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                    <text>Inquiry, 21, 133-79

Nuclear Energy and Obligations
to the Future
R. and V. Routley
Plumwood Mountain, Braidwood, Australia

The paper considers the morality of nuclear energy development as it concerns
future people, especially the creation of highly toxic nuclear wastes requiring longterm storage. On the basis of an example with many parallel moral features it is
argued that the imposition of such costs and risks on the future is morally unacceptable. The paper goes on to examine in detail possible ways of escaping this
conclusion, especially the escape route of denying that moral obligations of the
appropriate type apply to future people. The bulk of the paper comprises discussion
of this philosophical issue, including many arguments against assigning obligations
to the future drawn both from analyses of obligation and from features of the future
such as uncertainty and indeterminacy. A further escape through appeal to moral
conflict is also considered, and in particular two conflict arguments, the Poverty
and Lights-going-out arguments are briefly discussed. Both these escape routes are
rejected and it is concluded that if the same standards of behaviour are applied to
the future as to the present, nuclear energy development is morally unacceptable.

I. The Bus Example
Suppose we consider a bus, a bus which we hope is to make a very long
journey. This bus, a third world bus, carries both passengers and freight.
The bus sets down and picks up many different passengers in the course of
its long journey and the drivers change many times, but because of the way
the bus line is managed and the poor service on the route it is nearly always
full to overcrowded, with passengers hanging off the back, and as in
Afghanistan, passengers riding on the roof, and chickens and goats in the
freight compartment.
Early in the bus's journey someone consigns on it, to a far distant
destination, a package containing a highly toxic and explosive gas. This is
packaged in a very thin container, which as the consigner well knows is
unlikely to contain the gas for the full distance for which it is consigned,
and certainly will not do so if the bus should encounter any trouble, for
example if there is a breakdown and the interior of the bus becomes very
hot, if the bus should strike a very large bump or pothole of the sort
commonly found on some of the bad roads it has to traverse, or if some
1

�134 R. and V. Routley
passenger should interfere deliberately or inadvertently with the cargo or
perhaps try to steal some of the freight, as also frequently happens. All of
these things, let us suppose, have happened on some of the bus's previous
journeys. If the container should break the resulting disaster would probably kill at least some of the people and animals on the bus, while others
could be maimed or contract serious diseases.
There does not seem much doubt about what most of us would say about
the morality of the consigner's action, and there is certainly no doubt
about what the passengers would say. The consigner's action in putting
the safety of the occupants of the bus at risk is appalling. What could
excuse such an action, what sort of circumstances might justify it, and
what sort of case could the consigner reasonably put up? The consigner
might say that it is by no means certain that the gas will escape; he himself
is an optimist and therefore feels that such unfavourable possible outcomes should be ignored. In any case the bus might have an accident and
the passengers be killed long before the container gets a chance to leak; or
the passengers might change to another bus and leave the lethal parcel
behind.
He might say that it is the responsibility of the passengers and the driver
to ensure that the journey is a smooth one, and that if they fail to do so, the
results are not his fault. He might say that the journey is such a long one
that many of the passengers may have become mere mindless vegetables
or degenerate wretches about whose fate no decent person need concern
himself, or that they might not care about losing their lives or health or
possessions anyway by that time.
Most of these excuses will seem little more than a bad joke, and certainly would not usually be reckoned any sort of justification. The main
argument the consigner of the lethal parcel employs, however, is that his
own pressing needs justify his actions. He has no option but to consign his
potentially lethal parcel, he says, since the firm he owns, and which has
produced the material as a by-product, is in bad financial straits and
cannot afford to produce a better container or to stop the production of the
gas. If the firm goes out of business, the consigner says, his wife will leave
him, and he will lose his family happiness, the comfortable way of life to
which he has become accustomed and sees now as a necessity; his employees will lose their jobs and have to look for others; not only will the
firm's customers be inconvenienced but he, the consigner, will have to
break some business contracts; the inhabitants of the local village through
loss of spending and cancellation of the Multiplier Effect will suffer finan-

�Obligations to the Future 135
cial hardship, and, worst of all, the tiny flow of droplets that the poor of the
village might receive (theoretically at any rate) as a result of the trickling
down of these good things would dry up entirely. In short, some basic and
some perhaps uncomfortable changes will be needed in the village.
Even if the consigner's story were accepted at face value - and it would
be wise to look critically at his story - only someone whose moral sensibilities had been paralysed by the disease of galloping economism could see
such a set of considerations, based on 'needs', comfort, and the goal of
local prosperity, as justifying the consigner's action.
One is not generally entitled to thus simply transfer the risks and costs
arising from one's own life onto other uninvolved parties, to get oneself
out of a hole of one's own making by creating harm or risk of harm to
someone else who has had no share in creating the situation. To create
serious risks and costs, especially risks to life or health for such others,
simply to avoid having to make some changes to a comfortable life style, or
even for a somewhat better reason, is usually thought deserving of moral
condemnation, and sometimes considered a crime; for example, the action
of a company in creating risks to the lives or health of its workers or
customers to prevent itself from going bankrupt. What the consigner says
may be an explanation of his behaviour, but it is not a justification.
The problem raised by nuclear waste disposal is by no means a perfect
analogy to the bus case, since, for example, the passengers on the nuclear
bus cannot get off the bus or easily throw out the lethal package. In many
crucial moral respects, however, the nuclear waste storage problem as it
affects future people, the passengers in the bus we are considering, resembles the consignment of the faultily packaged lethal gas. Not only are
rather similar moral principles involved, but a rather similar set of arguments to the lamentable excuses the consigner presents have been seriously put up to justify nuclear development, the difference being that in the
nuclear case these arguments have been widely accepted. There is also
some parallel in the risks involved; there is no known safe way to package
the highly toxic wastes generated by nuclear plants that will be spread
around the world if large-scale nuclear development goes ahead.1 The
wastes problem will not be a slight one, with each one of the more than
2,000 reactors envisaged by the end of the century, producing on average
annual wastes containing one thousand times the radioactivity of the
Hiroshima bomb.2 The wastes include not merely the spent fuels and their
radioactive by-products, but also everything they contaminate, from fuel
containers to the thousands of widely distributed decommissioned nuclear

�136 R. and V. Routley
reactors which will have to be abandoned, still in a highly radioactive
condition, after the expiry of their expected lifetimes of about thirty years,
and which have been estimated to require perhaps one and a half million
years to reach safe levels of radioactivity.3 The wastes must be kept
suitably isolated from the environment for their entire active lifetime; for
fission products the required storage period averages a thousand years or
so, and for the actinides (transuranic elements) which include plutonium,
there is a half-million to a million-year storage problem.4
Serious problems have arisen with both short-term and proposed longterm methods of storage, even with the comparatively small quantities of
waste that have been produced over the last twenty years.5 With present
known short-term surface methods of storage there is a continued need for
human intervention to keep the material isolated from the environment,
while with proposed longer-term methods such as storage in salt mines or
granite to the risk of human interference there are added the risks of
leakage, e.g. through water seepage, and of disturbance, for example
through climatic change, earth movements, etc. The risks are significant:
no reasonable person with even a limited acquaintance with the history of
human affairs over the last 3,000 years could be confident of safe storage
by methods involving human intervention over the enormous time periods
involved. No one with even a slight knowledge of the geological and
climatic history of the earth over the last million years, a period which has
seen a number of ice ages and great fluctuations in climate for example,
could be confident that the waste material could be safely stored for the
vast periods of time required. Much of this waste is highly toxic; for
example, even a beachball sized quantity of plutonium appropriately
distributed is enough to give every person on the planet lung cancer - so
that a leak of even a small part of this waste material could involve huge
loss of life, widespread disease and genetic damage, and contamination of
immense areas of land.6
Given the enormous costs which could be involved for the future, it is
plainly grossly inadequ'ate'to merely speculate concerning untested, but
possibly or even probably, safe methods for disposal of wastes. Yet none
of the proposed methods has been properly tested, and they may prove to
involve all sorts of unforeseen difficulties and risks when an attempt is
made to put them into practice on a commercial scale. Only a method that
could provide a rigorous guarantee of safety over the storage period, that
placed safety beyond reasonable doubt, would be acceptable. It is difficult
to see how such rigorous guarantees could be given concerning either the

