out

of,

relation

a

drinking

betmeen

men

in contrast to the apparent norm in

a man's relations to his mates,

or mate,

may be closer than

The

mateship

mates, first and foremost, through thick and thin.

A first corollary is a

or less rigorously some ambivalence about, social and career

limitation upon,
because

mobility,

may involve leaving one's mates

any transfer or promotion

or distancing from them.

A related corollary is a restriction on competition

because one does not compete seriously Mith one's mates.
similarly

also

mateship engenders,

The mateship

ethos

because mates are treated

requires local egalitarianism,

Thus

equals.

his

Mith

ethos strict!;/ requires that a man should stick

especially given a

little

as

transitivity,

egalitarian and non-competitive features, also encouraged by other elements of
Accompanying aspects of mateship are that

mainstream culture.

the

identity

success are sought,

and

concerns such as a job or career,

serious

and

energy

in leisure,

Mhere they are,

personal

not in

more

and that often a greater level

interest is di rec ted at leisure ac t iv i t i es and pas t imes

than

Excellence in serious things tends to be deflated or denigrated.

Mork.

of Antipodean socialism.

at

Hates

however are supported, and so by extension are those Mho Mould be mates.

mateship is one of the props

of

Thus

A less expected aspect

of mateship, Mhich is after all a communitarian relation of an important type,
is

diminished involvement Mith social (and also sometimes political)
is because mates afford a secure social framework Mhich

this

Perhaps

issues.

unnecessary to look beyond.

it

is

Hates naturally get together frequently, commonly

for sport, gambling or drinking.
The

main

setting

uncomfortable

and

for

drinking

is

pub

the

degenerate form of the English pub.

important public setting for drinking is the clubs,

as the Australian barbeque.
- though

some

city

The hotel Mas,

pubs

have

occasionally invaded by groups of Momen.

the

development

serves,

not

_urious!y

hotel,

a

But an

increasingly

Mhich also commonly cater

Among private group settings, for drinking are such institutions

for gambling.

haunt

or

only

and remains,

been

liberalised,

essentially a male

and

others

are

Thus the hotel is a main setting for

and continuation of mateship.
to reinforce male chauvinism,

The hotel

has

served,

but also to foster

and

racism.

Until very recently,

and still in some places,

hotels excluded or segregated

and perhaps other groups such as Orientals uho fall towards

Aboriginals,

the

bottom of the caste ladder.
do the places of drinking differ in significant respects

only

Not

those in USA;

extent it is in USA,

and is not a major form for the drinking bout;

nor are

Beer is the mainstay of

is the main alcoholic drink consumed.

and

hotels,

is not consumed to anyuhere near the

given the same prominence as in USA.

cocktails

Hard liquor,

so do the styles of drinking and uhat is drunk.

uh 1 ch is nou heavily taxed in Australia,

from

drinking

But Australian

patterns have changed markedly in the last twenty years;

the

and nine has become

an everyday drink in the clubs and often for lunch.

the feu older clubs can be exclusive in their membership

Nhile

American country clubs carry exorbitant fees,

or

the neu clubs have very

like
modest

joining fees and represent an improvement on the hotels in many respects;

for

they are not aluays, predominantly drinking establishments and dominantly male
but they are more sociable and comfortable, and they carry a range

preserves,

including commonly gambling (on uhich their

of other programs and activities,

depends)

financing

nonprofit associations)
sort

importance,
and

consumer
greatly

Hales).

golf);

but

there

notably returned servicemen's clubs,
and ethnic clubs,

religious

These

interests.

of the

are several

clubs

(community

types

other

catering

for

uhich function in all respects like

are a major post-Har social

country touns,

of

minority

phenomenon,

uhich

altered leisure patterns in parts of Australia (especially Neu
'In

one

political and labour clubs,

and there are many

neu registered clubs,

cooperatives,

registered

are indeed sporting clubs in origin (football of

bouls,

another,

of

Hany

sport.

and

have

South

clubs have replaced churches as the centres for

sociability and recreation; in the metropolitan areas, they have decentralised
leisure facilities providing nightclub, restaurant, gambling and entertainment

outlets

in

leisure

sophistication'*.

the

suburbs;

and in the coastal touns they

And

in these

very

successful

have

brought

some

gambling-financed

cooperatives,

'sport,

gambling

and

drinking

of

- the pillars

Australian

leisure culture - have found common ground' (Caldwell 77, pp.424, 425).
Sport is the opiate of the masses in Australasia, a main leisure activity
and entertainment form, a major (male) topic of conversation both socially and

and it takes up a significant chunk of the "news"^newspaper coverage

at work,

it is now relegated to the back pages^with local politics occupying

(but
front

It

pages).

is also a major reservoir of chauvinism,

with

'Sport

competitiveness.

its

long traditions may

the
and

conformism
more

m^ifest

male

chauvinism than many other forms of popular Australian culture' (Caldwell
p.41'7');

racial and cultural.

as

such

j^-also manifests and often encourages other forms of

it

Even in sport reevaluation is

77,

chauvinism

place,

taking

including reassessment of the competitive principle, and there is a shift away

from

bureaucratic

Fortunately,

sport,

controls

however,

to

freer

environmentally

forms,
damaging

especially

sports.

vertigo

machine-dependent forms

have not caught on to the same extent as in America;

or art,

nor

of

do

forms such as hunting enjoy a% similar following or so little criticism.
important component of Antipodean newspaper sport,

An

racing

anima!

distinct

as

"sport",

especially,

from

professional,

predominantly

gambling purposes.

integrally tied to gambling.

is

the

type

younger

people

In the participant sports there is,

other

and

This

participate

and now essentially designed for

North, a heavy outdoor emphasis.
but

horse

form

of

in,

is

spectator

and

in contrast with the

This emphasis is partly a New Norld feature,

partly a matter of extensive open space and a favourable outdoor climate.

Explaining

the

separating

sport

sheer extent of sport is a complex matter, best approached by
into

its

different components

looking

and

at

what

is

distinctive in the new world, and what in the Antipodes (at the same time this

reveals
e.g.

the

that

ritualised

limited applicability of psychological substitutibility

sport,

national

substitute

sport

for war).

especially,

is

a

socially

claims,

acceptable

And one thing that is distinctive

is

the

and

amount

style of gambling-linked sport.

Explaining that is

inseparable

from explaining gambling itself.
have been several attempts to explain the extent and diversity

There

in Australia as compared Mith that in the North,

gambling

smoothly into the culture.

it

according

Morld,

various

and to incorporate

Australians are the heaviest gamblers in the
88
surveys.
Some of the main explanations

to combine the following elements:

try

suggested

to

of

the

of

influence

Irish

Latholicism in overriding the restrictive puritanism, the comparative Meekness

the

of

ethic

Mork

bother?"),

the

the drive to accumulate

and

entrenched

belief

in

gambling

a

strand

form

of

(Mith

as

a

positional

improvement (Mhich appears to date back, like distinctive Australian

games

as 2!-up,

such

together,

to convict times).

gambling

Not all these elements sit

easily

not all of them, such as the Mork ethic, are relevant on their oMn.

The Mork ethic becomes relevant because it Mas Midely believed by
that gambling damagingly undercut Mork,

improvement,

positional

to Meal th,

Mork

"Mhy

of

Protestants

both because of the popular legend of

that gambling offered an alternative route than hard

and because gambling Mas an absorbing leisure-time

activity

Mhich competed successfully Mith (often alienating) Mork.

Moreover,
acommodated.

gambling,

there

are

some

important

complicating

factors

to

be

One is that Mhat is more extensive in Australia is smaller-scale

social

gambling,

entrepreneurial gambling.

not

heavy

punting,

professional

gambling

or

Australians are, by and large, very security minded

and are not large-scale risk takers: hence one of the reasons for the shortage
8'?
of venture capital in Australia .
Despite the risk-taking image, there is
then a strong emphasis on security,

- the

suburban

both in the (home) OMnership expectations
a-cnd—a-s— hegsr-de--

------------------------ 88. Thus e.g. R/deen.
On the extent of Australian gambling, see also
CaldMell 74. Like drinking, gambling is less extensive in NeM Zealand.

8'?.

The extent of gambling in Australia contrasts sharply Mith risk-taking in
investment.
'Risk aversion seems to be endemic in Australia at least as
far as investment in innovative products is concerned'* (S. Macdonald).

block, the private home, the car, and as regards defence (whence the appeal of

an

American

second

6

gambling.

Australian

complication

concerns

the

'is marked by a heavy reliance on

It

character

of

and

so

chance

But Caldwell's attempt to explain

on skill'* (Caldwell/^ p.20).

little

this

features of the Australian character which deemphasize excellence

through

less

shield).

partly

satisfactory,

than

from sport,

differently

where,

because

it

as he admits,

involves

treating

'excellence ...

is

gambling

is

[almost]

fact the preferred explanations of the characterisatics and

puzzling

always approved of'*.
In

aspects of Australian gambling are unsatisfactory. In several places, Caldwell
has

appealed

in possible explanation'* 'to features of Australian

specifical 1y

to egalitarianism,

concen trates

on

r e1qu i s i t e

trying

to

what these are,

Fatalism,

explaining.

fatal i sm/

mateship and a sense of

say

for example,

character,

not on

how

they

But

he

do

the

apathy,

is said to involve

putting up with unfavourable conditions, and accepting the outcomes of fortune
but with good fortune attributed to luck,

hardly a fatalistic theme,

fatalism might explain a certain dourness or resignation,

Australian,

unclear

with

along

some more typical Australian

Caldwell

since
really

the

extent

makes no difference to

in

disclose

success
that

by luck.

marginally

what

for

this

the bulk of Australian gambling is social

better

than

fatalism

it

remains

i^

Hhat

fated.

that things

surveys

suggestion,

gambling

in

And mateship and egalitarianism only

in

will

but a ^^rious (nonmarket) optimism, a

Unfortunately

do not expect to succeed.

especially

rather than little

seems to be appealing to is not fatalism,

happen as they are already fated to do,

people

features,

how it is supposed to explain extensive gambling,

gambling,

belief

neither

klhile

their

intended

explanatory

which
fare
roles;

egalitarianism does, as will appear, have a minor role.
8^.

(From previous page) The extent of gambling in Australia contrasts
sharply with risk-taking in investment.
'Risk aversion seems to be
endemic in Australia at least as far as investment in innovative products
is concerned* (8. Macdonald).

^^7

/s*

By contrast,

Inglis attempts an historical explanation,

he sees as the social sources of gambling.

He claims to uncover the following

speculative character of business in a neM country (but unless

the

factors:

looking to Mhat

specially

difficult and distinctive character of the neM country is also

the

invoked

does not distinguish Australia from the rest of the neM

this

that life Mas a gamble in early Australia (but this does

including USA);

explain Mhy social gambling took off,

Irish

heritage

subsequent
mining

persistence

the

and does not account for

the

of

the

of social gambling in Australia);

the role

Mith heightened discovery and rapid riches (but

again

this

to California Mhere gambling practices are different, and are

e.g.,

not concentrated on social gambling).
particular

not

or the augmentation of gambling);

(but this applied also to USA,

industry

applies,

Morld,

These sorts of factors may explain

inherited forms of gambling in Australia,

for instance the

the
Irish

contribution no doubt helps account for the prominence of horse-racing and its

egalitarian betting patterns in Australia (though horse-racing is as important
in

NeM Zealand Mhich had no comparable influx of Irish catholics).

But they

do not explain the persistence and styles of gambling in Australia, as opposed

to

USA.

to

delegated

the
to

extent that it Mas in Australia,
the

Inglis

favours,

hoM Mas it that gambling Mas integrated into

emerges:

question

order,

up in the historical fashion

set

Nhen

rather

commercial and criminal sector as in

than
USA?

a

the

major

social

substantially

question

The

fetches its OMn complex ansMer - in terms of the differing religious pressures

for

the

suppression

and regulation of gambling,

the

respective

gambling and their possible exploitation by capitalistic methods,

types

of

illegal

or

legate and the comparative commitment to market and commercial methods

- once

the features of Australian gambling are explained.
In trying to explain Australian gambling and its distinctive features, it

is
most

important^first to divide gambling into types.

Australian

pursuit

gambling is social,

of Meal th.

A salient feature is that

for "fun", as opposed for

instance

But professional and heavy (and plunge) gambling

to

appear

be greater in Australia than elsewhere (and

to

not

gambling

than

less

are

in USA,

investment
the

reflecting again

of non-social

Bayesian theory (i.e.

gambling

be

can

gambling can be explained in the

people).

improvement

remains

it

given a largely psychological explanation,

positional

an undoubted consideration in such forms as lottery

is

to

social gambling.

For example-substantial

A

through

Since compulsive

subjective expected utility theory).

here some divi = i'*sn of types helps.

These

May

standard

explain Mhat _i_s distinctive in the Australian scene, broadly

Even

venture

security-

supposed

mindedness of Australians and the timidity of their business

types

and

art

and

union gambling but not in poker machine gambling.

main

The

forms

of

social

such

gambling,

club

as

rather undemanding leisure-time-fillers of

unintellectual

gambling,

acceptable

More ordinary Australians have a good deal of leisure time to fill;

are

types.

and given

the prevailing relatively uncompetitive ethos and general anti-intellectualism

of

the society,

activities

(e.g.

intellectual

or

this time is not often occupied by additional Mork or

for

positional improvement of one sort or another)

higher cultural activities,

But

by

gregarious

television Matching has to some extent substituted in recent

years.

or

direct

television

does

not

the same

offer

stimulation that gambling affords.

established,

socially

acceptable,

activities (like pip? smoking),
and

neMspapers^,

setting;

offering
iKti.

it

social

opportunities

Still, Mhy gambling rather than other time
It is not simply that it Mas and remains an

fillers and entertainment forms?

social

undemanding

or

For both of these more passive and

activities, such as drinking and gambling.

solitary

but by

hobby

form,

Mell

surrounded

Mith

associated

such as ^11 ec ting .snd reading^ + orm guidey

social

contacts and opportunities or at

also^afforde^

uncompetitive?^ form of stimulation, aec

a/, approved

least

funintellectual

a

and

Mhere^excitement could be directly

exper i encecL

tends

to

be extraverted;

leisure time activity

in

Australia

and Mhen it is not directed toMards the

notorious

the gambling situation reveals,

As

trie,

it is usually practical or- material,

mainstream Australian culture is,

not educational or artistic.

The

to understate matters, neither cultured nor

intel 1ectual,

communication,

Education,

the intellectual

patterns in Australasia are Northern,
England and Scotland,

imported almost entirely,

from

mainly

As a result

very recently, some local adaption.

significant surface educational differences between Australia

are

(though the differences do not touch the

America

North

Mith,

The

life and practicality.

underlying

and so are not of great ideological depth?.

social paradigm,

and

Northern

surface

These

differences bear directly on the continuation of the cultural traditions.

Austral ia
countries.

t^or st

the

has

There

educational record of any

for example,

are,

the

of

three times as many people going on to

higher science studies proportionally in USA as in Australia.
23

to

this

recorded.

Australia.)
better

including 50 per cent

level,
(There

is

up the ladder,

doubt

to
and

different.

similar

ethnic

of

the

blacks,

differentiation

students at more average American

different,

attitudes

to

lowest

in

Not only
educational

segment

education

universities

reflecting the

but are generally nor-se in quality,

the more generous intake of students.
styles

In USA however 83 percent go

than their Australian counterparts,

drive

levels

a

University

motivated

5

In Australia about 20 per cent leave school at 15, and only

3'? percent proceed to higher school certificate.
on

Nhereas in UbA

in Australia only

percent of science students eventually obtain Ph.Ds,

per cent do, etc.

developed

oning in
are

in

are

social

part

no

educational

institutions

are

In North America universities are much more business, and there is

The details of general intellectual life,
differ material 1y.

extent of reading,

etc., al so

It is in intellectual and educational life, especially in the extent of
book reading, that Ne'.-j Zealand culture differs, perhaps most strikingly,
from Australian.
The anti-intelleptu_al charges regularly hurled at
Australians are not often directed at Neu Zealanders, t^h^je traditions
remain much more British.

not

the

degree

separation of the university

of

business

commun i t i es

evident in Australia.
Education in Australia encounters, and has to combat, the practicality of
the mass of people, the widespread impatience with theory and ideas, and anti­

The impatience with theory,

intellectualism.

theory into action,
blue

the demand for translation

the concentration on the practical,

collar (working-class) people,

of

appear not only with

for instance in adult education

but in groups drawn from virtually all strata of the society,

and

groups,

even,

and

perhaps or especially, in groups concerned with changing social consciousness.
The

anti-intellectualism

feature,

striking

locals.

Thu

to

of

Australia is a

widely

cultural

European visitors^and admitted or even insisted on

'sheep-culture,

agriculture,

by

physical culture have reached

standards in Australia but intellectual culture has

high

remarked

been

neglected* .

'Especially important in affecting the output of govenments and the quality of
our political life ...

[is] a suspicion of debate and reason, combined with a

profound anti-intellectualism'.

13

Rnti-intellectualism has however two levels (like anti-theism):

or,

differently, hostility to things intellectual.

though

the

Both appear in Australia,

neglect is far more widespread than hostility (which

restricted

neglect

appears

to a few older class-differentiated cultural groupings),

vast and amorphous middle class vaguely approving of things

largely

most

of

educational.

Note also the role of private schools in Australia, as in USR, as opposed
to New Zealand, where quality secondary eduction is not so privatised.
The whole style of ranking educational institutions in fact differs from
culture to culture.
Stephenson^s "words ring as true as they did the^' 30
writes Dunlevy (Canberra Times l'?84).

years

ago,

so

The other two 'characteristics [which] infect our public life'*, and also
stand in the way of 'a better society in this country", listed by Aitkin
in his cynical and pessimistic conclusion (p.28) are worth recording
also,
namely
widespread authoritarianism and
majoritarianism
in
government, and primary group loyalty (and therewith partisan and even
confrontational practices) in public affairs, i.e. narrow non-pluralistic
matesh i p.

this

In

does

Australia

neglect,

not differ

from

situation may be Morse in rural USA than it is in rural

the

highly

other

Indeed there are grounds for supposing

materialist cultures, such as the USA.

that

markedly

Australia,

Mhere people commonly have access to public libraries and a variety of

public

c ommun i c a t i on ne tMorks,

terms

In

furnished

America

relative

of

population

Australia

corresponds

perhaps

is

to community radio stations like Canberra's

could Mell adapt, is different.

better

Nothing in

cultural communication netMorks than USA.

Mith

2XX

North
to

or

The US PSS arrangments, Mhich Australia

ethnic radio in most state capitals.

by

size

For Mhat it is Morth (for they are controlled

capitalist right and carry a heavy Northern ideological message)

the

the

main Australian neMspapers also compare favourably Mith American neMspapers
at least on a circulation-size basis
Many

Americans

have

'America's

for

conservatism'

(p.345).

Mhich,

Australia,

remarked,

in a similar

parochialism,
The

though

- and tend to be less parochial.
fashion

to

anti-intellectualism

Merrill,

sc i en t i sm

ano

smoothly

for

same ingredients do not blend so

certainly

instantiating that

on

initially^_starting

coupling of scientism Mith an t i - i n t e 1 1 ec t u a 1 i sm^s^^Can d n a t i on a 1 i sm)^ i s neither
so

conservative

(especially

politically) nor nearly

as

parochial

(perhaps because much further from the centre of things than USA).

there is some significant overlap,

are,

like

Moreover,
of

'P%.

though

because both mainstream cultures are male-

dominated Mith a heavy practical get-things-done orientation.

Australasian

USA

Nor do the

of Australian anti-intellectualism look the same as American,

sources

as

For example, in

male preserves it is still considered that intellectual pursuits

artistic

endeavours,

for practical men,

unmasculine

and

effeminate

("sissy").

ideas and intellectual activity, except as part

a narroM practically-directed result-oriented science,

are an impediment,

Looked at differently things are not so good.
Australia's capital, for
example, hardly turns out, in the form of the Canberra Times, a product
Mhich compares favourably Mith the Nashing ton Post

an effete luxury.
in

that

Inhere Australian culturet&e3±±s^diverges from American

anti-intellectualism,

culture and thought, ^deriv
the

connected mediocre standards

and

opportunities

various

furthermore,

to

higher

from egalitarian and levelling down elements

culture (for intellectual activities,

serious

of

to

and

excel,

like high culture,

surpass

is

in

offer too many

There

mates).

are,

connected mediocre-maintaining mechanisms in Australian

for example ''social penalisation of deviance from certain "middling"

society,

intellectual

other

norms'* (Ely),

a lopping off

cultures

do share is a

heavy

and

of

intellectual

tall

poppies.
the

Nhat

as

misrepresented

Americans,

a

practical

practical

utilitarianism.

and unlike most Europeans,

orientation,

Australians

are,

often
like

practical do-it-yourself people, proud

But for the most part,

of their fix-it make-do and improvisational abilities.

Australians have strong group loyalties and do not treat those outside primary
groups

with

sense;

nor

aiming

at

sufficient impartiality to count as utilitarians in
they,

in appropriate utilitarianism

greatest

happiness of the greatest

are
'the

societal maximum.

educational

and

or

number'

strict

maximizers,

any

other

They are utilitarian only in the vulgar sense of utility-

focussed and practical,

experimental

fashion,

any

in the sense that theory,

statistical

work,

gets

and research institutes (as e.g.

a low

as opposed to practice and
even

in

higher

the Research School

of

Social

ranking,

Sciences, Australian National University).
The

practical

capabilities of Australians are by no means

directed but include group and social organisation.

individually

Particularly significant

The utilitarian theme was a hare-meleased by Hancock, in his attempt to
reconcile Australian 'individualism with ... reliance upon Government'
(p.55).
In fact utilitarianism is inessential to the style
of
reconciliation Hancock attempts, several sorts of accounts of collective
poster at the service of integrated individual interests serving as well or better in the Australian case.
Even in the academies utilitarianism
hardly predominates;
and it has had little historical importance in
Australian philosophy, though it has regrettably become a position to be
reckoned with in recent years.
By contrast, pragmatism has almost no
foil owing.

is

australian

'the

organisations

zest for starting,

joining

of all kinds' (aitkin p.26).

and

maintaining

voluntary

This has proved important for

a

long time in the provision of Melfare services in australis, and more recently
40?% n

in the case of the environment.

The pattern of Melfare^in australia, for long

self-provisioning (as distinct from provided by local

largely

elseMhere

),

a "Mel fare partnership" Mith government

into

merged

espec i al 1 y in brick-and mortar- grants and the like,

and

other

organisations.

environmental

a

The

concerns.

government

similar

pattern

funding,

for voluntary,
is

re! igious

as

emerging

as

regards

size of the nongovernmental Melfare sector

in

Rustralia,

an important part of the informal economy, remains extremely large

(est ima ted

9. S

p.26^/

for

equivalent in unpaid mages alone to 1.5'< of GDP,

de t ai 1s);

the informal economy bound up

and

see

Mith

aitkin,

environmental

issues is no longer negligible though governmental assistance is

siight.

But the success of nongovernmental organisation and the informal

economy

up a latent paradox concerning political organisation in australia

throMS

for Mhat i s

paradoxes tied to the already noticed authoritarianism paradox;

afxa poMer+ul authoritarian government doing in self-reliant communities?)

the

one

hand,

there

political culture',

is

'an important self-reliant

in

strain

(a

On

australian

Mith do-it-themselves groups Mhich substituted for

local

government; it is 'a political culture in Mhich voluntary organistions have an
honoured place' (aitkin,

apathy,

though

populace

Mhich

p.26).

But, on the other hand, there is a political

are not as marked as formerly or as- in the USa;
has

by

and

large 'not sought

profound

there

changes

in

is

problems

a

reliance on government to provide and

(this in complete contrast Mith

america)

to

deal

.

a

Mith

and

political

difference-in-size

In contrast Mith USa, for instance, local government Mas
development in australia, and remains Meak: see aitkin, p.23ff.
?7-

a

their

political or social structure for several generations noM" (aitkin p.23);

there

is

a

late

"So australians faced Mith a political problem learned to respond Mith
"Mhat Mill they (= the government) do about it?", Mhereas americans in a
similar situation could be heard to say "Hhat Mill Me do about it?'"
(aitkin, p.23).

ar

^6

theory,

both lessons for Australian political decentralisation and^some

Mith

expI anatory
0! son' s

Mould appear to resolve the paradox (a theory

pOMer,

individuals,

action,

collective

of

bogie

but

Mhich

initial

the

groups or factions to Mhom

primary

within Mhich mateship^ bonds operate).

in

but Mith

elements

not

attach

and

loyalties

Nhat holds for the smaller local group

individual is directly involved does not

the

resembling

to

transfer

larger

political arrangements? tsri on the contrary, local loyalties act against larger

groups struggle and compete for their OMn

organisation^

enter ^nto a-v^ricty"'of partisan and rent-seeking behaviour.

Australians
political

are

self- or

problems

they

hardly

and

Similarly Mhile

problems,

group-reliant Mith smaller
appeal to government,

interests

larger

for

surprisingly^ to

authoritarian government (for though authoritarianism is not essential,

an

it is

likely in the circumstances).

.The

1

open

times may be changing Mith the serious attempt to apply
"

methods

secretive

to

large group decision making,

games,

numbers

instead

of

group

'a perversion of the majority principle

old

Mhich

in

HoMever the

of more satisfactory and rational decision making methods into large

organisation and choice practices have a long May to go

political

the

simply

getting the numbers is a surrogate for persuasion'* (Aitkin p.28).

adoption

consensual,

J

life,

in

Australian

in such less anti-intellectual (but still often

even

anti­

theory) cloisters as the universities and other educational institutions.

Approaches

to the environment.

the frequent presentation of USA as the heartland

An t i podes, despi te
environmental

movement.

proportionately,

the Morld.

of

There

are,

as

Australian

for

example,

more

paid-up

the

of

members,

environmental groups in Australia than anyMhere else

in

Apparently blest Germany, Northern homeland of green politics, noM

comes second in this sort of statistic,

Mell

Ecological aMareness is greater in the

easily ahead of USA and

Canada.

a quantitative difference there is a qualitative difference
and Northern environmentalism.

The Australian movement

As

betMeen
is

much

A

and

active

more

ecological

auareness

communities.

The

involved.
not

mi th

permeated

Antipodean culture is

encountered in North America

in

except

an

isolated

These are subjective impressions from informants, but there are

some more objective matters to back them up, such as

The

P

issue

Tasmanian

dam issue,

uhich could not have figured as

election

an

in the same sort of uay in North America (though perhaps it could

have

in Noruay);

level of political commitment on such environmental matters

neu

The

9

the preservation of rainforest in NSH.

as

(For details, and other examples, see

Dunphy).
?

for example,

Responses to questionnaires on rainforest and uoodchipping,

uhich indicate uide community concern in Australia on these issues.

impressions

The

quantitative

can,

uay,

by

moreover,

be

backed

up to some

dividing environmental groups into

(conservative) and neuer (post l'?65, more radical).

extent

in

tuo

types:

more

a

older

The overwhelming majority

of people involved in environmental groups in England, for instance, belong to
organisations of the former type,

National

mostly founded last century, especially the

Trust (see Loue and Goyder).

By contrast the

consists predominantly of more recently formed groups.

Australian

The Australian groups

differ in character from those in USA in important uays;

also

for

and less inclined to compromise. For instance, there has never been a

action,

(such

deal

as

as the Sierra Club

made)

uith. organisations

supporting

there has never been a uorking alliance uith shooters or

pouer,

nuclear
clubs

they are,

more active, more radical, more left-leaning, more inclined to

the most part,

major

movement

is commonplace in USA,

or an easy alliance uith

off-road

gun

vehicle

c1ubs.

USA

can

Emerging),
much

in

be

very

roughly seen,

as dividing into tuo parts,
the

uilderness),

uay

as Callenbach

sees

(in

Ecotopi a

Eastern part, uithout

the Old Norld,

of deeper ecological concerns (or

it

of

national

parks

or

and a Neuer Norld, Nestern part, uhich is much more ecologically

There

concerned.

is

little

doubt however that

the

metropolitan

eastern

industrial part of USA (the Boston-Neu York-Hashington conglomeration) is Mell
and truly in control of things.

in

the

places

uhere

again roughly,

The division gets reflected,

environmental philosophy or

features in university programs,

equivalent

an

seriously

not at the

namely the south and uest,

more

richly-endoued higher-ranked universities in the east.

Jeuish prominence in eastern American universities has something

The

to

There is a significant Jewish element in

do Mith this educational situation.

contemporary US thinking and philosophy, but not to any extent in Australian

American.

The

evident Jewish influence on American economic and political life extends

into

except

insofar as it (increasingly) serves as a Meak copy of

philosophy

and

Nalzer

political theory,

in

elements.

ideology:

This

long

the Mork of Nozick

for instance,

Mhich is overtly infused

influence

exploitation-disrupted

the

Consider,

has

a

substantial

Mith

Jeuish

effect,

Jeuish record is exceedingly disappointing,

Hebraic

especially

arenas like peace and the natural environment
both in

and

in

- Mhere

practice

and

theory (occasional rebels excepted).

The

features

strength of Australian environmentalism arises from a combination of

of

the

land

and

the culture:

the

presence

pouer

and

of

the

surrounding natural Morld, the conspicuousness and the resilience of many more
familiar
Mhich
close,

parts of the environment,

together

the outdoor barbeque-and-beach lifestyle,

Mith a variety of outdoor activities brings

the secular earthiness of the culture,

the

its naturalism,

environment

the

doMn-to-

earth practical character of the people, the do-it-yourself approach to things
like

housing,

repairs

and

so

forth

Mhich

often

frustrating, details of the natural Morld close again.

brings

the

messy,

if

Nhile Hestern American A.

9^.

There are hoMever some European emigres, Mith right-leaning or even
reactionary political vieMS, Mho have an influence on political thinking
in Australia, especially as regards defence and communism.
NeM Zealand
is, by contrast, relatively free of such immigrants.

%?.

Nain reasons Mhy are in fact nicely explained in SchMarzschild.

these things it does not share all of

of

many

shares

them

by

means,

any

in particular not the areligious character or the style of naturalism.

Despite Australia's frequent inclusion as an industrialised nation, it is

not

industrialised,

highly

mining,

and

agriculture

and

of

much

the

export

in their different Mays quarrying

both

Other Antipodean countries are even less industrialised.
there

the level of Old Norld

yet

isn't

transformation

industrial

land.

the

the

The

European

still

environment

even in most parts of the largest

reaches through conspicuously,

from

And in the Antipodes

control,

the total inhabitable landscape.

of

comes

wealth

cities.

survey of cultural media such as films Mould shoM this clearly enough.

a

rare

(or NeM Zealand) film that doesn't include

Australian

bushdrop,

many

Mhereas

US

exclude

productions

the

some

A

It is
natural

environment

natural

entirely, and even Mhen sequences are shot outside it's often all concrete and

and

glass,

neon

lights and automobiles and

pools

sMimming

- metropolitan

"cu1ture".

Certainly these sorts of urban effects, taken from noMhere in particular,
could

be achieved in parts of the older Australia state capitals,

becoming
(less

very

freeMay

cities in the American-influenced

much

systems hoMever),

Melbourne,
noisy

and

As a result,

older

mode

structures

the largest, Sydney and

are not .just sprauling and mostly unplanned but heavily congested,

polluted,

Mith

nature blotted out in many of

despite

its impressive monuments,

the

inner

poorer

In this they resemble Hashington,

suburbs by red brick and Mires and asphalt.

Mhich

are

free-enterprise

overlaying and expanding

copied from British provincial cities.

Mhich

has only little

planning,

and

is

mostly the American adaption of the European city - an adaption Mhere the city
is

treated as if at first space didn't matter,

structures,

fortunate

al) being,

to have,

so to say,

by contrast,

nor any unity of

better integrated into and less imposed upon,

(the

Australia is

isolated individual ones).

in Canberra a much more

style

holistic

capita),

/

the environment.

Moreover it

is

hard

not to see and to some extent appreciate the natural environment
on the hills,

especially

Canberra,

neatly planned and in places so green,

between,

lands

even if the flatter

in

so

exhibit (though as cities normally do)

so much artifice.