�Obligations to the Future 137
geological or future human factors. But even if an economically viable,
rigorously safe long-term storage method could be devised, there is the
problem of guaranteeing that it would be universally and invariably used.
The assumption that it would be, especially if, as seems likely, such a
method proved expensive economically and politically, seems to presuppose a level of efficiency, perfection, and concern for the future not
previously encountered in human affairs, and certainly not conspicuous in
the nuclear industry.7 Again, unless we assume continuous and faultless
guarding of long-term storage sites through perhaps a million years of
possible future human activity, weapons-grade radioactive material will
be accessible, over much of the million-year storage period, to any party
who is in a position to retrieve it.
Our behaviour in creating this nightmare situation for the future is
certainly no better than that of the consigner in the bus example. Industrialized countries, in order to get out of a mess of their own making essentially the creation of economies dependent on an abundance" of
non-renewable energy in a situation where it is in fact in limited supply opt for a 'solution' which may enable them to avoid the making of uncomfortable changes during the lifetime of those now living, at the expense of
passing heavy burdens on to the inhabitants of the earth at a future time burdens in the shape of costs and risks which, just as in the bus case, may
adversely affect the life and health of future people and their opportunity
to lead a decent life.8
It is sometimes suggested that analogies like the bus example are defective; that morally they are crucially different from the nuclear case, since
future people, unlike the passengers in the bus, will benefit directly from
nuclear development, which will provide an abundance of energy for the
indefinite future. But this is incorrect. Nuclear fission creates wastes
which may remain toxic for a million years, but even with the breeder
reactor it could be an energy source for perhaps only 150 years. It will do
nothing for the energy problems of the people of the distant future whose
lives could be seriously affected by the wastes. Thus perhaps 30,000
generations of future people could be forced to bear significant risks,
without any corresponding benefits, in order to provide for the extravagant energy use of only five generations.
Nor is the risk of direct harm from the escape or misuse of radioactive
materials the only burden the nuclear solution imposes on the future.
Because the energy provided by nuclear fission is merely a stop-gap, it
seems probable that in due course the same problem, that of making a

�138 R. and V. Routley
transition to renewable sources of energy, will have to be faced again by a
future population which will probably, again as a result of our actions, be
very much worse placed to cope with it.9 For they may well have to face
the change to renewable resources in an over-populated world not only
burdened with the legacy of our nuclear wastes, but also in a world in
which, if the nuclear proponents' dream of global industrialization is
realized, more and more of the global population will have become dependent on high energy consumption and associated technology and heavy
resource use, and will have lost or reduced its ability to survive without it.
It will, moreover, probably be a world which is largely depleted of non-renewable resources, and in which such renewable resources as forests and
soils as remain, resources which will have to form a very important part of
the basis of life, are in a run-down condition. Such points tell against the
idea that future people must be, if not direct beneficiaries of nuclear fission
energy, at least indirect beneficiaries.
The 'solution' then is to buy time for contemporary industrial society at
a price which not only creates serious problems for future people but
which reduces their ability to cope with those problems. Just as in the bus
case, contemporary industrial society proposes to get itself out of a hole of
its own making by creating risk of harm, and by transferring costs and
risks, to someone else who has had no part in producing the situation and
who will obtain no clear benefit. It has clear alternatives to this action.
That it does not take them is due essentially to its unwillingness to avoid
changing wasteful patterns of consumption and to its desire to protect the
interests of those who benefit from them.
If we apply to the nuclear situation the same standards of behaviour and
moral principles that we acknowledge (in principle if perhaps often not in
fact) in the contemporary world, it will not be easy to avoid the conclusion
that the situation involves injustice with respect to future people on a
grand scale. It seems to us that there are only two plausible moves that
might enable the avoidance of such a conclusion. First, it might be argued
that the moral principles and obligations which we acknowledge for the
contemporary world and the immediate future do not apply because the
recipients of our nuclear parcel are in the non-immediate future. Secondly,
an attempt might be made to appeal to overriding circumstances; for to
reject the consigner's action in the circumstances outlined is not of course
to say that there are no circumstances in which such an action might
possibly be justifiable, or at least where the case is less clearcut. It is the
same with the nuclear case. Just as in the case of the consigner of the

�Obligations to the Future 139
package there is a need to consider what these justifying circumstances
might be, and whether they apply in the present case. We turn now to the
first of these possible escape routes for the proponent of nuclear development, to the philosophical question of our obligations to the future.

II. Obligations to the Distant Future
The area in which these philosophical problems arise is that of the distant
(i.e. non-immediate) future, that is, the future with which people alive
today will make no direct contact; the immediate future provides comparatively few problems for moral theories. The issues involved, although of
far more than academic interest, have not received any great attention in
recent philosophical literature, despite the fact that the question of obligations to future people presents tests which a number of ethical theories fail
to pass, and also raises a number of questions in political philosophy
concerning the adequacy of accepted institutions which leave out of
account the interests of future people.
Moral philosophers have predictably differed on the issue. But contrary
to the picture painted in a recent, widely read, and influential work
discussing it, Passmore's Man's Responsibility for Nature, a good many
philosophers who have explicitly considered the question have come
down in favour of the same consideration being given to the rights and
interests of future people as to those of contemporary or immediately
future people. Other philosophers have tended to fall into three categories
- those who acknowledge obligations to the future but who do not take
them seriously or who assign them less weight, those who deny, or who
are committed by their general moral position to denying, that there are
moral obligations beyond the immediate future, and those like Passmore
and Golding who come down, with admirable philosophical caution, on
both sides of the issue, but with the weight of the argument favouring the
view underlying prevailing economic and political institutions, that there
are no moral obligations to the future beyond those to the next generation.
• According to the most extreme of these positions against moral obligations to the future, our behaviour with respect to the future is morally
unconstrained; there are no moral restrictions on acting or failing to act
deriving from the effect of our actions on future people. Of those philosophers who say, or whose views imply, that we don't have obligations to
the (non-immediate) future, i.e. those who have opted for the uncon-

�140 R. and V. Routley
strained position, many have based this view on accounts of moral obligation which are built on relations which presuppose some degree of temporal or spatial contiguity. Thus moral obligation is seen as grounded on or as
presupposing various relations which could not hold between people
widely separated in time (or sometimes in space). For example, obligation
is seen as grounded in relations which are proximate or of short duration
and also non-transitive. Among such suggested bases or grounds of moral
obligation, or requirements for moral obligation, which would rule out
obligations to the non-immediate future are these: First, there are those
accounts which require that someone to whom a moral obligation is held
be able to claim his rights or entitlement. People in the distant future will
not be able to claim rights and entitlements as against us, and of course
they can do nothing to enforce any claims they might have for their rights
against us. Secondly, there are those accounts which base moral obligations on social or legal convention, for example a convention which would
require punishment of offenders or at least some kind of social enforcement. But plainly these and other conventions will not hold invariantly
over change in society and amendment of legal conventions and so will not
be invariant over time. Also future people have no way of enforcing their
interests or punishing offenders, and there could be no guarantee that any
contemporary institution would do it for them.
Both the view that moral obligation requires the context of a moral
community and the view that it is contractually based appear to rule out
the distant future as a field of moral obligation, as they not only require a
commonality, or some sort of common basis, which cannot be guaranteed
in the case of the distant future, but also a possibility of interchange or
reciprocity of action which cannot apply to the future. Where the basis of
moral obligation is seen as mutual exchange, the interests of future people
must be set aside because they cannot change the past and cannot be
parties to any mutual contract. The exclusion of moral obligations to the
distant future also follows from those views which attempt to ground
moral obligations in non-transitive relations of short duration such as
sympathy and love. There are some difficulties also about love and sympathy for (non-existent) people in the far distant future about whose
personal qualities and characteristics one must know very little and who
may well be committed to a life-style for which one has no sympathy. On
the current showing in the case of nuclear energy it would be easy to
conclude that contemporary society lacks both love and sympathy for
future people; and it would appear to follow from this that contemporary

�Obligations to the Future 141
people have no obligations to future people and can harm them as it suits
them.
What all these views have in common is a naturalistic picture of obligation as something acquired, either individually or institutionally, something which is conditional on doing something or failing to do something
(e.g. participating in the moral community, contracting), or having some
characteristic one can fail to have (e.g. love, sympathy, empathy).10
Because obligation therefore becomes conditional, features usually
thought to characterize it, such as universality of application and necessitation (i.e. the binding features), are lost, especially where there is a choice
of whether or not to do the thing required to acquire the obligation, and so
of whether to acquire it. The criteria for acquisition suggested are such as
to exclude people in the distant future.
However, the view that there are no moral constraints with respect to
future people, that one is free to act as one likes with respect to them, is a
very difficult one to sustain. Consider the example of a scientific group
which, for no particular reason other than to test a particular piece of
technology, places in orbit a cobalt bomb which is to be set off by a
triggering device designed to go off several hundred years from the time of
its despatch. No presently living person and none of their immediate
descendants would be affected, but the population of the earth in the
distant future would be wiped out as a direct and predictable result of the
action. The unconstrained position clearly implies that this is an acceptable moral enterprise, that whatever else we might legitimately criticize in
the scientists' experiment, perhaps its being unduly expensive or badly
designed, we cannot lodge a moral protest about the damage it will do to
future people. The unconstrained position also endorses as morally acceptable the following sorts of examples: A firm discovers it can make a
handsome profit from mining, processing, and manufacturing a new type
of material which, although it causes no problems for present people or
their immediate descendants, will over a period of hundreds of years
decay into a substance which will cause an enormous epidemic of cancer
among the inhabitants of the earth at that time. According to the unconstrained view the firm is free to act in its own interests, without any
consideration for the harm it does to future people.
Such counterexamples to the unconstrained view might seem childishly
obvious. Yet the unconstrained position concerning the future from which
they follow is far from being a straw man; not only have a number of
philosophers writing on the issue endorsed this position, but it is the clear