The

prospects for the environment look rather brighter in Australia than

in USA,
and

for several reasons,

some physical and structural,

much

smaller proportion firmly

population,

and

agriculture

or to industrialist activities.

matter

possibilities

technological

and

a

of good luck than good management;

America

much

For a similar land area Australia has a

cultural.

have been lacking.

some ideological

human

smaller

committed

to

intensive

In large measure this is more a

for both the time and physical and

for a such colossal business

investment

as

in

But cultural reasons have also made a difference

Mill likely become increasingly important:

contrasts

cultural

already

observed, that is.
In

had

Australians came increasingly godless to a land God

the first place,

supposedly forgotten about;

for them there Mas no mandate or

such as the Americans operated under,

in

Australian

life

not merely to multiply and be fruitful,

and exploit it to their oMn ends.

but to dominate the land,
and

approaches

directive

to

the

environment

Nor is there noM

the

extent

of

religiously-reinforced human chauvinism that operates in the industrial North,
and

Mhich

sciences.

informs

the

Secondly,

precedent-bound

foundations

American adulation of,

of

Northern

social

and ideological commitment

. (From previous page) So it is to be hoped that Griffin's environmental
vision, from Mhich Canberra took shape, can be sustained. H.B. Griffin a naturalised Australian Mho greM up in USA - has a significant place in
the groMth of environmentalism in Australia. His role in this regard has
been largely neglected;
for he is usually portrayed .just as an
arch i tec t.

/P/ . On the May in Mhich human chauvinism is Mritten deep into mainline social
sciences, see EE, pp.183-'?.
About the social theory involved, many
Australians are fortunately sceptical - those that bother Mith theory,
that is.
/%%. The practice of government**assisted capitalism of
differs of course from the ideology.

advanced

capitalism

to,

market arrangements and market-based minimally-regulated

profit-directed

competition is not shared in Australia,

American commitment to the Big,

and,

to big business,

to put it all more theoretically,
capitalism,

controlled

is substantially opposed.

but

to tall poppies, to genius,

to maximization.

extraordinarily bad neMS for the environment.

general

and

documented,

reasons for their damaging effects are sufficiently

theoretical

the

understood.)

such commitments and themes, though influential enough and

In Australia,

and advertised daily through the commercial media,

pushed

in

are

(The damaging effects of these

in practice are quite evident enough and Mell

3-Bad-lTs

But such minimally-

maximization,

and

markets,

So is

do

not

dominate.

For there is a different mainstream ideology Mith a different agenda - such as

social

social

regulation,

and

intervention,

so

arbitration,

consensus,

group

government

The land and the people are not open

forth.

American-style markets in the same '.jay (though there are increasing
ill-considered

pressures

forces",

dairy

market,

e.g.

expose

farmers

in a subsidized and

also

Morks

in favour of

the

environment.

natural

and

are

entitled to fair treatment,

oppressed or poor Australians,

rather

to a "fair go" and assistance.

growing reluctance to see local environments,
especially

and,

by foreign companies.

Fourthly,

Australian environmental movement itself,

Morld

Australian

Thirdly,

are to an increasing extent considered as honorary or even

Australians,

"market

heavily-controlled

markets).

the

and often

to

population

sectors of the

adolescents in over-supplied labour

egalitarianism
animals

to

to

Native

exemplary
like

other

And there is a

like small people,

ripped off,

there is the live and expanding

some of it manifest in

Alternative

Australia.

5.

Formulating and takinq different directions

The

distinctive

features of Australian culture both point

change and supply main parts of an engine for change.
is,

houever,

the

May

to

The standard complaint

that proposals for radical change noM lack,

Mith the demise of

revolutionary aspirations in the oppressed c 1 asses, any engine for change.

In

more friendly form, the complainfis elaborated along the foliating lines:-

It is easy enough to formulate different directions for the South Pacific

it is far harder to see how such an appropriately different course

countries;

It is not merely that the main countries in the

can be adopted and followed.

region,
European

transformed

descent.

by Europeans,
There

are

are much influenced by people

inevitably,

then,

strong

recent

of

pressures

for

conformity, for similarity to the North, and for cultural anonymity, and there
is much pressure for increased assimilation within the !JS6 sphere of influence

These Northern pressures comprise a familiar package, notably

and control.
*

Domination

popular

media

Northern,

of main forms of communication and education - especially the
such as T'-.J,

especially

books

- by

features

and

missionaries of Northern culture

and

but also intellectual media such

American

but

also

British,

programs,

as

products.

*

Cultural

propaganda.

travelling

ambassadors,

Surprisingly, these people are almost invariably welcomed, their

loaded messages eagerly sought.

reinforce the missionaries.
from,

On a lesser scale,

North

tourists from the

They see the North, generally the areas they come

as ^zi.tmg the standards,

as providing the sort of cultural ideals the

backward Antipodes should be seeking to attain.
*

Top-down

directives

from

aligned with Northern interests.
local

both

private and public

companies,

metropolitan skylines).

which

are

These include not merely the manaoements of

branches of multinational companies,

insurance

sources

and so on (roughly,

but those of a variety of

banks,

those whose buildings now dominate

Etc.
103

Even the most powerful and populous states in the South Pacific region
are

becoming

increasingly

locked into a dual system

of

Northern

control,

namely through

103. Those which operate their own limited imperialism in lesser states of the
region, e.g., Australia in Papua New Guinea and New Zealand in Samoa.

The

1.

organisation

American
104
The most important of these arrangements in Australia's case
is

hegemony.

of industrialised capitalist states,

under

perhaps the Pacific rim strategy, masterminded by the USA Mith assistance from

and fitting within the world arrangements envisaged by the

Japan,

Trilateral

Commission.
2.

of the economy by

penetration

The

many of them ultimately American controlled.

Northern,

mostly

corporations,

transnational

of

(For the effects

this framework of control in Australia's case, see Crough and Wheelwright.).

A very significant net result is that local economic control is diminishing or
and therewith,

being lost altogether,

local

control

political

in these economically-dominated times,

is diminishing.

National

economies

increasingly

respond, and are seen as obliged to respond, to so-called international forces
"international market" forces in state-rigged markets with

(or

and highly concentrated participants).

effort,

of

much

(unmarketable)

it

intentional,

At the same time there is a concerted

to

reduce

and

remain,

remove

substantially

cultural differences in the contemporary world,

mass consumer society and worldwide markets.

differences

unequal

very

a

to produce

Notwithstanding, major cultural

even in the more industrialised

With

countries.

some

A

care, some fostering, the differences cou1be accentuated in worthwhile ways,
though

the

especially in the industrial

trend,

main

nations,

in

is

the

opposite direction, to almost complete cultural convergence.

On the other side,
forces,

mainly

local,

there are in the South Pacific some

in

counterbalancing

favour of some distancing of Australian

and

New

Zealand cultures from the USA, and of looser relations, especially, presently,

in

matters of (nuclear) defence.

If change is to occur,

it is important to

encourage worthwhile components of these forces,

particularly those

in regional culture

interconnected ways, through

ideas

that regional

and

action.

grounded

cultures

104. For Third World southern countries, financial arrangements through
US-dominated INF and World Bank loom much larger.

and

the

their

do

conventionalism

and

important.

shape

a

are

There

culture,

undoubted!;/

pragmatism

as

American lifestyle or Australian naturalism

(and

and

Sydney

However what

Russell

that culture determines the shape of the dominant philosophy,

to think,

qualification.

major

philosophy;

dominant

are

and realism a main strand of Australian.

materialism)

requires

reflect

that

philosophies

came

elements

philosophical

but

Certainly,
conversely,
105

culture affects

philosophical

and

constrains

input

can

affect, or even alter, culture.

Genuine
differences

implementation
(as

of

a few very simple

ideas

could

make

major

the 1884-5 stand of the New Zealand government on visits

of

namely that significant principles (of morality)

or

nuclear ships reveals);

features of local culture or regional environments are not sacrificed,

in

jeopardy,

such things as trading advantages or

for

distributed economic benefits.

economism

narrowly

There is a powerful basis for defeating

in Australian and Antipodean cultures,

egalitarian approaches;

short-term

or put

such

in the shape of anti-market

and these and other complementary cultural features

could serve more widely to halt or subvert Northern incursions.
The

South

uncritical

Pacific

Enlightenment

and

for

uncontrolled extension of European culture

take one lesser instance of

that

world-wide

to

spread

and disease) has been very damaging both to indigenous

the lands and seas,

extinction.
mistakes.

(to

and

the
of

peoples

even pushing some of the former inhabitants

to

Nodern people are supposed to learn, if from anything, from their

Among

mistakes of civilizations,

environmental mistakes

are

as

105. Russell 'connecttsl'* philosophies with the social environments of the
philosophers concerned' p.824). Elsewhere, however, Russell only claims
social influences, not determination (e.g., p.827). His working example
is the connection of Dewey's philosophy 'with American enterprise;
in
particular there is the belief in human power, and an unwillingness to
admit "stubborn facts".'*
'His philosophy is a power philosophy.
Russell then proceeded to consider the very real dangers of human power.
Dewey, for his part, contested the connections Russell alleged, as well
as the dangers.
There is much more, however, to the interrelations of
dominant philosophies with cultures and their environments than Russell
unear thed.

conspicuous as any (sea e.g,

hanger

no

though

beyond

Hatt) .

the reach of a Northern Mar - to

of Northern civilizations,

mistakes

Thors is sti 1 1 time for* the Antipodes
avoid

the

beginning Mith human overpopulation

many

and

environmental impoverishment (as differently illustrated by Italy and Lhina).
There
that

grounded in regional

are various different directions,

a country or place can attempt to take.

There are,

for

features,

example,

tMO

extremal economic directions a contemporary state or region may try to pursue,

as illustra ted:-

other reliance, e.g. upon
i n ternat i onal economic
forces

al ternative
fort-jard May

present

se 1 freli ance

At

the

one

end

lies local self-reliance

and

control,

substantially excluded Mhen it comes to essentials;
(as Mith the Meather of an island),

regulation

largely controlled from elseMhere,

(but

direction.

dominated)

by

the

is

It

or directed through some

toMards- the

dashed arroM,

points

this

direction

general

economy

and control Mith the

for instance at the mercy of international

Northern dominated) economic forces,

shoMn

outside

the

at the other lies outside

patron (as Mith Australia's, defence or Tibet's economy).

that

Mith

that

poMerful

A typical direction,
latter

(backMards)

international

(American

financial institutions such as the INF and the Horld Bank

try

to

impose on client states.
Unfortunately
bent

on

indicate
Mritten

pursuing

given

all likely governments in countries like Australia

the Mrong direction.

the May poMer,

The reasons are

privilege and influence

into the control of societies - lie.

not

appear

difficult

- Northern

to

features

But it does not have to be

or

stay that way.

difficulty for all suggestions for extensile

major

A

normal governmental procedures,

through

effect

constraint

for change.

is a

change,

severe

For governmental procedures are st on,

put

into

apparent

time

piecemeal

and

whichever

usually reactive (this is even how successful governmental methods,
these are,

vastly
sages

successful)
and

(among

But time is running out for the present (.not

are supposed to be) .

human experiment it is now everywhere

sound men and women of common sense,

from

crackpots

will

1'lhatever is done for change may have to be done with more rapidity

is customary in grander human affairs,

except with war itself (which is

of the main prob 1ems and a likely outcome of

one

as

from

whose numbers are those most confident that present arrangements

persist).
than

as well

said,

heard

socio-economic

catastrophe

ensuing from other problems).
In the present conditions of uncertainty,

a

strategy relevant to both outcomes,

concentrating

upon

imme^d^ate

paths

it would seem wise to plot out

catastrophic breakdown or

to

change

aimed

avoiding

at

while

not,

socio-

env i r onmen t a 1 break down.

Both the deeper American environmentalists and leading German Greens,

unlike

many

thinkers and leaders take the problems with deadly

hope

for a way out of present massive socio-environmental

main

nuclear impasse particularly,

change will take the form of a

This
spread

like a religious revival,

by way of democratic channels.
the

through a mass change

seriousness,

difficulties,

of

spiritual

who

and

consciousness.
conversion,

and

to alter political decisions and directions
These ideas,

while by no means ridiculous in

fashion of new-born Christians' views about their individualistic

escape

from nuclear Armageddon,

and while offering a clear ray of hope, leave most
106
Australians who have encountered them duly sceptical.
That type of massive
change

a

of consciousness (which may not be politically effective) will require

miracle,

and

miracles are not credible.

More important,

that

sort

of

conversion i_s ruled out culturally in Australia,

spiritual

according to

the

prev i ous ar gumen t.

A drastic and massive change of consciousness,

or religious

is neither likely nor necessary (nor Mould it be sufficient).
Antipodes,

the

someMhat

Mith

isolated

favourable location in

its

Fortunately in

Southern

the

conversion,

Hemisphere,

there are different and

from the belligerent North,

more

These are social Mays

promising routes to change and regional nuclear escape.

and locally self-reliant Mays deeply rooted in the culture. Instead of seeking
to

change

consciousness,

then,

the

and through elements of,

the culture.

lines of religious conversion,

picture
through

of change.

in

But

many

and

those

involves

rather

is

as amended;

straightforwardness,

aMay

than

from

dominant

It encourages many

so to say).

for example those

as interfering Mith crucial features of

running counter to enterprise,

orderliness,

change

not

re-conditioning

counter-cultural,

deplored features of Australian culture,

culture,

of,

Mhat is being offered is a very different

this

respects the route

acquisitive capitalist virtues.
the

in the form

a

The route is thus cultural, not in this respect counter-cultural.

considered

been

Mith

Instead of the picture of change along

Northern paradigms (counter-Northern-culture,
often

Mork

to

is

The main path to change is through culture,

consciousness;

conversion.

idea

that is already there or in the background,

"consciousness"

the

leading

market

that

capitalism,

selfishness and the

initiative,

have

other

It encourages instead traditional virtues of

for instance Midened

generosity,

egalitarianism,

permissiveness,

pluralism,

unsubtlety,

spontaneity,

authenticity, sociaSbility, reliability, anti-authoritarianism,

group-reli^ance, resourcefulness, moderation, leisure!iness.
The main environmental route aMay from Northern social paradigms has been

10^. (From previous page) Host, but of course, not all.
The change-ofconscicusness idea has its adherents, e.g. Cairns, some in Alternative
Australia. Naturally it is not being denied that change-^f-consciousness
(e.g. in the form of ecological conversion) does occur^aac^is an important h
happening. Hhat is at issue is the likely scale of such change.

and Mhat it involves indicated (e.g. in RP).

t-lhat is

the extent to Mhich elements of mainstream Australian

culture

reconnoitred elsewhere,

is

remarkable

Indeed in Australasian culture there

fit with that divergence from the North.
is

at

best

dominant

social

There is already in the cultures

paradigm.

for a marked SMing aMay from the dominant Northern

basis

vieMpoint,

demagogic

of

ambivalent subscription to major facets

only

is

it

mainly a matter of tipping

Northern

the
a

substantial

paradigm.
an

From

already

a

poised

balance aMay from Nor them-influenced control.

break-aMay

This

involve

first

control has tMO political facets
arrangements

part

Mhich

of

part

relevant

is breaking free from Northern hegemony, control,

alignment

of

The

and

from the influence of foreign states and the grips of transnational

Some

companies.

recovering

Mays

connected

of the Mays this can be accomplished have
local control of media output and messages,

are knoMn,

e.g.

escheMing a false internationalism,

and,

into line Mith

both

so that political arrangements reflect these parts of culture.

reliance,

e.g.

political

bringing

culture,

from

sMeepingly,

more

dropping

moving to greater

regional

been

indicated,

and many

other

self-reliance,

modifying limited liability of companies,
out

of the

international

abandoning the race to keep up Mith the Singaporian

rat-race

Jones and the

(e.g.

E/i^shoMas,

Host of these Mays could
107
The second
designed to strike resounding chords in mainstream culture.

in demolishinq their oMn and others'* environments).
be

rtA"' ccbLt

subsidizing

transnationals,

A.?

providing

hand-outs and undue

shelter

to

big

business or monopolistic professions, cutting assistance to the disadvantaged,
exposing

local small-actor sectors (in difficulty) to the icy Minds of

Morld

107. And Mhere not it is a matter of removing false beliefs, such as that
Australia is currently threatened militarily by hostile states.
These
sorts of beliefs could be altered, at least for many Mho hold them, by
appropriate
persuasion by credible popular figures on mass media
channels. In fact it has suited both government and opposition, hitherto
committed to an essentially bipartisan defence policy, to let false
beliefs about defence, for instance, stand, or even to encourage and
reinforce them.

market forces, and so on.
such

Tipping the balance involves both positive measures

promoting the valid features in

as

as^

such

measures,

counteracting

freely flowing in from the North,

Australian

culture,

counter-

and

images

and removing damaging impacts and
e.g.

by cutting doMn the floM,

making

it

more expensive, and introducing rivals.

Governments cannot be relied upon

even

Mhere

motivated to do so (e.g. as Mith defence they may

support, because of false beliefs).

rolehas

never

to make requisite changes on their OMn,

been active

in

lack

popular

Apparently, and surprisingly, the State's

Australia,

but

a 1 Mays

reactive.

State

intervention and regulation is and has alMays been in reaction to Mhat
108
happens.
Since governments can not be relied upon to initiate action, it

is important to move for change,

for

such

possible,

change

early

and Mhere possible to obtain popular support
10?
on in movements.
It is important also, Mhere

to bypass government,

building alternative social arrangements and

enlarging the informal economy (see e.g. Nartin).

There is further a component to be exploited in tipping the balance
from the

mainstream

dominant

Northern paradigm, apart from the

Australian

authoritarianism,

culture

(as

e.g.

components

egalitarianism,

of

anti­

anti-marketism, satisization, environmentalism, and so on).

That is anti-Americanism.
There

developed

leading

aMay

The attitude in the Antipodes to USA is ambivalent.

is a love-hate relationship in Australia (e.g.

mutual admiration

from

perceived cultural similarities, gratitude from older Australians for American
108. This major theme is advanced, illustrated, and defended in Gilbert,
p.?ff. One important example concerns squatting, other aspects of social
Melfare.
But the theme is liable to be contested, e.g. by Aitkin, Mho
sees 'nearly tMo centuries of reliance on ... omnicompetent initiating
goverment behind us'
(p.27).
HoMever Gilbert seems to be correct;
Australian governments are hardly omnicompetent or 'omnipresent'*, and
they rarely appear to initiate.

10?. That support may be enlisted from culturally unexpected sources, e.g.
Momen in the case of the peace movement, as opinion polls clearly reveal.
The peace movement has not undertaken sufficient political foot-uork,
e.g. grass roots activity such as door knocks, in increasing and
mobilizing this potential support.

in Morld Mar II;

action

ugly American abroad).

dislike of American blustering,

the Antipodes.
independence,

trying

to

The distaste for being visibly pushed around is strong in

A striking feature of established Antipodean peoples is their

elements

or to be

unwillingness to put up with nonsense,

their

manipulated^ especially by foreigners.

cultural

There is now much anti-US-

in New Zealand since USA made the tactical error of

New Zealand.

bully

the

There is much anti-Americanism in Australia as well as

widespread opposition to the American government.
governmentism

opposition to

as

pushed*
Ao
Of course, the tactic of appeal ingj^such

practices

opposition to the American political

is

a

dangerous one, owing in part to politicians' dishonest penchant for conflating
opposition to a foreign government with opposition to people that goverment is

supposed

to represent (or perhaps on rare occasions does),

easy

the

by

above).

neutralised.

practice

ambiguity of terms like anti-American (an ambiguity

The tactic opens the way to charges of racism,

and the like.

a

But the charges,
For

it

is

on

national chauvinism,

if they can be got at, are straightforwardly

largely a matter of removing

institutions (and cultures) to their individual members,
institutions devolves,

traded

made

fallaciously, into criticism of

crude

reduction

of

so that criticism of
each and every one of

the members.

no
Richard Sylvan

110. This paper had a long and difficult gestation and growth period, before
ye'idling a result that still leaves its author uneasy most days.
He
cehtainly hopes that those who commented on the paper or assisted on the
labour in its earlier days now only dimly recognise it.
Among those to
be thanked are Brian Hartin, Jean Norman, Louise Syvlan (who was
responsible for the monster in the first place), David Bennett, ... .

On the notion of culture and cultural pluralism

APPENDIX 1:

unfortunately, with very few exceptions,

Definitions of culture abound;
Hany are too narrow,

are bad.

all

for example chauvinistically restricting

culture to human groups (as Kamenka's appalling motto, 'nothing human is alien

p.7.); some are too broad, for example making any sort of organisation

to me',

as a trade union or a local brass band.) a culture.

such

serve

to

connect

problems:- High

redefinitions

of

cu1ture

with [a peoples'] artistic achievement or, even more
111
with (their) literature.
This is h1 on culture, at least insofar

culture

LaJ

narrowly,

as

the types of

indicate

Pt fen examples will

what is included is class restricted,

to certain class-approved

products

and performances (e.g. opera, ballet, drama as opposed to reggae, punk, etc.).
Hhile high redefinitions let in too little,

So

is with the definition of culture as 'the transfer of

it

behavioural means,
(Bonner
with

low redefinitions admit too much.

p.ltj),

culture.

information

most particularly by the process of teaching and learning*

because that includes much that has nothing especially to
For

by

example,

number of bricks on a site,

relaying a weather forecast or passing on

transfers information by behavioural

means,

do
the
but

information of no particular cultural relevance.
By

contrast,

culture.

For

Herskovits:

most definitions mark out something which roughly overlaps

example,

culture

Awa

'settletsJ

for

the

offered

definition

is "the man-made part of the environment"

...'

by

(p.2'?).

Not only is this inadmissibly anthropocentric, excluding animal cultures (such

as

Bonner

writers

studies)

imagine);

and extraterrestrial cultures (such
but

worse,

as

science-fiction

this twisted definition appears to

render

a

ill. Thus, for example, Stephenson
throughout his iconoclastic book on
Australian culture.
The equation, with literary texts, like that of a
paradigm
with central texts,
is useful in offering a
materia!
representation of a culture. For there is something solid that can be
grasped and presented.
Similary, money, newspapers and motor cars,
afford material artefacts and museum exhibits of wider popular cultures.

deserted

town or ancient ruins a culture (rather

mining

of

manifestation

a

past culture) while excluding a system

physics!

the

than

and

beliefs

of

values as a culture (.unless an erroneous theory of systems of propositions

In

invoked).

is

latching onto the physical exemplification it is moreover like

Kuhn' s identification of a text-book with a paradigm.
there is much m common between the notion of culture and

Indeed

libera! extension of the notion of paradigm,

one of uh 1 ch gained currency

&ng!o-ffmerican thought about a hundred years Later than the other.

have

in

Both terms

been used to cover an apparently diverse range of things (and criticised
dismissed for doing just that),

or

Kuhn's

and both do this in rather simitar

because both attempt to capture types of conceptual schema.

parallels

suggest

- certainly once the usefu! notion of a

widely adopted in sociology,

Mays,

Nhat is more the

paradigm,

soc1 a 1

been encountered and worked Mith - a common

has

notion.

Mith but little reflection,

from

advantage of this definition,
involved

and

para!tel

in

a rather different account of culture

the run of anthropologies! definitions straightaway emerges:- P) cu!ture,

or more exact!y a pure culture,

BP)

then,

P great

is that the hard

and part of its appeal,

thus

does not have to be repeated;

the

supplied
a

logical sense;

generous
by

but

the

c!ean-up

Mould

that is,

an elaborate interpretation

relational

structure.

it

is

function

Naturally it is

a

contrast

to

a scientific paradigm,

propositional structure delivered,

is

many

that of a social group.
sketched

take

theoretical

on

a

required

f aithfu1 to Mhat (the social forms, activities and so on) it models.

in

in

Recall that a paradigm is explicated as a model,

form for culture.

system, i.e. on

paradigm,

Mork

in rectifying the notion of paradigm has already been done (e.g.

precisely

structure

is a comprehensive socia! paradigm.

is a paradigm

genera!
to

be

6 social

where

the

the political themes and value judgements,

Group cohesiveness in fact is guaranteed in

examples of such social paradigms (several reproduced

in

the

RP)

because actual groups with distinctive cultures are taken; but the theoretical

explanation

goes

structure.

The

and

deeper

depends on features of

the

of propositions! structure delivered

types

mode!

underlying

in

shoMn,

are

capsule form, in the first table of this paper contrasting parts of mainstream
American and Philippine cultures;

other more detailed examples are reproduced

in theoretical Mork on social paradigms (e.g. RP, CPE, Cotgrove and references
cited therein).

dust

the

as

of

explication

May

by

paradigm

of

enabled

models

a

clarification and unification job to be done on the giant conceptual mess that
the

of paradigm had become,

notion

facilitates a pleasing and simplifying synthesis.
the

hc"-j

complains

diffusion by pointing to the

about

complaint

his

Consider,

about,

in

definitions of culture to similes and metaphors,
desperation,

as

...

a

map,

as a sieve,

resort

cu1ture

illustrate,

to

Kluckholn

Geertz Minds

but in anthropology more generally, can be reduced.

especially,

up

Geertz

diffusion'

'theoretical

of

so the parallel explication

in

attempted

to the analogies 'perhaps in

and as a matrix',

before a

mere

paragraph later, offering his OMn metaphor of culture as a. Meb of significance
or interpretation (and mode 1 too,

its

in metaphor),

roots

though here an exact technical notion,

Prs it happens,

Geertz's account is not too

has

bad

a

picture of the sort of logical model involved, that is of a system, a Meb**l ike
structure, Mith an interpretation

matrix

The other similes are hoMever more exact:

on it.

imposed,

can

function, supplying significance or meaning

models (though not

as

function

usually

both a map and a

social

ones),

a

map

typically modelling a landscape.

take up Kluckholn's elaboration on culture (not

to

Furthermore,

really

^definitions' as Geertz suggests), a model is indeed '(4) "an abstraction from

Mhich,

behaviour"',

feeling

thinking,
hoMever

is

not

prescript i v e 1 y

Mhere
and

it is a social paradigm,

believing"'* in terms of items

merely descriptive,
as,

supplies

'('?)

"a

validated.

but Mill be applied

mechanism

for

the

(3) "a May of

and

normative

can

The

model

be

regulation

read

of

(ID? "a set of techniques for adjusting both to the externa!

and

behaviour"'

environment and to other men"'. Such a mode!, which does correspond to '(5) "a

the part of the anthropologist about the '..'jay in which a

on

theory

peop!e in fact behave"' and their view of the wor!d,

orientations,

Since the social paradigm evolves over time,

'(11) "a precipitate of history'",

of

certainly affords '(6) a

structure of pooled learning"' and '(7.) "a set of standardized

to recurrent problems" .

group

it is

and it does record '(2) "the social legacy

the individual [in the society] acquires from his group"'.

three parts or levels of a culture that Conga!ton and David

The

*--P*22 ff.) are similar to those Kuhn includes within a paradigm,
readi1y

supplied

by

a model.

They

are,

first,

the

discern

and likewise

genera!

rules

and

procedures characterising and controlling the behaviour of adherents; secondly
the ideas and vatues.behind these beliefs and procedures; thirdly the products

materia!

and

exemplars

resulting,

e.g.

textbooks,

interpretation function validates both themes and ru!es;

domains

as wel! it

including values and ideas (on both see

of objects,

connection with exemplars and artefacts is less direct,

The

The

newspapers.

RP,

delivers
pp.12-16).

and of more than

textbook may present a paradigm or, more likely, part of one; or
112
it may, like an artefact, supply or be a partial modelling of the paradigm.

one kind.

remaining

The

to

order
culture

reflect

has

life-forms

done.

Ihus

to
of

qualifying term comprehensive is

some of the slackness of the

deliberately

notion

of

Abraham,

styles

there are varying degrees to which this

for one,

can

112.

and
be

explains various inclusive levels of culture

(PP* 12-13) before opting for the most inclusive, under which 'culture is
113
common life of the people
and 'includes the whole of the knowledge,
arts,

in

Hhile

culture.

cover a sufficiently comprehensive part of life

a community,

vague

th<=

the

science, technology, religions, morality, ritual, politics, literature,
theory normally has many models, some exact and canonical, some of
which bring out al! that holds in the theory but not only what holds
there;
and, more sweepmgly still, it has partial models, which
accurately depict part of the theory.

etiquette

even

compr eh ensi ve,

includes

use of t he.t erm hot'je ver

mastery

a

sculpture,

.

of

a

seventeenth

(p. 12) 114

..."

-fashions

Under

a

all

of

process

literature,

Abraham

(p.13).

of

and could knoM (p.13).

history,

culture!,

music,

pauperisation of Mhat

the

culture
and

painting

conjectures that this use evolved

and eighteenth centuries,

! ess

narroMer,

cu 1 ture i s limited to Mhat are called

In this use [that again of "higher"

of the mind.

things

result

and

educated

the age of enlightenment,

man

'as

in

a
the

stood for',

Such a person could reflect the Mhole culture in

the

more comprehensive use.
The European vieM of culture, Mhich tends to concentrate on high culture,

is insufficiently comprehensive,

leaving out a crucial aspect of culture,

so

it has been argued, namely attitudes to and approaches to the environment, and
so natural environments largely devoid of man-made features and influences

particular.

in

fuller picture of environmentally-sensitive culture looks like

this:113. (From previous page) See p.21.
Accounts of culture of this very
inclusive, but still unnecessarily anthropic, form are common in the
literature.
Thus, for example, Harris: 'f) culture is the total socially
acquired life-May or life-style of a group of people'
(p.144), their
patterns of behaviour and thought.
Thus, Mith even less qualification,
the first of Kluckholn'-s eleven definitions of culture (as listed in
Geertz pp.4-5), 'the total May of life of of a people', a definition
repeated in Conga)ton and David, p.22.
The intended model accordingly
provides a complete representation of life-Mays of members of the
c u 1 t u r e.
114. H fuller and better account Mhich gets very close to the model-theoretic
analysis, is Kumer's analogous definition of culture:
The
shared
symbolic system Mhich gives meaning
to
human
interactions in a society.
It refers to a society's May of
perceiving, interpreting and expressing things ... it includes
knoMledqe, belief-systems, values, norms and ideologies Mhich
enable the members of a society to perceive, organise and interpret
reality ... reality is alMays perceived Mi thin an evaluative
frameMork.
Similar too is Tylor's definition of 'culture' in terms of a structure
again: 'Culture or Civilization ... that complex Mhole Mhich includes
knoMledge, belief, art, morals, la.M, customs, and any other capabilities
and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. (Primitive Culture
vol. 7, p.7).
So all human societies have a culture, a generalised
paradigm.
It is better to separate out civi1ization, hoMever, and link
it to its 'root meaning of living in cities'.

PRIMARY CULTURE DlnGFWl

sense

'culture',

of

and

intellectual

sociology,

in

Mhere

order

culture.

artistic

the

practice

dictionaries,

takes up the primary

namely

Con c i se En q1i sh D i c t i on ary),

consists

in

put]

of

and as presented

culture of a society is said to comprise

a given culture,

state

'the

as it is

lor development,

of

a
in

shared

'the

It is important to separate off -

in

or people Mith,

and the education-derived sense,

the training or discipline in or

group-

particular, the

in Mhich the culture comprises the community,

leading

in Mhich the
to

Evidently the explication, Mhich makes the product primary

a

given

reverses

the culture. like agriculture, viticulture, and
115
Mas first and foremost a process
, a "cultivation" of intellect and

the historical order,

so on,

in

to set aside - some derivative senses,

sharing,

culture

offered

values and beliefs' of the society.

derived sense,
or

as

or people' (cf.

community

norms,

through social paradigms,

explication so far,

The

Mhere

115. Pts Hilliams explains, the ear 1 y meaning of 'culture' Mas as a process;
and the 'culture of the mind' Mas vieMed as a process rather than a
product or achieved state.
In (early) modern use 'culture' became, like
'civilized', a condition. Only Mith the 'fourth modern development did
culture appear as ' the Mho 1e May of life, material, intellectual and
spiritual of a given society' (p.273), i.e., as a comprehensive social
paradigm. The other forms, the first three developments, Mere restricted
versions of this, to respectively the individual, intellectual and moral
parts, and arts and intellectual areas.