�142 R. and V. Routley
implication of many currently popular views of the basis of moral obligation, as well as of economic theory. It does not appear, on the other hand,
that those who opt for the unconstrained position have considered such
examples and endorsed them as morally acceptable, despite their being
clearly implied by their position. We suspect that when it is brought out
that the unconstrained position admits such counterexamples, that being
free to act implies, among other things being free to inflict pointless harm,
most of those who opted for the unconstrained position would want to
assert that it was not what they intended. What those who have put
forward the unconstrained position seem to have had in mind in denying
moral obligation is rather that future people can look after themselves, that
we are not responsible for their lives. The view that the future can take
care of itself also seems to assume a future causally independent of the
present. But it is not. It is not as if, in cases such as those discussed above
and the nuclear case, the future is simply being left alone to take care of
itself. Present people are influencing it, and in doing so must acquire many
of the same sorts of moral responsibilities as they do in causally affecting
the present and immediate future. The thesis seems thus to assume an
incorrect model of an independent and unrelated future.
Also, to say that we are not responsible for the lives of future people
does not amount to the same as saying that we are free to do as we like with
respect to them, that there are no moral constraints on our action involving
them. In just the same way, the fact that one does not have, or has not
acquired, an obligation to some stranger with whom one has never been
involved - that one has no responsibility for his life - does not imply that
one is free to do what one likes with respect to him, for example to rob him
or to pursue some course of action of advantage to oneself which could
seriously harm him.
These difficulties for the unconstrained position arise in part from the
failure to make an important distinction between, on the one hand, acquired or assumed obligations towards somebody, for which some act of
acquisition or assumption is required as a qualifying condition, and on the
other hand moral constraints, which require, for example, that one should
not act so as to damage or harm someone, and for which no act of
acquisition is required. There is a considerable difference in the level and
kind of responsibility involved. In the first case one must do something or
be something which one can fail to do or be, e.g. have loves, sympathy, be
contracted. In the second case responsibility arises as a result of being a
causal agent aware of the consequences or probable consequences of his

�Obligations to the Future 143
action, and thus does not have to be especially acquired or assumed. Thus
there is no problem about how the latter class, moral constraints, can
apply to the distant future in cases where it may be difficult or impossible
for acquisition or assumption conditions to be satisfied. They apply as a
result of the ability to produce causal effects on the distant future of a
reasonably predictable nature. Thus also moral constraints can apply to
what does not (yet) exist, just as actions can cause results that do not (yet)
exist. While it may be the case that there would need to be an acquired or
assumed obligation in order for it to be claimed that contemporary people
must make special sacrifices of an heroic kind for future people, or even to
help them especially, only moral constraints are needed in order for us to
be constrained from harming them. Thus, to return to the bus example, the
consigner cannot argue in justification of his action that he has never
assumed or acquired responsibility for the passengers, that he does not
know them and therefore has no love or sympathy for them, and that they
are not part of his moral community, in short that he has no special
obligations to help them. All that one needs to argue in respect of both the
bus and the nuclear case is that there are moral constraints against harming, not that there are specially acquired obligations to take responsibility
for the lives of the people involved.
The confusion of moral constraints with acquired obligation, and the
attempt therewith to view all constraints as acquired and to write off
non-acquired constraints, is facilitated through the use of the term 'moral
obligation' in philosophy to indicate any type of deontic constraint, while
in natural language it is used to indicate something which has to be
assumed or acquired. Hence the equation and at least one root of the
unconstrained position, that is of the belief that there are no moral constraints concerning the distant future.
The unconstrained view tends to give way, under the weight of counterexamples, to a more qualified, and sometimes ambivalent position. Passmore's position in [1] is a striking example of the second ambivalent
position. On the one hand Passmore regularly gives the impression of one
championing future people; for example, in the final sentence of [1] he
says, concerning men a century hence:
My sole concern is that we should do nothing which will reduce their
freedom of thought and action, whether by destroying.the natural
world which makes that freedom possible or the social traditions
which permit and encourage it.

�144 R. and V. Routley
Earlier (esp. pp. 84-85) Passmore appears to endorse the principle 'that we
ought not to act so as certainly to harm posterity' and claims (p. 98) that,
even where there are uncertainties, 'these uncertainties do not justify
negligence'. Nevertheless, though obligations concerning non-immediate
posterity are thus admitted, the main thrust of Passmore's argument is
entirely different, being in favour of the unconstrained position according
to which we have no obligations to non-immediate posterity. Thus his
conclusion (p. 91):
So whether we approach the problem of obligations to posterity by
way of Bentham and Sidgwick, Rawls or Golding, we are led to
something like the same conclusion: our obligations are to immediate
posterity, we ought to try to improve the world so that we shall be able
to hand it over to our immediate successors in a better condition, and
that is all.11
Passmore's position is, to all appearances, simply inconsistent. There are
two ways one might try to render it consistent, but neither is readily
available to Passmore. The first is by taking advantage of the distinction
between moral constraints and acquired obligations, but a basis for this
distinction is not evident in Passmore's work and indeed the distinction is
antithetical to the analyses of obligation that Passmore tries to synthesize
with his own analysis in terms of loves. The second, sceptical, route to
consistency is by way of the argument that we shall consider shortly, that
there is always gross uncertainty with respect to the distant future, uncertainty which relieves us in practice of any moral constraints regarding the
distant future. But though Passmore's writing strongly suggests this uncertainty argument (especially his sympathetic discussion of the Premier
of Queensland's argument against conservationists [p. 77]), he also rules it
out with the claim that uncertainties do not justify negligence.12
Many of the accounts of moral obligation that give rise to the unconstrained position are fused in Passmore's work, again not entirely consistently, since the different accounts exploited do not give uniform results.
Thus the primary account of obligation is said to be in terms of loves though the account is never satisfactorily formulated or developed - and it
is suggested that because our loves do not extend into the distant future,
neither do our obligations. This sentimental account of obligation will
obviously lead to different results from utilitarian accounts of obligation,
which however Passmore appeals to in his discussion of wilderness. In yet
other places in [1], furthermore, social contract and moral community

�Obligations to the Future 145
views are appealed to - see, e.g., the treatment of animals, of preservation, and of duties to nature. In the case of obligations to future people,
however, Passmore does try to sketch an argument - what we call the
convergence argument - that all the accounts lead in the end to the
unconstrained position.
As well as the convergence argument, and various uncertainty arguments to be considered later, Passmore appears to endorse several other
arguments in favour of his theme that there are in practice no obligations to
the distant future. In particular, he suggests that such obligations would in
practice be otiose. Everything that needs to be accounted for can be
encompassed through the chain picture of obligation as linking successive
generations, under which each generation has obligations, based on loves,
only to the succeeding generation. We outline three objections to this
chain account. First, it is inadequate to treat constraints concerning the
future as if they applied only between generations, as if there were no
question of constraints on individuals as opposed to whole generations,
since individuals can create causal effects, e.g. harm, on the future in a
way which may create individual responsibility, and which can't necessarily be sheeted home to an entire generation. Secondly, such chains, since
they are non-transitive, cannot yield direct obligations to the distant
future. But for this very reason the chain picture cannot be adequate, as
examples again show. For the picture is unable to explain several of the
cases that have to be dealt with, e.g. the examples already discussed which
show that we can have a direct effect on the distant future without
affecting the next generation, who may not even be able to influence
matters.13 Thirdly, improvements for immediate successors may be
achieved at the expense of disadvantages to people of the more distant
future. Improving the world for immediate successors is quite compatible
with, and may even in some circumstances be most easily achieved by,
ruining it for less immediate successors. Such cases can hardly be written
off as 'never-never land' examples, since many cases of environmental
exploitation might be seen as of just this type, e.g. not just the nuclear case
but also the exhaustion of non-renewable resources and the long-term
depletion of renewable resources such as soils and forests through overcropping. If then such obvious injustices to future people arising from the
favouring or exclusive concern with immediate successors are to be avoided, obligations to the future will have to be seen as in some way fairly
distributed over time, and not merely as accruing to particular generations
in the way the chain picture suggests.