To invert the ahistorical explanatory patte^,
so to say, the inherited cu1tures of science?

scientific paradigms are,

However the reversal makes it easier to qet some grip on

art and technology.

the very rich process-product complex that a culture comprises.

example, goes astray in settling for a process definition of

Bonner,

for

'culture'* allied

to the education-derived sense: 'By culture I mean the transfer of information
by

most

means,

behavioural

by the process

particularly

of

teaching

and

Hhile the definition certainly achieves its intended objective of

learning*.

including animal culture^,

it is, as already remarked, a quite excessively low

redefinition,

such

accounting

things as semaphoring between boy

scouts

as

c u 1 t u r e.

There is a further dimension of complexity so far largely omitted through

restriction

pure

most contemporary states are far from culturally pure, comprising a

cultures,
mixture

1-lhile tribal groups may have relatively

to pure cultures.

of peoples.and cultures.

represented

More generally,

an n-cultural society

by a system of n paradigms adhered to in the society.

6

multi­

6

multi­

cultural

society

is thus an n-cultural society where n is

cultural

society

may

simply

Australia,

not

include

however be

very

many.

it

pluralistic;

may,

groups of people from different cultures

under some dominant culture which controls

in one region

together

is

as

in

brought

the

main

Much depends then on the type of system of paradigms

political institutions.

involved, on how the paradigms are themselves interrelated and structured.
Ft

society

nil!

function

(cf.

Abraham,

p.lbff.,

incompatible with extreme individualism').
a variety of subcultures.

Mhich

is

not

Characteristically

and

commonly

For culture is the glue of a group;

competing cultures.
integrative

always have a culture,

several

perhaps

it has an important

who remarks that 'culture

is

Ft society wi 1 1 also typically have

f) subculture is a paradigm, included in a culture,

sufficiently
subcultures

comprehensive

to

rank

as

a

share norms and assumptions with some

culture.
larger

culture except where they diverge.

The

dominant

cultures

in countries like Australia and America

can

be

as having tree structures.

represented

a

is

there

Subcultures

mainstream

century

gentry

Protestant

many

subcultural

long played significant parts in

have

last

example,

Mi th

culture,

differences

the

terms,
116
tributaries.

Transposing to river-network

between

Catholic,

extensive immigration program,

substantial social tolerance,

with

and

chai 1enged.
Alternative

critical

important

an

As a result

assumptions

along
and

that is, the cultural streams remain

of the

mainstream

culture

are

not

those

of

Australia) do however is to criticise and challenge themes of the

accommodate,

These

within

too a pluralistic (a plural paradigm) society

provided the social paradigms present

limits,

no

can
real

to overarching socio-political arrangements and the prevailing type of

threat

structure (if they should however things would have to give or

power

of

complex

permit the relatively easy formation

rival and al ternative social paradigms (such as

Hhat

culture.

dominant

and

Australia now boasts a much more

persistence of subcultures - so long as,

subcu1tures

Protestant

Flexible multi-cultural arrangements,

of ethnic subcultures.

pattern

for

of Australian colonial culture had

streams

bearing on leisure activities such as gambling (see Inglis).
its

history;

Australian

change;

rival river networks are bound to alter the cultural landscape).

like

Cultures,
explaining
illustrated
that

and

paradigms,

social

inducing social change.

explanatory roles.
repudiation

nature',

important

role

on

the

that is,

For example,

in RP).

It is worth

that

it

noticing
to

Philp criticises for Foucault

prevents

him

from

consistent

explaining

in

and

human

culture can replace nature

of the human subject and the denial of a
ground

both

So much has already been shown

as regards social paradigms (e.g.

nature have been supposed mandatory;

'his

an

can also afford explanatory roles in cases where appeal

they

social

have

in

for
human

directed

116. A subculture of a given culture is itself a culture (i.e. a comprehensive
social paradigm) applying to a subgroup of the given wider culture,
which agrees with the wider culture on characterising (paradigmatic)
features but which may diverge, and typically does, by virtue of further
cultural features, i.e. features in its paradigm.
A subculture stands
then technically to a culture as a subalgebra stands to an algebra, etc.

4^

resistance or social struggle for the better.
explain
a

and justify such resistance 'requires that Me make some commitment to

conception

of the human good and this usually rests on some vieM of

nature and human subjectivity'*.

the

to

social

good

as

human
a.May;

The modifier 'usually' gives the game

route can circuit through culture.

justificatory

directed

Accordingly to Philp t.p.17.!, to

discerned

under

a

The struggle

regional

can

paradigm;

be
the

commitments can be cultural.

The

main real Mork of this paper,

descriptive

some

attempt

of relevant features of the different cultures
at

explanation

has

been

contrasted,

Mith

like much Mork on culture,

of more unexpected features

of

the

cultures,

concerned, some criticism, and some attempt to explain some cultural traits in

terms of others.

enterprise,
cultures

only

This, like the modelling account, points to a more difficult
broached:

investigated,

namely,

the

task of providing theories of

and so perhaps explaining Mhat pulls

them

the

together,

makes them tick, gives them their distinctive shape and grip, and so on.

APPENDIX 2:

Contemporary scientific redeployment of human nature

attempts of this sort are based on the modern evolutionary synthesis, and

in

appear

extreme

most

form

in

sociobiology.

t'jas

it

However

quickly

recognised that (opportunistic) sociobioligical attempts, such as Nilson's, to
to rule out significant political
117
narrow social alternatives fail.
redeploy

nature

human

underlying characterisation of human nature is

Nilson's

from the main socio-political tradition.

the

[is!

of

set

full

behavioural

possibilities

innate

Li.e.

very

and

different

'In the broader sense, human nature
genetic

or

genetically-determined]

predispositions that characterise the human species;

and in

the

narrower sense, those predispositions that affect social behaviour' t.pp.217-8,

mith

It is not constant or static,

rearrangement).

It is certainly ahistorical,
(sub)species

read

disease

patterns

conjunctively

however the ambiguity in the characterisation of

is resolved.

nature - hardly a set,

disjunctively it

only

n'ill include the full

humans

since genes may mutate.

are liable to

set

suffer;

For if the definition
of
if

is

genetically-determined
read,

those every (normal) human is bound to

less
undergo

plausibly,
at

some

stage.
In any event, such sets are remote from Enlightenment political concerns,

thouph, like health and disease more generally, socially relevant enough;

they

hardly

alternatives.

appear

to

Moreover,

impose
they

significant

offer

constraints

on

no bulwark against racial or

and

political
cultural

and since by no means
118
everything is determined genetically e.g. languages of some cultures.

relativity,

since

races have separate gene subpools,

117. f^s this is a commonplace vie^j,
Singer and especially Pigden.

there is no need to labour it:

see Ruse,

determinism is simply one, and perhaps even the weakest, of
forms of determinism intended to vastly reduce
cultural
variability.
Nilson does not rely on that form exclusively, but helps
himself to other incompatible forms of determinism as suit^: see p.207.

118. Genetic

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F. Lome and J. Gcyder,
London, 1383.

Environmental Groups in Politics,

'5. Macdonald, 'The lo^-dct^n on high-technology industry in
presented
at the Science Research in Australia:
Conference, Canberra, 23-4, June 1384.

Labor

fallen and

Unmin,

Australia, paper
Who
Benefits?

A. L. HcLeod, The Pattern of Australian Culture,
O.

and

1363.

Hannison and others (eds.), En vironmentai Philosophy, Research School of
Social Sciences, Australian National University, 1379.

K. Harx, Selected Works,
R. Merrill, 'Philosophical monism, humanistic pluralism and the decline of the
humanities', Human ties in Soc i e t y 3 ( 1380) 335-343,
B. Morton, Uprooting War, Freedom Press, London, 1384.

R. Nash, The American Environment, Reading, MA, 1378.
R. Nash,
'Rounding out the American revolution: ethical extension and the neuj
environmentalism', typescript, 1382.

P. 0 Farrell,
"!*he cultural ambivalence of Australian
Cultural History 1 (1382) 3-8.
M. 01s c n , The Rise and Decline of Nations,
1382.

M.

religion',

Au stra 1 ian

Y a 1 e U n i v e r s i t y Pre s s, N e^j H a v e n ,

Philp, 'Disconcerting discourses.
The return of Grand Theory II: Michel
Foucault' Australian Society 4 ( 1385) 15-17.

C. Pigden, 'Notes o/ sociobiology", typescript, Canberra, 1384.

J. Ratals, A Theory of Justice, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1371.

k.

Rigby, 'The attitudes of English and Australian college students towards
institutional authority'. Journal of Social Psychology 122 (1384) 41-48.

R. Routley, 'Roles and limits of paradigms in environmental thought and
action', Environmentai Phi1osophy (ed. A. Gare and R. Eliott), University
of Queensland Frees 1383; referred to as RP.
R. Routley, 'Maximizing, satisficing, satisizing: the differences in real and
rational
behaviour under r i v a 1 par a d i gm s',
Discussion Papers
in
Environmental Philosophy, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian
National University, 1384; referred to as HSS.
R.

and 'J. Routley, 'Human chauvinism and environmental ethics' in Hannison;
referred to as EE.

U. and R. Routley, 'Social
problems', in Hannison.

theor i es,

self

management

R. Routley and N. Griffin, 'Unravelling the meanings of
Papers in Environmental Philosophy # 3,
Research

//y

and

environmental

1i f e ?', Discussion
Schoo! of Social

Sciences, Australian National University, 1982.
N.D. Rubenstein, ''Men of wealth'', Australian Cultural History 3 (1984) 24-37.
M. Ruse, Sociobio1ogy:

Sense or Nonsense

K. Rudeen, 'The global gamble'', Sports Illustrated, August 4, 1958, pp. 10-13.
B. Russell, Hist or y of Hee tern Philosoph y, Allen and Unwin, London, 1947.

S.S. Schwarzschild,

'The unnatural Jew'*,

Environmental Ethics 6 ( 1984)

347-

P. Singer, (booRon Sociobiology)

M. Smith and 0. Crossley, (eds.) The Nay Cut:
Austral i a, Lan sdown e, Me 1 bcume, 1975.

Radical

Alternatives

in

Snyder,

E.A. Sommerlad, P.L. Dawson and J.C. Altman, Rural Land Sharing Communities^
An
Alternative Economic Model? Bureal of Labour Market Research,
Monograph Series No. 7, Australian Government Printing Service, L'angerra,
19851
P.R.

The Foundations of Lui tune, N. J. Mi 1 es, Sydney, 193*5.

St ewar t, American Cultural Patterns:
University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971.

E.
H.

Stephensen ,

Stretton,
36.

A

Cross-Cultural

Perspective,

'Hhere does Australia stand?: A Discussion', in Hithers, pp.32-

R. Sylvan, 'Prospects for regional philosophies in Australasia', Australasian
Journa 1 of Philosophy S3 ( 1985) 188-204.
R. Sylvan, 'Philosophy, politics and pluralism.
I. Relevant modellings and
arguments', Research Series in Logic and Metaphysics, No. 2, Rese a r ch
Schoo! of Social Sciences,
Australian National University,
1985;
referred to as PPP.
R. Sylvan, 'Culture, philosophy, and approaches to the natural environment an Australian perspective'', in Ethics, Environment, Ecology (.ed. D.
Bennett), Australian National University, 1985; referred to as CPE.

E.B. Tyl^r, Primitive Culture, Vol. 7., London, 1871.

T.

Veblen, An inquiry into the Nature of Peace, Viking, New fork, 1945.

T. Vinson,

'Crime'*, in Davies et.al.

E. Matt, [Latest environmental book!

D.R.

H i1d
R.

Heiner,
'The
historical
origins
Envi ronmen t a 1 Revi ew 6 ( 1982) 42-61.

of

Soviet

environmentalism',

[soc i o1ogy book J
Hilliams, 'Culture and civilization", in Encyclopedia of Philosophy, (ed.
P. Edwards), Macmillan, London, 1967, vol. 2, pp.273-362.

R. Williams, Keywords, Fontana, London, 1976.

J.G. Williamson and P.H. Linder t, American
History, Academic Press, Ne^' York, 1980.
E.O.

Hi1son,
1973.

On Human Nature,

Inequality:

Harvard University Press,

0. Withers (ed.), Bigger or Smaller Government?, Papers
Symposium of the Academy of the Social Sciences in
Canberra, 1983.

A

Hacroeconomic

Cambridge,
from the
Australia

L. Wittgenstein, Phi1osophica 1 Investigarions, Blackwell, Oxford, 195x.

Nass.,
Sixth
1982,

1

On the notion of culture and cultural pluralism

APPENDIX 1:

Definitions of culture abound;
all

unfortunately, with very few exceptions,

Many are too narrow,

are bad.

for example chauvmistica! ly restricting

culture to human groups (as Kamenka's appalling motto, 'nothing human is alien
p.7); some are too broad, for example making any sort of organisation

to me' ,

as a trade union or a local brass band) a culture,

such

to

serve
connect

problems:- High

redefinitions

of

cu1ture

with [a peoples'] artistic achievement or, even more
lil
with (their) literature.
This is nion culture, at least insofar

culture

EaJ

narrowly,

as

the types of

indicate

A few examples w 11 1

what is included is class restricted,

to certain class-approved

products

and performances (e.g. opera, ballet, drama as opposed to reggae, punk, etc.).
Mhile high redefinitions let in too little,

So

is with the definition of culture as 'the transfer of

it

behavioural means,

(Bonner
Mi th

low redefinitions admit too much.

p.l'J),

culture.

information

most particularly by the process of teaching and learning'

because that includes much that has nothing especially to

For

by

example,

number of bricks on a site,

relaying a weather forecast or passing on

transfers information by behavioural

means,

do

the
but

information of no particular cultural relevance. .

By

contrast,

For

culture.

Herskovits:

most definitions mark out something which roughly overlaps

example,

culture

Awa

settleEsJ

for

the

definition

is "the man-made part of the environment"

offered

...'

by

(p.2'?).

Not only is this inadmissibly anthropocentric, excluding animal cultures (such

as

Bonner

writers

studies)

imagine);

and extraterrestrial cultures (such
but

worse,

as

science-fiction

this twisted definition appears to

render

a

ill. Thus, for example, Stephenson
throughout his iconoclastic book on
Australian culture.
The equation, with literary texts, like that of a
paradigm
with central texts,
is useful in offering a
material
representation of a culture. 'For there is something solid that can be
grasped and presented.
Similary, money, newspapers and motor cars,
afford material artefacts and museum exhibits of wider popular cultures.

deserted

toMn or ancient rums a culture (rather

mining

of

manifestation

a

than

past culture) Mhile excluding a system

the

of

physical

and

beliefs

values as a culture (unless an erroneous theory of systems of propositions

invoked).

In

is

latching onto the physical exemplification it is moreover like

Kuhn's identification of a text-book Mith a paradigm.

there is much in common between the notion of culture and

Indeed

liberal extension of the notion of paradigm,

one of Mhich gamed currency

^nglo-Psmerican thought about a hundred years later than the other.
have

in

Both terms

been used to cover an apparently diverse range of things (and criticised

dismissed for doing just that),

or

Kuhn's

and both do this m rather similar

because both attempt to capture types of conceptual schema.

parallels

suggest

- certainly once the useful notion of a

Midely adopted m sociology,

Mays,

Nhat is more the

social

paradigm,

been encountered and Morked Mith - a common

has

notion.

Nith but little reflection,
from

then,

a rather different account of culture

the run of anthropological definitions straightaMay emerges:- & culture,

or more exactly a pure culture,

advantage of this definition,

is a comprehensive socia! paradigm.
and part of its appeal,

R great

is that the hard

Mork

involved

in rectifying the notion of paradigm has already been done (e.g.