�146 R. and V. Routley
Passmore tries to represent all obligations to the distant future in terms
of heroic self-sacrifice, something which cannot of course be morally
required. But in view of the distinctions between constraints and acquired
obligation and between obligation and supererogation, this is just to misrepresent the position of these obligations. For example, one is no more
engaging in heroic self-sacrifice by not forcing future people into an
unviable life position or by refraining from causing them direct harm, than
one is resorting to heroic self-sacrifice in refraining from beating and
robbing some stranger and leaving him to starve.
Passmore's most sustained argument for the unconstrained position is a
convergence argument, that different analyses of obligations, including
his own, lead to the one conclusion. This style of argument is hardly
convincing when there are well-known accounts of obligation which do
not lead to the intended conclusion, e.g. deontological accounts such as
those of Kant and of modern European schools, and teleological accounts
such as those of Moore (in [8]). But such unfavourable positions are either
rapidly passed over or ignored in Passmore's historical treatment and
narrow selection of historical figures. The style of argument becomes even
less persuasive when it is discovered that the accounts of the main authorities appealed to, Bentham, Sidgwick, and Rawls,14 do not lead, without
serious distortion, to the intended conclusion. Indeed Passmore has twisted the historical and textual evidence to suit his case, as we now try to
indicate.
Consider Bentham first. Passmore's assumption, for which no textual
evidence is cited, ls is that no Benthamite calculation can take account of a
future more extensive than the immediate future (cf. pp. 87-88). The
assumption seems to be based simply on the fact that Bentham remarked
that 'the value of the pleasure or pain to each person to be considered in
any estimate will be greater or less in virtue of the following circumstances'. '3. Its certainty or uncertainty. 4. Its propinquity or remoteness'
([10], p. 16). But this does nothing to show that future persons are discounted: the certainty and propinquity do not concern persons, but the
utilities of the persons concerned. As regards which persons are concerned in any calculation Bentham is quite explicit, detailing how
to take an exact account. . . of the general tendency of any act.. . .5 .
Take an account of the number of persons whose interests appear to
be concerned; and repeat the above process [summation of values of
pleasure and of pain] with respect to each. ([10], p. 16)

�Obligations to the Future 147
It follows that Bentham's calculation takes account of everyone (and, in
his larger scheme, every sentient creature) whose interests appear to be
concerned: if the interests of people in the distant future appear to be
concerned - as they are in conservation issues - they are to be included in
the calculation. And there is independent evidence16 that in Bentham's
view the principle of utility was not temporally restricted: 'that is useful
which, taking all times and all persons into consideration, leaves a balance
of happiness' ([10], pp. 17-18, our italics). Thus the future cut-off that
Passmore has attributed to Bentham is contradicted by Bentham's own
account.
The case of Sidgwick is more complex, because there is isolated oscillation in his application of utilitarianism between use of utility and of
(something like) expected utility (see [11], pp. 381,414): Sidgwick's utilitarianism is, in its general characterization, essentially that of Bentham:
the conduct which . . . is objectively right is that which will produce
the greatest amount of happiness on the whole; that is, taking into
account all those whose happiness is affected by the conduct. ([11], p.
411)
All includes all sentient beings, both existing and to exist, as Sidgwick goes
on to explain (p. 414). In particular, in answer to the question 'How far are
we to consider the interests of posterity when they seem to conflict with
those of existing human beings?' Sidgwick writes ([11], p. 414, our italics):
It seems, however, clear that the time at which a man exists cannot
affect the value of his happiness from a universal point of view; and
that the interests of posterity must concern a Utilitarian as much as
those of his contemporaries, except in so far as the effect of his
actions on posterity - and even the existence of human beings to be
affected - must necessarily be more uncertain.
But Passmore manages, first of all, to give a different sense to what
Sidgwick is saying by adjusting the quotation, by omitting the clause we
have italicized, which equalizes the degree of concern for present and
future persons, and by italicizing the whole except-clause, thereby placing
much greater emphasis than Sidgwick does on uncertainty. For according
to Sidgwick's impartiality principle, 'the mere difference in time is not a

�148 R. and V. Routley
reasonable ground for having more regard to the consciousness of one
-amount than to that of another' ([11], p. 381; see also p. 124). The apparent
tension in Sidgwick's theory as to whether uncertainty should be taken
into account is readily removed by resort to a modern distinction between
values and expected values (i.e. probability weighted values); utilitarian
rightness is defined as before in terms of the net happiness of all concerned
over all time without mention of uncertainty or probabilities, but it is
distinguished from probable rightness (given present information), in the
utilitarian sense,17 which is defined in terms of the expected net happiness
of those concerned, using present probabilities. It is the latter notion, of
probable rightness, that practical reasoning is commonly concerned with
and that decision theory studies; and it is this that Passmore supposes
Sidgwick is using ([1], p. 84). But it is evident that the utilitarian determination of probable rightness, like that of rightness, will sometimes take
into account the distant future - as Sidgwick's discussion of utilitarian
determination of optimum population (immediately following his remark
on uncertainty) does. So how does Passmore contrive to reverse matters,
to have Sidgwick's position lead to his own unconstrained conclusion?
The answer is: By inserting an additional assumption of his own - which
Sidgwick would certainly have rejected - that the uncertainties entitle us
to ignore the distant future. What Passmore has implicitly assumed in his
claim ([1], p. 85) that 'utilitarian principles [such as Sidgwick's] are not
strong enough' 'to justify the kinds of sacrifice some conservationists now
call upon us to make' is his own thesis that 'The uncertainty of harms we
are hoping to prevent would in general entitle us to ignore them.. .'. From
a decision-theory viewpoint this is simply irrational18 unless the probabilities of damage are approaching zero. We will deal with the essentially
sceptical uncertainty arguments on which Passmore's position depends
shortly: here it is enough to observe that Sidgwick's position does not lead
to anything like that which Passmore attributes to him - without uncertainty assumptions which Sidgwick would have rejected (for he thought
that future people'will certainly have pleasure and suffer pain).
We can also begin to gauge from Passmore's treatment of nineteenthcentury utilitarians, such as Bentham and Sidgwick, the extent of the
distortion which underlies his more general historical case for the unconstrained position which, so he claims,
represents accurately enough what, over the last two centuries, men
have seen as their duty to posterity as a whole. . . . ([1], p. 91)

�Obligations to the Future 149
The treatment accorded Rawls in only marginally more satisfactory.
Passmore supposes that Rawls's theory of justice leads directly to the
unconstrained position ([1], p. 87 and p. 91), whereas Rawls claims ([5], p.
293) that we have obligations to future people just as to present ones. But
the situation is more complicated than Rawls's claim would indicate, as we
now try to explain in a summary way (more detail is given in the Appendix). For, in order to justify this claim on his theory (with its present
time-of-entry interpretation), Rawls has to invoke additional and dubious
motivational assumptions; even so the theory which thus results does not
yield the intended conclusion, but a conclusion inconsistent with Rawls's
claim. However, by changing the time-of-entry interpretation to an omnitemporal one, Rawls's claim does result from the theory so amended.
Moreover, the amended theory also yields, by exactly Rawls's argument
for a just saving rate, a resource conservation policy, and also a case
against nuclear development. Accordingly Passmore's other claims regarding Rawls are mistaken, e.g. that the theory cannot justify a policy of
resource conservation. Rawls does not emerge unscathed either. As on
the issue of whether his contract is a necessary condition for obligations,
so on obligations which the contract yields to the distant future, Rawls is
far from consistent. Furthermore, institutions such as qualified market
and voting systems are recommended as just though from a future perspective their results are far from that. Rawls, then, does not take obligations to the future with full seriousness.
In sum, it is not true that the theory of Rawls, any more than the theories
of the historical figures actually discussed by Passmore, unequivocally
supports the unconstrained position.

III. Uncertainty and Indeterminacy Arguments
Although there are grave difficulties for the unconstrained position, qualification leads to a more defensible position. According to the qualified
position we are not entirely unconstrained with respect to the distant
future: there are obligations, but these are not so important as those to the
present, and the interests of distant future people cannot weigh very much
in the scale against those of the present and immediate future. The interests of future people then, except in unusual cases, count for very much
less than the interests of present people. Hence such things as nuclear
development and various exploitative activities which benefit present

�150 R. and V. Routley
people should proceed, even if people of the distant future are disadvantaged by them.
The qualified position appears to be widely held and is implicit in most
modern economic theories, where the position of a decrease in weight of
future costs and benefits (and so of future interests) is obtained by application over time of an (opportunity cost) discount rate. The attempt to
apply economics as a moral theory, something that is becoming increasingly common, can lead then to the qualified position. What is objectionable in such an approach is that economics must operate within the bounds
of moral (deontic) constraints, just as in practice it operates within legal
constraints, and cannot determine what those constraints are. There are,
moreover, alternative economic theories and simply to adopt one which
discounts the future is to beg all the questions at issue. The discounting
move often has the same result as the unconstrained position; if, for
instance, we consider the cancer example and consider costs as payable
compensation, it is evident that, over a sufficiently long period of time,
discounting at current prices would lead to the conclusion that there are no
recoverable damages and so, in economic terms, no constraints. In short,
even certain damage to future people could be written off. One way to
achieve the bias against future people is by the application of discount
rates which are set in accord with the current economic horizons of no
more than about fifteen years,19 and application of such rates would
simply beg the question against the interests and rights of future people.
Where there is certain future damage of a morally forbidden type the
whole method of discounting is simply inapplicable, and its use would
violate moral constraints.20
Another argument for the qualified position, which avoids the objections from cases of certain damage, comes from probability considerations.The distant future, it is argued, is much more uncertain than the
present and immediate future, so that probabilities are consequently lower, perhaps even approaching or coinciding with zero for any hypothesis
concerning the distant future.21 But then if we take account of probabilities in the obvious way, by simply multiplying them against costs and
benefits, it is evident that the interests of future people, except in cases
where there is an unusually high degree of certainty, must count for (very
much) less than those of present and neighbouring people where (much)
higher probabilities obtain. So in the case of conflict between the present
and the future where it is a question of weighing certain benefits to the
people of the present and the immediate future against a much lower

�Obligations to the Future 151
probability of indeterminate costs to an indeterminate number of distant
future people, the issue would normally be decided in favour of the
present, assuming that anything like similar costs and benefits were involved. But of course it can't be assumed that anything like similarly
weighted costs and benefits are involved in the nuclear case, especially if it
is a question of risking poisoning some of the earth for half a million or so
years, with consequent risk of serious harm to thousands of generations of
future people, in order to obtain quite doubtful or trivial benefits for some
present people, in the shape of the opportunity to continue unnecessarily
high energy use. And even if the costs and benefits were comparable or
evenly weighted, such an argument would be defective, since an analogous argument would show that the consigner's action is acceptable
provided the benefit, e.g. the profit he stood to gain from imposing significant risks on other people, was sufficiently large. Such a cost-benefit
approach to moral and decision problems, with or without the probability
frills, is quite inadequate where different parties are concerned, or for
dealing with cases of conflict of interest or moral problems where deontic
constraints are involved, and commonly yields counterintuitive results.
For example, it would follow on such principles that it is permissible for a
firm to injure, or very likely injure, some innocent party provided the firm
stands to make a sufficiently large gain from it. But the costs and benefits
involved are not transferable in any simple or general way from one party
to another. Transfers of this kind, of costs and benefits involving different
parties, commonly raise moral issues - e.g. is x entitled to benefit himself
by imposing costs ony ? - which are not susceptible to a simple cost-benefit approach of the sort adopted by some proponents of nuclear energy,
who attempt to dismiss the costs to future people with the soothing remark
that any development involves costs as well as benefits. The transfer point
is enough to invalidate the comparison, heavily relied on by McCracken
[16] in building a case for the acceptability of the nuclear risk, between
nuclear risks and those from cigarette smoking. In the latter case those
who supposedly benefit from the activity are also, to an overwhelming
extent* those who bear the serious health costs and risks involved. In
contrast the users and supposed beneficiaries of nuclear energy will be
risking not only, or even primarily, their own lives and health, but also
those of others who may be non-beneficiaries and who may be spatially or
temporally removed, and these risks will not be in any direct way related
to a person's extent of use.
The transfer objection is essentially the same as that to the utilitarian's

�152 R. and V. Routley
happiness sums as a way of solving moral conflict between different
parties, and the introduction of probability considerations does not change
the principles involved but merely complicates analyses. One might further object to the probability argument that probabilities involving distant
future situations are not always less than those concerning the immediate
future in the way the argument supposes, and that the outcomes of some
moral problems such as the bus example do not depend on a high level of
probability anyway. In some sorts of cases it is enough, as the bus example
reveals, that a significant risk is created; such cases do not depend critically on high probability assignments.
Uncertainty arguments in various forms are the most common and
important ones used by philosophers and others to argue for the position
that we cannot be expected to take serious account of the effects of our
actions on the distant future. There are two strands to the uncertainty
argument, capable of separation, but frequently entangled. Both arguments are mistaken, the first on a priori grounds, the second on a posteriori grounds. The first argument is a generalized uncertainty argument
which runs as follows: In contrast to the exact information we can obtain
about the present, the information we can obtain about the effects of our
actions on the distant future is unreliable, woolly, and highly speculative.
But we cannot base assessments of how we should act on information of
this kind, especially when accurate information is obtainable about the
present which would indicate different action. Therefore we must regretfully ignore the uncertain effects of our actions on the distant future. More
formally and crudely: One only has obligations to the future if these
obligations are based on reliable information; there is no reliable information at present as regards the distant future; therefore one has no obligations to the distant future.
The first argument is essentially a variation on a sceptical argument in
epistemology concerning our knowledge of the future (formally, replace
'obligations' by 'knowledge' in the crude statement of the argument
above). The main ploy is to considerably overestimate and overstate the
degree of certainty available with respect to the present and immediate
future, and the degree of certainty which is required as the basis for moral
consideration both with respect to the present and with respect to the
future. Associated with this is the attempt to suggest a sharp division as
regards certainty between the present and immediate future on the one
hand and the distant future on the other. We shall not find, we suggest, that
there is any such sharp or simple division between the distant future and

�Obligations to the Future 153
the adjacent future and present, at least with respect to those things in the
present which are normally subject to moral constraints. We can and
constantly do act on the basis of such 'unreliable' information as the
sceptic as regards the future conveniently labels 'uncertainty'; for scepticproof certainty is rarely, or never, available with respect to much of the
present and immediate future. In moral situations in the present, action
often takes account of risk and probability, even quite low probabilities. A
good example is again the bus case. We do not need to know for certain
that the container will break and the lethal gas escape. In fact it does not
even have to be probable, in the relevant sense of more probable than not,
in order for us to condemn the consigner's action. It is enough that there is
a significant risk of harm in this sort of case. It does not matter if the
decreased well-being of the consigner is certain and the prospects of the
passengers quite uncertain; the resolution of the problem is still clearly in
favour of the so-called 'speculative' and 'unreliable'. But if we do not
require certainty of action to apply moral constraints in contemporary
affairs, why should we require a much higher standard of certainty in the
future? Why should we require epistemic standards for the future which
the more familiar sphere of moral action concerning the present and
adjacent future does not need to meet? The insistence on certainty as a
necessary condition before moral consideration can be given to the distant
future, then, amounts to an epistemic double standard. But such an
epistemic double standard, proposed in explaining the difference between
the present and the future and to justify ignoring future peoples' interests,
in fact cannot itself provide an explanation of the differences, since it
already presupposes different standards of certainty appropriate to each
class, which difference is in turn in need of justification.
The second uncertainty argument is a practical uncertainty argument,
that whatever our theoretical obligations to the future, we cannot in
practice take the interests of future people into account, because uncertainty about the distant future is so gross that we cannot determine what
the likely consequences of actions upon it will be and therefore, however
good our intentions to the people of the distant future, in practice we have
no choice but to ignore their interests. Uncertainty is gross where certain
incompatible hypotheses are as good as one another and there is no
rational ground for choosing between them. The second uncertainty argument can also be put in this way: If moral principles are, like other
principles, implicational in form, that is of such forms as 'if* has character
h then x is wrong, for every (action) x', then what the argument claims is