RP)

thus

and

parallel

m

the

supplied

system, i.e. on

a

logical sense;

generous

by

but

the

clean-up

Mould

that is,

an elaborate interpretation

relational

structure.

it

is

function

Naturally it is

a

theoretical

on

a

required

fai thfu1 to Mhat (the social forms, activities and so on) it models.

paradigm,

m

contrast

to

a scientific paradigm,

propositional structure delivered,

is
many

that of a social group.
sketched

take

Recall that a paradigm is explicated as a mode!.

form for culture.

precisely

structure

does not have to be repeated;

m

is a paradigm

general

to

be

Ps social
Mhere

the

the political themes and value judgements,

Group cohesiveness in fact is guaranteed in

examples of such social paradigms (several reproduced

in

the
RP)

because actual groups Mith distinctive cultures are taken; but the theoretical

explanation

goes

structure.

The

deeper

and

depends on features of

underlying

the

of propositional structure delivered

types

are

model

in

shoMn,

capsule form, in the first table of this paper contrasting parts of mainstream
other more detailed examples are reproduced

American and Philippine cultures;

in theoretical Mork

social paradigms (e.g. PP, CPE, Cotgrove and references

cited therein).

Just

expl 1 cat ion

the

as

of

paradigm

of

May

by

models

enabled

a

clarification and unification .job to be done on the giant conceptual mess that
the

of paradigm had become,

notion

facilitates a pleasing and simplifying synthesis.

how

complaint

his

Geertz

to

Consider,

about,

complains

diffusion by pointing to the

about

in

definitions of culture to similes and metaphors,

desperation,

as

...

map,

a

resort

Kluckholn

Geertz Minds

in

attempted

to the analogies ''perhaps in

mere

before a

and as a matrix'*,

as a sieve,

cu1ture

illustrate,

but in anthropology more generally, can be reduced.

especially,
up

diffusion'*

'theoretical

the

of

so the parallel explication

paragraph later, offering his OMn metaphor of culture as a web of significance

or interpretation (and model too,
its

in metaphor).

roots

though here an exact technical notion,

Rs it happens,

Geertz"'s account is not too

has

bad

a

picture of the sort of logical model involved, that is of a system, a Meb-like
structure, Mith an interpretation

imposed,
matrix

both a map and a

The other similes are hoMever more exact:

on it.

function

can

function, supplying significance or meaning

as

models (though not

usually

social

ones),

map

a

typically modelling a landscape.
Furthermore,

take up Kluckholn'* s elaboration on culture (not

to

really

'definitions' as Geertz suggests), a model is indeed '(4) "an abstraction from
behaviour'"',
thinking,
hoMever

Mhich,

and

feeling

is

not

prescriptively

Mhere

believing'" in terms of items

merely descriptive,

as,

supplies '(3) "a May of

it is a social paradigm,

'*('?)

"a

validated.

but Mill be applied

mechanism

for

the

and

normative

can

The

model

be

regulation

read
of

and "(10) "a set of techniques -tor- adjusting both to the externa!

behaviour'"'

environment and to other men"''. Such a mode!, which does correspond to '(5) "a
theory

the part of the anthropologist about the way in which a

on

peop!e m fact behave'"' and their view of the world,

orientations,

it is

. Since the social paradigm evolves over time,

'(11) "a precipitate of history'"',

of

certainly affords '(6) a

"structure of pooled learning'"' and '(7) "a set of standardized
to recurrent problems'".

group

and it does record '(2) "the social legacy

the individual Ein the society! acquires from his group"'.
three parts or levels of a culture that Conga!ton and David

The

(p.22 ff.) are similar to those Kuhn includes within a paradigm,
by

supplied

readily

a model.

They

are,

first,

the

discern

and likewise

general

rules

and

procedures characterising and controlling the behaviour of adherents; secondly
the ideas and values behind these beliefs and procedures; thirdly the products

and

exemplars

material

resulting,

e.g.

interpretation function validates both themes and rules;

of objects,

domains

The

The

newspapers.

textbooks,

as well it

including values and ideas (on both see

connection with exemplars and artefacts is less direct,

RP,

delivers

pp.12-16).

and of more than

Pt textbook may present a paradigm or, more likely, part of one; or
112
it may, like an artefact, supply or be a partial mode!ling of the paradigm.

one kind.

The
order
culture

remaining
reflect

to

has

life-forms

done.

Thus

to
of

qualifying term comprehensive is

some of the slackness of the

notion

of

culture.

cover a sufficiently comprehensive part of life
a community,

Abraham,

vague

deliberately

for one,

klhile

styles

there are varying degrees to which this

can

and

be

explains various inclusive levels of culture

(pp.12-13) before opting for the most inclusive, under which 'culture is
113
common life of the people'*
and 'includes the whole of the knowledge,
arts,

in

the
the

science, technology, religions, morality, ritual, politics, literature,

112. 6 theory normally has many models, some exact and canonical, some of
which bring out all that holds m the theory but not only what holds
there;
and, more sweepingly still, it has partial models, which
accurately depict part of the theory.

even

etiquette

and

of the mind.

includes

le

narroMer,

In this use [that again of "higher"

mastery

a

'*

scu1pture,
a

seventeenth

a

Under

use of the term however ''culture is limited to Mhat are called

comprehensive,

things

(p.12)114

'

-fashions

Abraham

(p.13).

process

of

conjectures that this use evolved

pauperisation of Mhat

and eighteenth centuries,

and could knoM (p.13).

the

educated

the age of enlightenment,

man

'as

in

a

the

stood for',

Such a person could reflect the Mhole culture in

the

more comprehensive use.

The European vieM of culture, Mhich tends to concentrate on high culture,
is insufficiently comprehensive,

leaving out a crucial aspect of culture,

so

it has been argued, namely attitudes to and approaches to the environment, and

so natural environments largely devoid of man-made features and influences
particular.

in

& fuller picture of environmentally-sensitive culture looks like

this:-

113. (From previous page) See p.21.
Accounts of culture of this very
inclusive, but still unnecessarily anthropic, form are common in the
literature.
Thus, for example, Harris: ''Ft culture is the total socially
acquired life-May or life-style of a group of people
(p.144), their
patterns of behaviour and thought.
Thus, Mith even less qualification,
the first of Kluckholn's eleven definitions of culture (as listed in
Geertz pp.4-5), 'the total May of life of of a people', a definition
repeated in Congalton and David, p.22.
The intended model accordingly
provides a complete representation of life-Mays of members of the
culture.
114. Ft fuller and better account Mhich gets very close to the model-theoretic
analysis, is Kumer's analogous definition of culture:

The
shared
symbolic system Mhich gives meaning
to
human
interactions in a society.
It refers to a society's May of
perceiving, interpreting and expressing things ... it includes
knoMledge, belief-systems, values, norms and ideologies Mhich
enable the members of a society to perceive, organise and interpret
reality ... reality is alMays perceived Mithin an evaluative
frameMork.
Similar too is Tylor's definition of 'culture' in terms of a structure
again: 'Culture or Civilization ... that complex Mhole Mhich includes
knoMledge, belief, art, morals, laM, customs, and any other capabilities
and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. (Primitive Culture
vol. 7, p.7).
So all human societies have a culture, a generalised
paradigm.
It is better to separate out civiliza11on, hoMever, and link
it to its 'root meaning of living in cities'.

PRIORY CULTURE DIRGRRH

sense

of

"culture"',

and

intellectual

where

sociology,

in

order

culture.

artistic

the

practice

takes up the grimary

namely

dictionaries,

Concise English Dictionary),

consists

in

putJ

of

and as presented

culture of a society is said to comprise

a given culture,

state

the

as it is

tor development,

' the

of
a

in

shared

It is important to separate off *
particular, the

in

in which the culture comprises the community,

and the educa11on-der1ved sense,

the training or discipline in or

groun­

or people with,

leading

in which the
to

Evidently the explication, which makes the product primary

the historical order,

so on,

in

to set aside - some derivative senses,

sharing,

culture

offered

values and beliefs' of the society.

der ived sense,
or

as

or people' (cf.

community

norms,

through social paradigms,

explication so -far,

The

a

given

reverses

the culture, like agriculture, viticulture, and
115
was first and foremost a process
, a "cultivation" of intellect and
where

115. Rs Williams explains, the early meaning of 'culture'' was as a process;
and the ''culture of the mind' was viewed as a process rather than a
product or achieved state.
In (early) modern use 'culture' became, like
'civilized'', a condition. Only with the 'fourth modern development did
culture appear as 'the whole way of life, material, intellectual and
spiritual of a given society* (p.273), i.e., as a comprehensive social
paradigm. The other forms, the first three developments, were restricted
versions of this, to respectively the individual, intellectual and moral
parts, and arts and intellectual areas.
To invert the ahistorical explanatory patten^
so to say, the inherited cu1tures of science.

scientific paradigms are,

art and technology.

However the reversal makes it easier to get some grip on

the very rich process-product complex that a culture comprises.

example, goes astray in settling for a process definition of

Bonner,

for

allied

'culture

to the education-derived senses ''By culture I mean the transfer of information
by

behavioural

particularly

most

means,

of

by the process

teaching

and

Nhile the definition certainly achieves its intended objective of

learning*',

it is, as already remarked, a quite excessively low

including animal culture^

accounting

redefinition,

such

things as semaphoring between boy

scouts

as

culture.
There is a further dimension of complexity so far largely omitted through

restriction

pure

most contemporary states are far from culturally pure, comprising a

cultures,

mixture

Mhile tribal groups may have relatively

to pure cultures.

More generally,

of peoples and cultures.

represented

an n-cultural society

by a system of n paradigms adhered to in the society.

&

multi­

ft

multi­

cultural

society

is thus an n-cultural society where n is

cultural

society

may

simply

Australia,

not

include

however be

very

many.

pluralistic;

it

as

may,

groups of people from different cultures

under some dominant culture which controls

in one region

together

is

in

brought

main

the

Much depends then on the type of system of paradigms

poli tical institutions.

involved, on how the paradigms are themselves interrelated and structured.
Ps

society

will

function

(cf.

Abraham,

p.lbff.,

incompatible with extreme individualism').

a variety of subcultures.

which

is

not

Characteristically

and

commonly

For culture is the glue of a group;

competing cultures.

integrative

always have a culture,

several

perhaps

it has an important

who remarks that

culture

is

society will also typically have

R subculture is a paradigm, included in a culture,

sufficiently
subcultures

comprehensive

to

rank

as

a

share norms and assumptions with some

culture.
larger

culture except where they diverge.

The

dominant

cultures

in countries like Australia and America

can

be

is

there

Subcultures

with

many

century

gentry

the

differences

terms,
11.S
tributaries.

subculture!

hong played significant parts in

have

last

Protestant

culture,

mainstream

a

example,

Transposing to river-network

as having tree structures.

reoresented

between

Catholic,

extensive immigration program,

pattern

of ethnic subcultures.

important

As a result

complex

accommodate,

and

that is, the cultural streams remain
of the

mainstream

culture

are

not

those

of

These

within

too a pluralistic (a plural paradigm) society

provided the social paradigms present

limits,

can

no

real

to overarching socio-political arrangements and the prevailing type of

threat

structure (if they should however things would have to give or

power

along

permit the relatively easy formation

assumptions

of

Australia) do however is to criticise and challenge themes of the

culture.

dominant

an

rival and alternative social paradigms (such as

k-lhat

chai 1enged.

Al ternative

critical

and

and

Australia now boasts a much more

persistence of subcultures - so long as,
subcultures

Protestant

Flexible multi-cultural arrangements,

substantial social tolerance,

with

for

of Australian colonial culture had

streams

bearing on leisure activities such as gambling (see Inglis),
its

history;

lustra!ian

change;

rival river networks are bound to alter the r*.;Xural landscape).

Cultures,
explaining

and

illustrated
that

like

paradigms,

social

inducing social change.

explanatory roles.

repudiation

nature",

important

role

on

the

that is,

For example,

in RP).

It is worth

that

it

noticing

to

Philp criticises for Foucault

prevents

him

from

consistent

explaining

in
and

human

culture can replace nature

of the human subject and the denial of a
ground

both

So much has already been shown

as regards social paradigms (e.g.

nature have been supposed mandatory;

'his

an

can also afford explanatory roles in cases where appeal

they

social

have

in
for

human

directed

IIS, A subculture of a given culture is itself a culture (i.e. a comprehensive
social paradigm) applying to a subgroup of the given wider culture,
which agrees with the wider culture on characterising (paradigmatic)
features but which may diverge, and typically does, by virtue of further
cultural features, i.e. features in its paradigm.
A subculture stands
then technically to a culture as a subalgebra stands to an algebra, etc.

resistance or social struggle tor the better,

explain
a

and justify such resistance 'requires that ^e make some commitment to

conception

of the human good and this usually rests on some vie^j of

human

The modifier 'usually* gives the game

a^ay;

nature and human subjectivity'*.
the

route can circuit through culture.

justificatory

directed

accordingly to Philp (p.17), to

to

social

good

as

under

discerned

a

The struggle

can

paradigm^

regional

be

the

c ommitmen t s c an be cultural.
The

main real ^ork of this paper,

descriptive

some

attempt

like much Mork on culture,

of relevant features of the different cultures

at

explanation

of more unexpected features

has

been

contrasted,

^ith

of

the

cultures

concerned, some criticism, and some attempt to explain some cultural traits in
terms of others.

enterprise,

cultures

only

This, like the modelling account, points to a more difficult

broached:

investigated,

namely,

the

task of providing theories of

and so perhaps explaining ^hat pulls

them

the

together,

makes them tick, gives them their distinctive shape and grip, and so on.

Contemporary scientific redeployment of human nature

APPENDIX 2:

attempts of this sort are based on the modern evolutionary synthesis, and

most

in

appear

extreme

form

in

sociobiology.

However

it

Mas

quickly

recognised that (opportunistic) sociobiol^gical attempts, such as Nilson's, to

nature

human

to rule out significant political
117
narroM social alternatives fail.
redeploy

underlying characterisation of human nature is

Nilson's

from the main socio-political tradition.

[is]

of

set

full

the

possibilities

[i.e,

innate

very

different

'In the broader sense, human nature
genetic

genetically-determinedJ

or

predispositions that characterise the human species;

behavioural

and

and in

the

narrower sense, those predispositions that affect social behaviour'* (pp.217-8,

Mith

It is certainly ahistorical,

read

disjunctively it

disease

hoMever the ambiguity in the characterisation of

nature - hardly a set,

(sub)species

patterns

conjunctively

only

since genes may mutate.

It is not constant or static,

rearrangement).

Mill include the full

humans

For if the definition

is resolved.

are liable to

set

suffer;

of
if

is

genetically-determined
read,

those every (normal) human is bound to

less

undergo

plausibly,
at

some

stage.
In any event, such sets are remote from Enlightenment political concerns,

though, like health and disease more generally, socially relevant enough;

they

hardly

alternatives.

appear

to

Moreover,

impose

they

significant

offer

constraints

on

no bulMark against racial or

and

political

cultural

and since by no means
118
everything is determined genetically e.g. languages of some cultures.

relativity,

since

races have separate gene subpools,

117. Fss this is a commonplace vieM,
Singer^, and especially Pigden.

there is no need to labour it:

see Ruse,

118. Genetic determinism is simply one, and perhaps even the Meakest, of
several
forms of determinism intended to vastly reduce
cultural
variability.
Nilson does not rely on that form exclusively, but helps
himself to other incompatible forms of determinism as suit^: see p.207.

REFERENCES
W.E. Abraham, Ths Mind of Africa, University of lilinois

ess, Litica^o, i-S2.

D, A. Aitkin, ''Mhere does Australia stand?', in Withers, pp.18-31.
Pipers, Maori Myths and Tri ba' Legends, Longman Pau], Auckland, 1984.

N.E. Awa, '"Culture and credibility'", Ceres 16 (5) (1983) 28-38,

E. Best, The Maori, Vol, 1, Tombs, Wellington, 1924,
R. Birrell, D. HiH
Sydney, 1984.

J.T. Bonner,
1980.

.^nd J,

Neville,

Populate and

Perish?,

Fontana/AFC,

The Evolution of Culture in animals, Princeton University Press,

B. Bonney and H.
1983.

Australia's Commercial Media, Macmillan, Melbourne,

Wilson,

8.J. Berry, Human, Hegel and Human Nature, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1982.
J. Cairns, The Quiet Revolution. Widescop^e.^Camberw.elJ^J-Jiotg^^a. 1975^.