�154 R. and V. Routley
that we can never obtain the information about future actions which would
enable us to detach the antecedent of the implication. So even if moral
principles theoretically apply to future people, in practice they cannot be
applied to obtain clear conclusions or directions concerning contemporary
action of the 'It is wrong to do x' type.
Many of the assumptions of the second argument have to be conceded.
If the distant future really is so grossly uncertain that in every case it is
impossible to determine in any way that is better than chance what the
effects of present action will be, and whether any given action will help or
hinder future people, then moral principles, although they may apply
theoretically to the future, will not be applicable in practice for obtaining
any clear conclusions about how to act. Hence the distant future will
impose no practical moral constraints on action. However, the argument
is factually incorrect in assuming that the future is always so grossly
uncertain or indeterminate. Admittedly there is often a high degree of
uncertainty concerning the distant future, but as a matter of (contingent)
fact it is not always so gross or sweeping as the argument has to assume.
There are some areas where uncertainty is not so great as to exclude
constraints on action, especially when account is taken of the point,
noticed in connection with the first argument, that complete certainty is
commonly not required for moral constraints and that all that may be
needed in some cases is the creation of"a significant risk. Again there is
considerable uncertainty about many factors which are not highly, or at
all, morally relevant, but this does not extend to many factors which are of
much greater importance to moral issues. For example, we may not have
any idea what the fashions will be in a hundred years in girls' names or
men's footwear, or what brands of ice cream people will be eating if any,
but we do have excellent reason to believe, especially if we consider 3,000
years of history, that what people there are in a hundred years are likely to
have material and psychic needs not entirely unlike our own, that they will
need a healthy biosphere for a good life; that like us they will not be
immune to radiation; that their welfare will not be enhanced by a high
incidence of cancer or genetic defects, by the destruction of resources, or
the elimination from the face of the earth of that wonderful variety of
non-human life which at present makes it such a rich and interesting place.
For this sort of reason, the second uncertainty argument should be rejected. While it is true that there are many areas in which the morally relevant
information needed is uncertain or unavailable, and in which we cannot
therefore determine satisfactorily how to act, there are certainly others in

�Obligations to the Future 155
which uncertainty in morally relevant areas is not so great as to preclude
moral constraints on action, where we ascertain if not absolute certainties
at least probabilities of the same sort of order as are considered sufficient
for the application of moral principles in parallel contemporary cases,
especially where spatially remote people are involved. The case of nuclear
waste storage, and of uncertainty of the effects of it on future people,
seems to be of the latter sort. Here there is no gross indeterminacy or
uncertainty; it is simply not true that incompatible hypotheses about what
may happen are as good as each other. It is plain that nuclear waste storage
does impose significant risks of harm on future people, and, as we can see
from the bus example, the significant risk of harm is enough in cases of this
type to make moral constraints applicable.
In terms of the defects of the preceding uncertainty arguments, we can
see the corresponding defects in a number of widely employed uncertainty
arguments used to write off probable harm to future people as outside the
scope of proper consideration. Most of these popular moves employ both
of the uncertainty arguments as suits the case, switching from one to the
other in a way that is again reminiscent of sceptical moves. For example,
we may be told that we cannot really take account of future people because
we cannot be sure that they will exist or that their tastes and wants will not
be completely different from our own, to the point where they will not
suffer from our exhaustion of resources or from the things that would
affect us (cf. Passmore [1]). But this is to insist upon complete certainty of
a sort beyond what is required for the present and immediate future, where
there is also commonly no guarantee that some disaster will not overtake
those we are morally committed to. Again we may be told that there is no
guarantee that future people will be worthy of any efforts on our part,
because they may be morons or forever plugged into enjoyment- or other
machines (Golding [12]). Even if one is prepared to accept the elitist
approach presupposed - according to which only those who meet certain
properly civilized or intellectual standards are eligible for moral consideration - what we are being handed in such arguments as a serious defeating
consideration is again a mere outside possibility - like the sceptic who says
that the solid-looking desk in front of us is perhaps only a facade, not
because he has any particular reason for doing so, but because he hasn't
looked around the back, drilled holes in it, etc. Neither the contemporary
nor the historical situation gives any positive reason for supposing that a
lapse into universal moronity or universal pleasure-machine escapism is a
serious possibility, as opposed to a logical possibility. We can contrast

�156 R. and V. Routley
with these mere logical possibilities the very real historically supportable
risks of escape of nuclear waste or decline of a civilization through destruction of its resource base.
The possibilities just considered in these uncertainty arguments of
sceptical character are not real possibilities. Another argument which may
consider a real possibility, but still does not succeed in showing that it is
acceptable to proceed with an action which would appear to be harmful to
future people, is often introduced in the nuclear waste case. This is the
argument that future people may discover a rigorously safe and permanent
storage method for nuclear wastes before they are damaged by escaped
waste material. Let us grant for the sake of the argument that this is a real
possibility (though physical arguments may show that it is not). This still
does not affect the fact that there is a significant risk of serious damage and
that the creation of a significant risk is enough to rule out an action of this
type as morally impermissible. In just the same way, future people may
discover a cure for cancer, and the fact that this appears to be a real and not
merely a logical possibility, does not make the action of the firm in the
example discussed above, of producing a substance likely to cause cancer
in future people, morally admissible. The fact that there was a real possibility of future people avoiding the harm would show that actions of these
sorts were admissible only if what was required for inadmissibility was
certainty of harm or a very high probability of it. In such cases, before such
actions could be considered admissible, what would be required is far
more than a possibility, real or not22 - it is at least the availability of an
applicable, safe, and rigorously tested, not merely speculative, technique
for achieving it, something that future people could reasonably be expected to apply to protect themselves.
The strategy of most of these uncertainty arguments is fairly clear then,
and may be brought out by looking yet again at the bus example, where the
consigner says that he cannot be expected to take account of the effect of
his actions on the passengers because they may find an effective way to
deal with his parcel or some lucky or unlucky accident may occur, e.g. the
bus may break down and they may all change to a different bus leaving the
parcel behind, or the bus may crash, killing all the passengers before the
container gets a chance to leak. These are all possibilities, of course, but
there is no positive reason to believe that they are any more than that, that
is they are not real possibilities. The strategy is to stress such outside
possibilities in order to create the false impression that there is gross
uncertainty about the future, that the real possibility that the container will

�Obligations to the Future 157
break should be treated in the same way as these mere logical possibilities,
that uncertainty about the future is so great as to preclude the consigners'
taking account of the passengers' welfare and of the real possibility of
harm from his parcel, and thereby excuse his action. A related strategy is
to stress a real possibility, such as finding a cure for cancer, and thereby
imply that this removes the case for applying moral constraints .This move
implicitly makes the assumptions of the first argument, that certainty, or at
least a very high probability, of harm is required before an action can be
judged morally inadmissible, and the point of stressing the real possibility
of avoidance of damage is to show that this allegedly required high degree
of certainty or probability cannot be attained. That is, the strategy draws
attention to some real uncertainty implying that this is sufficient to defeat
the application of moral constraints. But, as we have seen, this is often not
so.
An argument closely related to the uncertainty arguments is based on
the non-existence and indeterminacy of the future.23 An item is indeterminate in a given respect if its properties in that respect are, as a matter of
logic, not settled (nor are they settlable in a non-arbitrary fashion). The
respects in which future items are indeterminate are well enough known
for a few examples to serve as reminders: all the following are indeterminate: the population of Australia at 2001, its distribution, its age structure,
the preferences of its members for folk music, wilderness, etc., the size
and shape of Wollongong, the average number of rooms in its houses and
in its office blocks, and so on. Philosophical discussion of such indeterminacy is as old as Aristotle's sea battle and as modern as truth-value gaps
and fuzzy logics, and many positions have been adopted on the existence
and determinacy of future items. Nevertheless theories that there are
obligations to the future are not sensitive to the metaphysical position
adopted concerning the existence or non-existence of the future. Any
theory which denied obligations to the future on the metaphysical grounds
that the future did not exist, and did not have properties, so that the
present could not be related to it, would be committed to denying such
obvious facts as that the present could causally influence the future, that
present people could be great-grandparents of purely future people, and so
on, and hence would have to be rejected on independent grounds. This is
not to say that there are not important problems about the existence or
non-existence of future items, problems which are perhaps most straightforwardly handled by a Meinongian position which allows that items
which do not exist may have properties. The non-existence of the future

�158 R. and V. Routley
does raise problems for standard theories which buy the Ontological
Assumption (the thesis that what does not exist does not have properties),
especially given the natural (and correct) inclination to say that the future
does not (now) exist; but such theories can adopt various strategies for
coping with these problems (e.g. the adoption of a platonistic position
according to which the future does now exist, or the allowance for certain
sorts of relations between existents at different times), although the satisfactoriness of these strategies is open to question (cf. [4]). Thus whether or
not the Ontological Assumption is assumed and however it is applied, it
will be allowed that future items will have properties even if they do not
have them now, and that is enough to provide the basis for moral concern
about the future. Thus the thesis of obligations to the future does not
presuppose any special metaphysical position on the existence of the
future.
If the non-existence of future items creates no special problems for
obligations to the future, the same is not true of their indeterminacy.
Whether the indeterminacy of future items is seen as a logical feature of
the future which results from the non-existence of purely future items or
whether one adopts a (mistaken) platonistic view of the future as existing
and sees the indeterminacy as an epistemological one resulting from our
inability to know the character of these entities - that is, we cannot
completely know the future .though it exists and has a definite characterwhichever view we take indeterminacy still creates major difficulties for
certain ethical theories and their treatment of the future.
The difficulties arise for theories which appear to require a high level of
determinacy with respect to the number and character of future items, in
particular calculus-type theories such as utilitarianism in its usual forms,
where the calculations are critically dependent on such information as
numbers, totals, and averages, information which so far as the future is
concerned is generally indeterminate. The fact that this numerical information is typically indeterminate means that insofar as head-count utilitarianism requires determinate information on numbers, it is in a similar
position to theories discussed earlier; it may apply theoretically to future
people, but since the calculations cannot be applied to them their interests
will be left out of account. And, in fact, utilitarianism for the most part
does not, and perhaps cannot, take future creatures and their interests
seriously; there is little discussion as to how the difficulties or impossibility of calculations regarding the open future are to be obtained. Non-platonistic utilitarianism is in logical difficulty on this matter, while platonis-

�Obligations to the Future 159
tic utilitarianism - which faces a range of other objections - is inapplicable
because of epistemic indeterminacy. We have yet another case of a theory
of the sort that applies theoretically but in practice doesn't take the future
seriously. But far from this showing that future people's interests should
be left out of account, what these considerations show are deficiencies in
these sorts of theories, which require excessive determinacy of information. This kind of information is commonly equally unavailable for the
accepted areas of moral constraint, the present and immediate future; and
the resolution of moral issues is often not heavily dependent on knowledge
of such specific determinate features as numbers or other determinate
features. For example, we do not need to know how many people there
will be on the bus, how intelligent they are, what their preferences are or
how badly they will be injured, in order to reach the conclusion that the
consigner's action in despatching his parcel is a bad one. Furthermore, it is
only the ability of moral considerations to continue to apply in the absence
of determinate information about such things as numbers that makes it
possible to take account of the possible effects of action, as the risks
associated with action - something which is quite essential even for the
present if moral considerations are to apply in the normal and accepted
way. For it is essential in order to apply moral considerations in the
accepted way that we consider alternative worlds, in order to take account
of options, risks, and alternative outcomes; but these alternative or counterfactual worlds are not in so different a position from the future with
respect to determinacy; for example, there is indeterminacy with respect
to the number of people who may be harmed in the bus case or in apossible
nuclear reactor melt-down. These alternative worlds, like the distant
future, are indeterminate in some respects, but not totally indeterminate.
It might still be thought that the indeterminacy of the future, for example
with respect to number and exact character, would at least prevent the
interest of future people being taken into account where there is a conflict
with the present. Since their numbers are indeterminate and their interests
unknown, how can we weigh their competing claims against those of the
present and immediate future where this information is available in a more
or less accurate form? The question is raised particularly by problems of
sharing fixed quantities of resources among present and future people,
when the numbers of the latter are indeterminate. Such problems are
indeed difficult, but they are not resolved by ignoring the claims of the
future, any more than the problems raised by the need to take account in
decision-making of factors difficult to quantify are resolved by ignoring

�160 R. and V. Routley
such factors. Nor are such distributional problems as large and representative a class of moral problems concerning the future as the tendency to
focus on them would suggest. It should be conceded then that there will be
cases where the indeterminacy of aspects of the future will make conflicts
very difficult or indeed impossible to resolve - a realistic ethical theory
will not deliver a decision procedure - but there will equally be other
conflict cases where the level of indeterminacy does not hinder resolution
of the issue, e.g. the bus example which is a conflict case of a type. In
particular, there will be many cases which are not solved by weighing
numbers, numbers of interests, or whatever, cases for which one needs to
know only the most general probable characteristics of future people.
Moreover, even where numbers are relevant often only bounds will be
required, exact numerical counts only being required where, for instance,
margins are narrow; e.g. issues may be resolved as in parliament where a
detailed vote (or division) is only required when the issue is close. It is
certainly not necessary then to have complete determinacy to resolve all
cases of conflict.
The question we must ask then is what features of future people could
disqualify them from moral consideration or reduce their claims to it to
below those of present people? The answer is: in principle None. Prima
facie moral principles are universalizable, and lawlike, in that they apply
independently of position in space or in time, for example.24 But universalizability of principles is an outcome of those ethical theories which are
capable of dealing satisfactorily with the present; in other words, a theory
that did not allow properly for the future would be found to have defects as
regards the present, to deal unjustly or unfairly with some present people,
e.g. those remotely located, those outside some select subgroup such as
(white-skinned) humans, etc. The only candidates for characteristics that
would fairly rule out future people are the logical features we have been
looking at, uncertainty and indeterminacy; what we have argued is that it
would be far too sweeping to see these features as affecting the moral
claims of future people in a general way. These special features only affect
certain sorts of cases (e.g. the determination of best probable or practical
course of action given only present information). In particular they do not
affect cases of the sort being considered, the nuclear one, where highly
determinate or certain information about the numbers and characteristics
of the class likely to be harmed or certainty of damage are not required.
To establish obligations to the future a full universalizability principle is
not needed: it is enough to require that the temporal position of a person

�Obligations to the Future 161
cannot affect his entitlement to just and fair treatment, to full moral
consideration;25 inversely that it is without basis to discriminate morally
against a person in virtue of his temporal position. As a result of this
universalizability, there is the same obligation to future people as to the
present; and thus there is the same obligation to take account of them and
their interests in what we do, to be careful in our actions, to take account of
the probability (and not just the certainty) of our actions' causing harm or
damage, and to see, other things being equal, that we do not act so as to rob
future people of what is necessary for the chance of a good life. Uncertainty and indeterminacy do not free us of these obligations. If, in a closely
comparable case concerning the present, the creation of a significant risk
is enough to rule out an action as immoral, and there are no independent
grounds for requiring greater certainty of harm in the future case under
consideration, then futurity alone will not provide adequate grounds for
proceeding with the action, thus discriminating against future people.
Accordingly we cannot escape, through appeal to futurity, the conclusion
tentatively reached in our first section, that proposals for nuclear development in the present state of technology for future waste disposal are
immoral.

IV. Overriding Consideration Arguments
In the first part we noticed that the consigner's action could not be justified
by purely economistic arguments, such as that his profits would rise, the
firm or the village would be more prosperous, or by appealing to the fact
that some possibly uncomfortable changes would otherwise be needed.
We also observed that the principle on which this assessment was based,
that one was not usually entitled to create a serious risk to others for these
sorts of reasons, applied more generally and, in particular, applied to the
nuclear case. For this reason the economistic arguments which are thus
most commonly advanced to promote nuclear development - e.g. cheapness, efficiency, profitability for electricity utilities, and the need otherwise for uncomfortable changes such as restructuring of employment,
investment, and consumption-do not even begin to show that the nuclear
alternative is an acceptable one. Even if these economistic assumptions
about benefits to present people were correct (and there is reason to doubt
that most of them are),26 the arguments would fail because economics
must operate within the framework of moral constraints, and not vice
versa.

�162 R. and V. Routley
What one does have to consider, however, are moral conflict arguments, that is arguments to the effect that, unless the prima facie unacceptable alternative is taken, some even more unacceptable alternative is
the only possible outcome, and will ensue. For example, in the bus case,
the consigner may argue that his action is justified because unless it is
taken the village will starve. It is by no means clear that even such a
justification as this would be sufficient, especially where the risk to the
passengers is high, as the case seems to become one of transfer of costs
and risks onto others; but such a moral situation would no longer be so
clearcut, and one would perhaps hesitate to condemn any action taken in
such circumstances.
Some of the arguments advanced to show moral conflict are based on
competing duties to present people, and others on competing obligations
to future people, both of which are taken to override the obligations not to
impose on the future significant risk of serious harm. The structure of such
moral conflict arguments is based crucially on the presentation of a genuine and exhaustive set of alternatives (or at least practical alternatives),
and upon showing that the only alternatives to admittedly morally undesirable actions are even more undesirable ones. If some practical alternative which is not morally worse than the action to be justified is overlooked, suppressed, or neglected in the argument-for example, if in the bus
case it turns out that the villagers have another option to starving or to the
sending off of the parcel, namely earning a living in some other way - then
the argument is defective and cannot readily be patched. We want to argue
that suppression of practicable alternatives has occurred in the argument,
designed to show that the alternatives to the nuclear option are even worse
than the option itself, and that there are other factual defects in these
arguments as well. In short, the arguments depend essentially on the
presentation of false dichotomies.
The first argument, the poverty argument, is that there is an overriding
obligation to the poor, both the poor of the third world and the poor of
industrialized countries. Failure to develop nuclear energy, it is often
claimed, would amount to denying them the opportunity to reach the
standard of affluence we currently enjoy and would create unemployment
and poverty in the industrialized nations.
The unemployment and poverty argument does not stand up to examination either for the poor of the industrial countries or for those of the third
world. There is good evidence that large-scale nuclear energy will help to
increase unemployment and poverty in the industrial world, through the