8.T, jCald/wel.l., '"The gambling AustraTian.'L^_in Change in Australia (ed.
Edgar), Cheshire, Melbourne, 1974.

D.L.

G.T. Caldwell, '"Leisure', in Davies et.al., pp.410-439.

G.T. Caldwell, '"Some historical and sociological characteristics of Australian
gambling', in Caldwell et.al.
G.T. Caldwell, M. Dickerson, B. Haig and L.
Australia, Croom Helm, Sydney, 1985.

Sylvan (eds.),

Camb' ing—ijl

F. Capra and C. Spretnak, Green Poli tics, Hutchinson, London, 1984.
R.E. Caves and L.8. Krause, The Australian Economy:
George Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1984.

N. Chomsky and E. Herman,
Press, Boston, 1979.

A M1ew from the North,

The Political Economy of Human Rights,

South c.nd

P. Cock, Alternative Australia, Quartet Books, Melbourne, 19/9.

J. Cohen and J. Rogers, On Democracy, Penguin, New York, 1984.

David,

The Individual in the Making, Wiley, Sydney,

A.A.

Congalton andA.E.
1976.

R.W.

Connell, 'Images of Australia in Social Change in Australia
Edgar), Cheshire, Melbourne, 1974.

(ed.

R. W. Connell, Ruling fl ass, Ruling Culture,

S. Cotgrove, Catastrophe or Cornucopia, Wiley, New <ork, 1?87.
G. Crough and T. Wheelwright, Australia: A Client State, Penguin, Australia,

D.

1982.

E. C^llenbach, Ecotopia Emerprng,
A.F. Davies
1985.

and S.

Encel (eds.),

lustra Han Society.,

Melbourne,

Cheshire,

A.F. Davies, S. Encel and M. Berry (eds.), lustra!!an Soci e t y. Third Edition,
Longman Cheshire, Melbourne, 19777.

M.J. Dunphy, Alternative Thoughts, Total Environment Centre, Sydney, 1984.
R. Ely, 'Australian Historians on "Tall
Cultural History 3 (1984) 104-128.

Poppies":

a

survey'',

Austra - i an

B.L. Embury and N. Fodder, ''Economic Welfare in Australia' in Austral i an
Social Issues of the 70"s, (ed. P.R. Nilson), Butterworths, Sydney, 1972.
G. Gaus, The Modern Liberal Theory of 'Man. Croom Helm, London, 1983.

A. Gilbert, 'The state and nature in Australia, Australian Cultural History
1981, (eds. S. Goldberg and F.&Smith), Canberra, 1982, pp.9-28.
R.J. Goldstein,
1978.

Political Repression in Modern America,

N.K. Hancock, Austra! ia. E. 3^.^^

G.K.

Hall,

Boston,

, London, 1930.

M. Harris, Culture, People, Nature. Second edition, Cromwell, 1975.
Hays,
Conservation
and the Gospel of Efficiency:
Conservation Movement. 1390-1920. Cambridge, MA, 1959.
R. Heilbroner,
The Worldly Philosophers.
Schuster, New York, 1987.

3rd

revised

The

Progressive

edit.,

Simon

and

T. Hobbes, Levi athan( ed. M. Oakeshot^, Oxford, 1948.
I. Illich, Des-z h co ling Soc i e t y, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1971.
K.S. Inglis, 'Religious behaviour'*, in A.F. Davies and S.
Australian Society. Cheshire, Melbourne, 1985, pp.43-75.

Encel

(eds.),

K.S. Inglis, 'Gambling and culture^ in Australia'' in Caldwell et.al,
B. Jones, SIeepers Awake'. Oxford University Press, 1982.

E.

Kamenka. 'Culture and Australian culture',
(1984) 7-18.

Australian Cultural History 3

T.S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revo1utions. Second edition, University
of Chicago Press, 1970.

K. Kumar, The Social and Cultural Impact of Transnational Enterprises, Horking
Paper No. 8, ?tRP, University of Sydney, 1979.
R.E. Lane, "Market .justice, political justice'', Hugo Nolfsen Memorial Lecture,
Melbourne, May, 1985.

N. Lini, Keynote address, Australia and the South Pacific. Proceedings of a
Conference held at the Australian National University, 1982.

//3

The following has been redacted from access file (PDF) due to copyright restrictions.
Letter, Alan? (Department of Philosophy, University of Alberta) to Richard Sylvan, 9 Jun 1988 re
feedback on paper. (4 pages)

%/,y

7

Ch

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<^/

'

C2<

*1-

7

—

On the notion of culture and cultural pluralism

APPENDIX 1:

unfortunately, with very + ew exception s,

Definitions of culture abound;
y

all

Many are too narrow,

3re bad.

cu1ture to human groups (as Kamenka's

p.7) ; some are too broad,

,

brass band) a culture.

as a trade union

(such

problems:- High

serve

connect

EaJ

as

redefinitions

with Ea peoples'] artistic achievement

culture

with (their) literature.

narrowly,

A few examples will

of

cu1ture

even

or,

more

This is high culture, at least insofar

what is included is class restricted,

to certain class-approved

products

and performances (e.g. opera, ballet, drama as opposed to reggae, punk, etc.).
low redefinitions admit too much.

"the transfer of

information

by

process of teaching and learning'
(Bonner

p.10),

because that includes much that has nothing especially to

do

the
number of bricks on a site,

transfers information by behavioural

means,

but

information of no particular cultural relevance.

By

contrast,

most definitions mark out something which roughly overlaps
Awa

'settleEsJ

for

the

definition

by

(p.2?).

"the man-made part of the environment"

Herskovi ts:

offered

this inadmissibly anthropocentric, excluding animal cultures (such

Bonner

as

writers
-f&sl

studies)

imagine);

and extraterrestrial cultures (such
but

as

science-fiction

this twisted definition appears to

worse,

LL't.........

render

throughout his iconoclastic book o
L Thus , for t example, Stephenson
Australian culture.
The equation, with literary texts, like that of
paradigm
with central texts,
is useful in offering a
materia
representation of a culture. For there is something solid that can b
grasped and presented.
Similary, money, newspapers and motor cars
afford material artefacts and museum exhibits of wider popular cultures.

?5

a

deserted

town or ancient ruins a culture (rather

mining

of

manifestation

a

than

past culture) while excluding a system

physical

the

of

beliefs

and

values as a culture (unless an erroneous theory of systems of propositions

invoked).

In

is

latching onto the physical exemplification it is moreover like

Kuhn's identification of a text-book Mith a paradigm.

Indeed

there is much in common between the notion of culture and

Kuhns

one of which'gained currency

Both terms

Rnglo-&merican thought about a hundred years later than the other.
have

or

in

been used to cover an apparently diverse range of things (and criticised
dismissed for doing just that),

and both do this in
Nhat is more the

because both attempt to capture types of conceptual schema.

paradigm,

a common

been encountered and worked Mith

noti on.
then,

from

the run of anthropological definitions straightaway emerges

advan tage of this definition,
i nvo1ved

and

paral1 el
in

and part of its appeal,

is that the hard

work

would

take

in rectifying the notion of paradigm
thus

does not have to be repeated;

form for culture.

precisely

structure

6 great

is a comprehensive social paradigm

or more exactly a pure culture.

RP)

a rather different account of cu1ture

but

c1ean-up

Recal 1 that a paradigm is expli cated as a model,

is

it

the

supplied

the

by

an elaborate interpretation

function

is

a

theoretical

on

required

faithful to what (the social forms, activities and so on) it models,

paradigm,

in

contrast

to

a scientific paradigm,

proposi tional structure delivered,
is
many

that of a social group.

sketched

general

a

is a paradigm

to

be

& social
where

the

the political themes and value .judgements,

Group cohesiveness in fact is guaranteed in

examples of such social paradigms (several reproduced

in

the

RP)

because actual groups with distinctive cultures are taken; but the theoretical

96

explanation

goes

structure.

The

deeper

depends on features of

and

of propositional structure delivered

types

model

underlying

the

are

in

shoMn,

capsule form, in the first table of this paper contrasting parts of mainstream

other more detailed examples are reproduced

American and Philippine cul bares;

in theoretical Mork on social paradigms (e.g. RP, CPE, Cotgrove^and references
cited therein).

Just

as

the

of

explication

by

paradigm

May

of

models

enabled

a

clarification and unification .job to be done on the giant conceptual mess that
the

of paradigm had become,

notion

so the parallel explication

in

abou t,
but in anthropology more generally, can be reduced.

especially,

up

his

c^.\tu,rg.

Kluckholn

Geertz Minds
attempted

in

resor t

diffusion by pointing to the

about

complaint

of

and^r metaphors, to the analogies 'perhaps in

as

desperation,

a map*,

and as a matrix',

as a sieve,

before

a

mere

paragraph later, offering his OMn metaphor of culture as a Meb of significance
' ' too,
'
, though here an exact technical notion, has
or interpretation (and model
its roots in metaphor]^ Rs it happen^Geertz^/ account is not too bad a picture

of the sort of logical model involved
structure^Mith an interpretation
imposed,

typically

on it.

that is of a system, a Meb-like

function,

supplying signifi'-arn.e -r meaning

The other similes are hoMever more exact:

modelling

a

landscape.

Furthermore,

elaboration of) culture (not really 'definitions
is indeed '(4) "an abstraction from behaviour"',

paradigm,

supplies '(3) "a May of thinking,

of items validated.

to

take

ooth a map and a.

up

as Geertz suggests),

a model

Mhere it is a social

Mhich,

feeling and believing"

The model hoMever is not merely descriptive,

applied and can be read prescriptively as,

Kluckholn s

in rerm=.

but Mill be

('?) "a mechanism for the normative

regulation of behaviour"' and '(10) "a set of techniques for adjusting both to
the

external

environment

and to other

97

men'".

Such

a

model,

Mhich

does

2

to '(5) "a theory on the part of the anthropologist about the

correspond

in

group of people in fact behave'" and their vieM

a

Mhich

'*(4) a "structure of pooled learning'"' and

affords

certainly

of

standardized orientations, to recurrent problems'"'.

^ay

Morld,

the

(7) "a set

of

Since the social paradigm

it

does

1egacy the individual [in the society] acquires

from

is ''(11) "a precipitate of

history'",

and

his group'"

discern

of a culture that Conga!ton and David

three parts or

The

Kuhn includes

readily

supplied

They

a model.

by

are,

procedures characterising and controlling the behaviour of adherents; secondly

procedures; thirdly the products

and

exemplars

material

resulting,

e.g.

interpretation function validate^! both themes

The

connection Mi th exemplars and artefacts is^e^^ direct,

RP,

The

delivers

as Mel lit

including values and ideas (on both see

of objects,

domains

neMspapers.

textbooks,

pp.12-16).

and of more than

3 textbook may present a paradigm^^or^more likely, part of one; or

on^ kind.

it may, like an artefact, supply or be a partial modelling of the paradigm.

remaining

The

culture

life-forms
done.

to

has

Thus

of

qualifying term comprehensive is

cover a sufficiently comprehensive part of life
a community,

Rbraham,

vague

deliberately

styles

there are varying degrees to Mhich this

for one,

can

and
be

explains various inclusive levels of

7 '

(pp.12-13) before opting for tbe most inclusive, under Mhich 'culture is
If§'
and 'includes the Mhole of the knoMledge,
common life of the people

arts,

in

the

the

science, technology, religions, morali ty, ri tual, politics, literature,

ttTP*. & theory normally has many models, some exact and canonical, some of
__
Mhich bring, out
all that holds in the theory but not only Mhat holds
i s i ngTy stil Impartial models, Mhich ac-e a'-'_urately
there; and, more surpr -----depict part of the theory. )

98

ULk

etiquette

fashions

...'

of

eighteenth

pauperisation

centuries,

Such

(p.13).

narrower,

a

Under

In this use [that again of "higher"

of the mind.

includes a mastery of all literature,

process

(p.12)

^ess

use of the term however 'culture is limited to Mhat are caned

comprehensive,

things

and

a

of Mhat the educated man in

cou 1 d

culture

history, music, painting and sculpture,

the age of enlightenment ,

person

culture],

reflect

the

the

s even teen th

stood for',

Mho i e

culture

and

and could knoM

in

the

more

c ompr eh en s i ve u se.
The European vieM of culture, Mhich tends to concentrate on high t.u = ture,

is insufficiently comprehensive,

leaving out a crucial aspect of culture,

so

it has been argued, namely attitudes to and approaches to the environment, and

so natural environments largely devoid of man-made features and influences
particular.

in

R fuller picture of environmentally-sensitive culture looks like

this:11^-. (From previous page) See p.21.
Accounts of culture of
.;!i= very
inclusive, but still unnecessarily anthropic, form are common in the
. __ literature.
Thus, for example, Harris: 'A culture is the total socially
acquired life-May or life-style of a group of people*
(p.144), their
patterns of behaviour and thought.
Thus, Mith even less qualification,
the first of Kluckholn's eleven definitions of culture (as listed in
Geertz pp.4-5), 'the total may of life of of a people', a definition
repeated in Congalton and David, p.22.
The intended model accordingly
provides a complete representation of life-Mays of members of the
cul tur-e.

111^ Ft fuller and better account Mhich gets very close to the model-theoretic
analysis, is Kumer's analogous definition of culture:

The
shared
symbolic system Mhich gives meaning
to
human
interactions in a society.
It refers to a society s May of
perceiving, interpreting and expressing things ... it in'„lude=>
knowledge, belief-systems, values, norms and ideologies Mhich
enable the members of a society to perceive, organise and interpret
reality ... reality is always perceived Mithin an evaluative
framework.
Similar too is Tylor's definition of 'culture' in terms of a structure
again: 'Culture or Civilization ... that complex MholeMhich includes
knowledge, belief, art, morals, laM, customs, and any other capabilities
and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. (Primitive Culture
vol. 7, p.7).
So all human societies have a culture, a generalised
paradigm.
It is better to separate out civi1ization, however, and link
it to its 'root meaning of living in cities .

religions, morality, ritual, politics, literature, even etiquette and fashions

is

'culture

use

limited

to

Mhat

are called

things

of

mind.

the

In

this

[that
history,

con.jec tures

that

music,

this

painting and sculpture,/^..' (p.13),

use

evolved

'as

a

result

of

Rbraham^.

of

a / process

^7 /J

cen turles,

he age of enlightenment, stood for'', and could knoM (p.13).

Such

a per son could reflect the Mhole culture in the more comprehensive use.

The European vieM of culture, Mhich tends to concentrate on high culture,

is insufficiently comprehensive,
it

has been argued,

natural

environments

leaving out a crucial aspect of culture,

namely attitudes to and approaches to

the

largely devoid of man-made features and

so

environment,
influences

in

/Recounts of culture of this very inclusive form but still unnecessari
an thropic form, are common m the literature* ^hus^for example^Harris:
<R culture is the total socially acquired life-May or life-style of
a group of people' (p.144), their patterns of behaviour and
though t.
Thus, Mith even less qualification, the first of Kluckholn's eleven
definitions of culture ^listed m Geertz pp.4-5),
the total May of life
of a peopled a definition repeated in
and David^p.22. lhe
model ^provides a complete representation o+ life-Mays of members of the

R fuller and better account^Mhich gets very ejase to^ the model-theoretic
analysis^ ig Kiernan's analogous definition of jculturq:

The
shared
symbolic system Mhich gives meaning
to
human
interactions in a society.
It refers to a society's May of
perceiving, interpreting and expressing things ... it includes
knoMledge, belief-systems, values, norms and ideologies Mhich
enable the members of a society to perceive, organise and interpret
reality ... reality is alMays perceived Mithin an evaluative
frameMork.

Similar too is
Taylor's definition of 'culture' in terms of a
structure again: 'Culture or Civilization ... that complex Mhole Mhich
includes knoMledge, belief, art, morals, laM, customs, and any other
capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'.
(Primitive Culture vol. 7, p.7). So al 1 human societies have a culture,
a generalised paradigm.
It is better to separate out c iyi l,i zat 1 on,
hoMever, and i-t—nc-sep%'e/. +<sf? its 'root meaning of living in cities'.

PRIMARY CULTURE DIAGRAM

sense

of

"'culture'',

intellectual

sociology,

in

and

mhere

order

culture.

artistic

the

,
*

practice

takes up the primary

namely

lor development,

Con c i se English 0 i c t i on ary) ,

in

-state

put]

in

a

in

shared

"the

particular, the

group-

or people mith,

and the education-derived sense,
leading

in mhich the
to

Evidently the explication, mhich makes the product primary

a

given

reverses

like agriculture, viticulture, and

the culture,

mas first and foremost a process

of

It is important to separate off -

the training or discipline in or

mhere

of

and as presented

culture of a society is said to comprise

a given culture,

consists

"the

as it is

in mhich the culture comprises the community,

the historical order,

so on,

dictionaries,

in

to set aside - some derivative senses,

sharing,

culture

offered

values and beliefs"' of the society.

derived sense,
or

as

or people"' (cf.

community

norms,

through social paradigms,

explication so -far,

The

,

a "cultivation" of intellect and

11^ As Mi 11 iams explains, the ear 1 y meaning of "culture"' mas as a process;
and the "culture of the mind" mas viemed as a process rather than a
product or achieved state.
In (early) modern use "culture" became, like
'civilized"', a condition.
Onlp^the "fourth modern development" did
culture appear as "the mhole may of life, material, intellectual and
spiritual of a given society"' (p.273), i.e., as a comprehensive social
paradigm.
The other forms, the first three developments^mere restricted
versions of this, to respectively the individual, intellectual and moral
parts, and arts and intellectual areas.
,
r.
To invent the ahistorical explanatory pattern, scientific paradigms are,
so to say, the inherited cu1tures of science.

100

However the reversal makes it easier- to get some grip on

art and technology.

the very rich process-product complex that a culture comprises.

example, goes astray in settling for a process definition of

for

Bonner,

allied

'culture

to the education-derived sense: "'By culture I mean the transfer of information
by

means,

behavioural

by the process

particularly

most

of

and

teaching

Hhile the definition certainly achieves its intended objective of

learning'.

including (cultures'^ an7maC^g%p&,
excessively

it is,

as already

remarked,

a

accounting such things as semaphoring

loM redefinition,

quite

between

boy scouts as culture.

There is a further dimension of complexity so far largely omitted through
restriction

pure

most contemporary states are far from culturally pure, comprising a

cultures,

mixture

Nhile tribal groups may have relatively

to pure cultures.

of peoples and cultures.

represented

More generally,

an n-cultural society

by a system of n paradigms adhered to in the society.

&

multi­

&

multi­

cultural

society

is thus an n-cultural society Mhere n is

cultural

society

may

Australia,

simply

not

include

however be

very

many.

it

pluralistic;

as

may,

in

brought

groups of people from different cultures

under some dominant culture Mhich controls

in one region

together

is

the

main

Much depends then on the type of system of paradigms

political institutions.

involved, on hoM the paradigms are themselves interrelated and structured.

Pt

society

Mill

function

(cf.

Ptbraham,

p.l5ff.,

incompatible Mith extreme individualism ).
a variety of subcultures.

is

Mhich

not

Characteristically

and

commonly

For culture is the glue of a group;

competing cultures.
integrative

alMays have a culture,

several

perhaps

it has an important

Mho remarks that

culture

is

Pt society Mill also typically have

Pt subculture is a paradigm, included in a culture,

sufficiently
subcultures

comprehensive

to

rank

as

a

share norms and assumptions Mith some

culture.

larger

culture except Mhere they diverge.

The

dominant

cultures

in countries like Australia and Ptmerica

101

can

be

as having tree structures.

represented

a

is

there

Subcultures

century

gentry

Protestant

many

the

between

differences

terms,.
1 1^
tribu.ari!=''=.

subcultural

long played significant parts in

have

last

example,

with

culture,

mainstream

Transposing to river-network

Australian
L-athoXc,

extensive immigration program,

of ethnic subcultures.

pattern

with

critical

challenged.

and

an

o?

As a result

complex
aiong

permit the relatively easy formation

assumptions

and

that is, the cultural streams remain
of the

mainstream

culture

rival and alternative social paradigms (such as

Plhat

important

Australia now boasts a much more

persistence of subcultures - so long as,
and

Protestant

Flexible multi-cultural arrangements,

substantial social tolerance,

subcultures

f'-tr

of Australian colonial culture had

streams

bearing on leisure activities such as gambling (see Inglis?.

its

history;

are

n^t

those

of
the

Al ternative
These

culture.

dominant

accommodate,

within

too a pluralistic (a plural paradigm) society

provided the social paradigms present

limits,

r^m

no

to overarching socio-political arrangements and the prevailing type of

threat

structure (if they should however things would have to give or

P'Ower

tan

t-ha^ge,

rival river networks are bound to alter the cultural landscape).

Cultures,

explaining

and

illustrated

that

like

they

social

paradigms,

inducing social change.

'his

important

role

in RP).

It is worth

can also afford explanatory roles in cases where appeal

explanatory roles.

repudiation

nature',

an

on

the

that is,

For example,

that

it

noticing

to

Philp criticises for Foucault

prevents

him

from

i_on = i = .en.

explaining

in
and

human

culture can replace nature

of the human subject and the denial of a
ground

both

So much has already been shown

as regards social paradigms (e.g.

nature have been supposed mandatory;
social

have

in
for

numaf;

directed

11^). A subculture of a given culture is itself a culture (i.e. a comprehensive
social paradigm) applying to a subgroup of the given wider culture,
which agrees with the wider culture on characterising (paradigma.i'-)
\
features but which may diverge, and typically does, by virtue of further
cultural features, i.e. features in its paradigm.
A subculture stands

102

resistance or social struggle for the better.
explain
a

and .justify such resistance 'requires that Me make some commitment to

conception

of the human good and this usually rests on some vieM of

human

The modifier "usually"' gives the game

aMay;

nature and human subjectivity"'.

the

Accordingly to Philp tp.i7), to

route can circuit through culture.

justificatory

directed

social

to

as

good

discerned

under

a

The struggle

can

paradigm;

regional

be

the

commitments can be cultural.
has

been

descriptive of relevant fea^f tures of the different cultures

contrasted.

Mi th

some

of

The

attempt

concerned,
in

main

terms

A

Mork

at

this paper,

of

explanation

like much Mork

on

culture,

of more unexpected features

the

cu1tures

some criticism, and some attempt to explain some cu1tural
of others.

This,

like the modelling account,

points to

a

more

difficult enterprise, only broached: namely, the task of providing theories of

the

cultures formufsrfed,

and so perhaps explaining Mhat pulls them together,

makes them tick, gives them their shape and grip, and so on.
A

103

/ .<
/ /

Contemporary scientific redeployment of human nature

APPENDIX 2:

Attempts

evolutionary

of this sort are based on the moder^tn

synthesis,

and appear in most extreme form in sociobiology.

r

/e cc^"i A r

)

% Sociobioldoical attempts, such as Nilson's, to redeploy human nature to
A
j '
1
a]t I er natives fail.
rule out ^political possibilities and narroM social ajtli,
A

underlying

Wilson's

characterisation of human nature is very different

the main socio-political tradition.
the

full set of innate Ei.e.

those

sense,

and

in

nature.*- hardly

set.'

a

the

hoMever

is

(pp.217-8,

For

the

definition

if

socially

relevant

b5t

subpools,

and

or

since

cultural

relativity,

since

stage.J^ In

any

though, like health more

they hardly

significant constraints on political alternatives.
racial

disease

less plausibly, conjunctively

if read,

enough;

of
read

is

Mill inclue the full set of genetically-determined

it

It is

characterisation

^b^Vare remote from Enlightenment concerns,

against

Mith

the

those every (normal) human is bound to undergo at some

generally,

narrower

ambiguity in

resolved.

patterns humans are liable to suffer;

event,

the

It is not constant or static, since genes may mutate.

ahistorical,

only

behavioural

genetic or genetically-determinedJ

predispositions that affect social behaviour'

rearrangement).

disp^M^tively

'* In the broader- sense, human nature Ei-sJ

characterise the human species;

that

predispositions

from

appear

to

impose

Moreover, i*t—is no bulwark

races

separate

have

by no means everything is determined

gene

genetically^ e.g.

language^of some culture).

there is no need to labour it:

see Ruse,

'*1-

As this is a commonplace vieM,
Singer and especially Pigden.

11^

Genetic determinism is simply one, and perhaps^ the M^kest, of several
forms of determinism intended to vastly reduce cultural variability.
Nilson does not rely on that form exclusively: see p.207.
AtPijol/ /o
)

104

y

*

y

o

situation of certaintg such as the eLementarg choLce situationi affords,
expectation vaLues drop out. Then, as under the maximaLLtg criteri^, R is the
rat LonaL choLce under this utiLitg criterion; B cannot be^a rat LonaL oho Lee,

it

is^)--------------------

The same argument, Lf correct, ref'ute^Bages^anism. For, as Suppes c La Lms,
the Bayesian posLtLon Leads to the oversLL sLngte prLncLpLe of ra t Lona L i tg, the
principLe of maximizing expected utLLLtg: One action or decision shouLd be
chosen over another Lf^ the expected utLLLtg of the fLrst Ls at L'east as great
as that of the second, ... (p.178).^
_
(p.178)." ((The arguments
aLso eawt&r princ ip Les,
such as that
criter ia^

of

sure

thing,

appeaLed

to

in

derivations

of

maximization

Satisizing, doLng-MLth-enough, counters the orthodox rat LonaLitg axioms;
satisficing, doing-as-Meii-as-can-be-in-the-circumstances, does not. Satisficing

is constrained maximization; the satisficer, organisation man on bimon s
picture, aiMags chooses the maximum from among aLternatLves aireadg enumerated,
and so in the eLementrg diagram chooses R, not B (as satisizers mag), inere is
aLready a Literature at pains to point out that satisficing does not int^ fer^
Mith the rationatitu axioms.— though that it does not Mas^ cLear enough from
Limited rationaiitg^ Thus, for exampLe, Riker and Ordeshook
turn^g
criticisms of the principle of maximizing expected utiLitg on satisficing
qrounds, ^d bu arguing (incorrectLg) that in aLL pr^cticaL cases maximizing snd
satisficing r^^ease identicai^ appeat tMice to Simon s authoritg:
MhLLe some enthusiasts have misinterpreted hLs argument as antiratLonaL, Ln fac*^ Professor Simon does not suppose that, Mhen better
or Morse aLternatives are cieartg avaiiabie to the chooser, ne mag
reject the better for Morse, just because the worse H sat^factory
(pp.21-2). ... CertainLg Professor Simon is not asking for thLs,
because even Ln hLs termf, Lt Ls LrratLonaL to reject better for Morse.
be expected to occur
Os an LrratLonaLLtg satisficing cannot then
(p-23).
Ue need not

the enthusiasts; but Me are supposLng

Mhat S'^mon ded no t.

7

...........................
Various
Ln ./rat LonaL
^9.. Impact on paradoxes and on ratLonaL
behaviour.. L
— ---- paradoxes
]——— r*
A—t------------------------------- - ——----------- ;--------7-7%-------_______________________________
A cases paradox disapp
dLSappearaag
choLce theorg appear Ln a neM Light; in many peases
atftytt7H5etgcr> For the aLr o^ paradox derLves from competLng maximization crLterLa.
R good exampLe is provided bg NeMComb's paradox, Mhich is supposed to arise
in the foLLoMing situation^:

There are tMO boxes before gou: one transparent and one opaque. You
can see that there is $1,000 in the transparent box, and gou knoM that
there is either $1,000,000 or nothing in the opaque box. You must
choose betMeen the foLLoMing tMO acts: take the contents onig of the
opaque box or take the contents of both boxes. Furthermore, there is a
being in Mhose predictive poMers gou have enormous confidence, 3nd gou
knoM that he has aLreadg determined the contents of the opaque box
according to the foLLoMing ruLes: If he predicted that gou Mouid take
-9-

A

Take the list of characteristics Gilson considers for instance (Mhich forms in

a

curious May part of his attempt to rehabilitate a particular partisan

of humans on the strength of sociobiology:

p.22).

The list

has to be pruned

if"it is to cover the spread of knoMn human races and cultures,

vaguer

and less question-begging (e.g.

removed);

but

then

vieM

and

rendered

Mith reference to relations to numan-=>

it ceases to separate tribes of humans

from

tribes

primates or other nonhumans. [Detail and adjust.]

/f2'

7

o+

The NeM Zealand comparison:

APPENDIX 3.

Preliminary notes towards

or New

qualitative rating of mainstream New Zealand culture,

A

Zealand

data, as against an Australian (and sometimes other) goes as follows:but still high for Angloceltic world (presumably per capita

less,

Drinking:

patterns similar except for club phenomenon in Australia,

figures available);

and dry areas and prohibition proclivities in New Zealand.

Gambling:

significantly

but

less,

for

patterns similar except

important

matters of clubs and casinos.
Sport:

but less variety in New Zealand, owing to greater

similar addiction,

New Zealand emphasis on tramping,

uniformity of culture.

trail systems, not

matched in Oz.

Permissiveness:
variety.

less,

markedly

especially

concerning

sexual

issues

and

But Polynesian alternative increasingly influential in New Zealand.

Plural ism:

a

less,

more

uniform society,

with few ethnic

groupings

and

strata.

stronger, but still less so than UK.

Authori tarianism:

It is hypothesized by

Sinclair that older authority patterns in New Zealand arise from child rearing

especially

techniques,

in Oz.

counterpart

are,

the

famous

Plunkett

method,

The result was a rather up-tight

the suggestion is, more laid-back, easy-going.

which

no

had

product.

real

Australians

Vet the matter is not =o

simple, as the next items reveal.
Policing

and

opposition among the younger in New Zealand.

increasing

bushrangers,

cultural

Long-standing opposition to police

coercive methods:

etc.,

mythology.

in

New

Zealand,

in

Oz,

But no adulation of

and no Eureka Stockade

Violence perhaps less in New Zealand,

or

associated

though (at home)

neither society is very violent by American standards.

Egali tarianism:

slightly more in New Zealand, despite the Australian image.

In both Jack is as good as his master.
Pace of Life:

slower in New Zealand.
1

less in NeM

Poverty:

in NeM Zealand.
Distrust of markets

simi1 ar

less than Oz

Fraternity and mateship:
Hale chauvinism:

margina11y less (?)

Unionisation:

Mith

no

environmen tai actions.
Environmen t:

communi ties

mixed

Extensive

NeM Zealand to many i ssues

in

even

sympathy,

public

among

rural

the

An issue breakdoMn is

required

here:
better

Chemicals and Maste management:
Parks and reserves:

National ism:
(Inglis)

margina11y better,

excessively

in

Morse

both places

strong in both

It is taken as validating

consider the many memorials Mith 'they

their country' scattered around small toMns.

national ism

(or stateism)

as

a

means

and
Hi th

by political leaders).

It can be

Mar and sport

of social and national cohesion,

purpose (e.g.

died

It is sometimes suggested

is the neM secular religion

operation in those tMo related enterprises,

death

for
that

seen

in

Both have served

and have been

used

for

that

(Hars Mere a common method of obtaining

maintaining integration of large states,

improved

communications

perhaps fall into disuse)

and propaganda

netMorks,

that

method

Divisive national sport is interesting from

could

this

angle also.

Federalism

and

Australian

idea

federation:
of

adding

No experience in

NeM

NeM Zealand as a further

sympathetic consideration in NeM Zealand.

2

Zealand.
state

The

obtains

frequent

little

There Mas, and is, no loyalty to an

Australasian nation.
Communications:

Broadcasting less commercialised in Ne^j Zealand.

As a result

less H) violence, etc.
Reading:

more in Neu Zealand.

Education and Research:
opposition to theory.

(HoM much more?)

Little research done in Ne^ Zealand, but less

mixed.

Public school system better.

3

The following have been redacted from access file (PDF) due to copyright restrictions.
•
•

Letter, Alastair (University of Waikato) to Richard Sylvan, 17 April 1985 re feedback on
paper. (4 pages (2 leaves))
Letter, Tom (Philosophy Department, Massey University) to Richard Sylvan, 10 Jul 1985
re feedback on paper. (3 pages (2 leaves))