�Obligations to the Future 163
diversion of great amounts of available capital into an industry which is not
only an exceptionally poor provider of direct employment, but also helps
to reduce available jobs through encouraging substitution of energy use for
labour use. 27 The argument that nuclear energy is needed for the third
world is even less convincing. Nuclear energy is both politically and
economically inappropriate for the third world, since it requires massive
amounts of capital, requires numbers of imported scientists and engineers,
and creates negligible employment, while politically it increases foreign
dependence, adds to centralized entrenched power and reduces the
chance for change in the oppressive political structures which are a large
part of the problem.28 The fact that nuclear energy is not in the interests of
people of the third world does not, of course, mean that it is not in the
interests of, and wanted by, their rulers, the westernized and often military elites in whose interests the economies of these countries are usually
organized; but it is not paternalistic to examine critically the demands
these ruling elites may make in the name of the poor.
The poverty argument then is a fraud. Nuclear energy will not be used to
help the poor.29 Both for the third world and for the industrialized countries there are well-known energy-conserving alternatives and the practical option of developing other energy sources,30 alternatives which are
morally acceptable and socially preferable to nuclear development, and
which have far better prospects for helping the poor.31
The second major argument advanced to show moral conflict appeals to
a set of supposedly overriding and competing obligations to future people.
We have, it is said, a duty to pass on the immensely valuable things and
institutions which our culture has developed. Unless our high-technological, high-energy industrial society is continued and fostered, our valuable
institutions and traditions will fall into decay or be swept away. The
argument is essentially that without nuclear power, without the continued
level of material wealth it alone is assumed to make possible, the lights of
our civilization will go out.32 .
The lights-going-out argument raises rather sharply questions as to
what is valuable in our society, and of what characteristics are necessary
for a good society. These are questions which deserve much fuller treatment than we can allot them here, but a few brief points should be made.
The argument adopts an extremely uncritical position with respect to
existing high-technology societies, apparently assuming that they are
uniformly and uniquely valuable; it also assumes that technological society is unmodifiable, that it can't be changed in the direction of energy

�164 R. and V. Routley
conservation or alternative energy sources without collapse. Such a society has to be accepted and assessed as a whole, and virtually unlimited
supplies of energy are essential to maintain this whole.
These assumptions are hard to accept. The assumption that technological society's energy patterns are unmodifiable is especially so - after all, it
has survived events such as world wars which have required major social
and technological restructuring and consumption modification. If western
society's demands for energy are totally unmodifiable without collapse,
not only would it be committed to a programme of increasing destruction,
but one might ask what use its culture could be to future people who would
very likely, as a consequence of this destruction, lack the resource base
which the argument assumes to be essential in the case of contemporary
society.
There is also difficulty with the assumption of uniform valuableness; but
if this is rejected the question becomes not: what is necessary to maintain
existing high-technological society and its political institutions? but rather: what is necessary to maintain what is valuable in that society and the
political institutions which are needed to maintain those valuable things?
While it may be easy to argue that high energy consumption is necessary to
maintain the political and economic status quo, it is not so easy to argue
that it is essential to maintain what is valuable, and it is what is valuable,
presumably, that we have a duty to pass on to the future.
The evidence, e.g. from history, is that no very high level of material
affluence or energy consumption is needed to maintain what is valuable.
There is good reason in fact to believe that a society with much lower
energy and resource consumption would better foster what is valuable
than our own. But even if a radical change in these directions is independently desirable, as we believe it is, it is not necessary to presuppose such
a change, in the short term at least, in order to see that the assumptions of
the lights-going-out argument are wrong. No enormous reduction of wellbeing is required to consume less energy than at present, and certainly far
less than the large increase over present levels of consumption which is
assumed in the usual economic case for nuclear energy.33 What the nuclear strategy is really designed to do then is not to prevent the lights going
out in western civilization, but to enable the lights to go on burning all the
time - to maintain and even increase the wattage output of the Energy
Extravaganza.
In fact there is good reason to think that, far from the high energy
consumption society fostering what is valuable, it will, especially if energy

�Obligations to the Future 165
is obtained by nuclear-fission means, be positively inimical to it. A society
which has become heavily dependent upon an extremely high centralized,
controlled, and garrisoned, capital- and expertise-intensive energy
source, must be one which is highly susceptible to entrenchment of power,
and one in which the forces which control this energy source, whether
capitalist or bureaucratic, can exert enormous power over the political
system and over people's lives, even more than they do at present. Very
persuasive arguments have been advanced by civil liberties groups and
others in a number of countries to suggest that such a society would tend to
become authoritarian, if only as an outcome of its response to the threat
posed by dissident groups in the nuclear situation.34
There are reasons to believe then that with nuclear development what
we would be passing on to future generations would be some of the worst
aspects of our society (e.g. the consumerism, growing concentration of
power, destruction of the natural environment, and latent authoritarianism), while certain valuable aspects would be lost or threatened. Political
freedom is a high price to pay for consumerism and energy extravagance.
Again, as in the case of the poverty arguments, clear alternatives which
do not involve such unacceptable consequences are available. The alternative to the high technology-nuclear option is not a return to the cave, the
loss of all that is valuable, but the development of alternative technologies
and life-styles which offer far greater scope for the maintenance and
further development of what is valuable in our society than the highly
centralized nuclear option.35 The lights-going-out argument, as a moral
conflict argument, accordingly fails, because it also is based on a false
dichotomy. Thus both the escape routes, the appeal to moral conflict and
to the appeal to futurity, are closed.
If then we apply the same standards of morality to the future as we
acknowledge for the present - as we have argued we should - the conclusion that the proposal to develop nuclear energy on a large scale is a crime
against the future is inevitable, since both the escape routes are closed.
There are, of course, also many other grounds for ruling it out as morally
unacceptable, for saying that it-is not only a crime against the distant future
but also a crime against the present and immediate future. These other
grounds for moral concern about nuclear energy, as it affects the present
and immediate future, include problems arising from the possibility of
catastrophic releases of radioactive fuel into the environment or of waste
material following an accident such as reactor melt-down, of unscheduled
discharges of radiation into the environment from a plant fault, of proli-

�166 R. and V. Routley
feration of nuclear weapons, and of deliberate release or threat of release
of radioactive materials as a measure of terrorism or of extortion. All these
are important issues, of much moral interest. What we want to claim,
however, is that on the basis of its effects on the future alone, the nuclear
option is morally unacceptable.

Appendix
Passmore's Treatment ofRawls,
and What Really Happens on Rawls's Theory
Passmore takes it that Rawls's theory yields an unconstrained position
but, according to Rawls, the theory leads to quite the opposite result;
namely,
persons in different generations [and not merely neighbouring generations] have duties and obligations to one another just as contemporaries do. The present generation cannot do as it pleases but is bound
by the principles that would be chosen in the original position to
define justice between persons at different moments of time.. . . The
derivation of these duties and obligations may seem at first a somewhat far-fetched application of the central doctrine. Nevertheless
these requirements would be acknowledged in the original position
[where the parties do not know to which generation they belong], and
so the conception of justice as fairness covers these matters without
any change in its basic idea. ([5], p. 293; the second insert is drawn
from p. 287)
Through judicious use of the veil of ignorance and the time of entry of
parties to the original contract position, Rawls's contract theory, unlike
simpler explicit contract theories, can yield definite obligations to distant
future people,36 for example, we ought to save at a just rate for future
people.
But, as Rawls remarks (p. 284), 'the question of justice between generations . . . subjects any ethical theory to severe if not impossible tests'. It is
doubtful that Rawls's theory as formulated passes the tests; for the theory
as formulated does not yield the stated conclusion, but a conclusion
inconsistent with the thesis that there are the same obligations to future
people as to contemporaries. Exactly how these obligations arise from the
initial agreement depends critically on the interpretation of the time of

�Obligations to the Future 167
entry of the parties into the agreement. Insofar as Rawls insists upon the
present-time-of-entry interpretation (p. 139), he has to introduce supplementary motivational assumptions in order to (try to) secure the desired
bondings between generations, in particular to ensure that the generation
of the original position saves for any later generation, even their immediate successors ([5], p. 140 and p. 292). Rawls falls back on-what is as we
have seen inadequate to the task, since it does not exclude one generation
damaging another remote generation in a way that bypasses mutually
successive generations - 'ties of sentiment between successive generations' (p. 292): to this limited extent Passmore has a point, for such a social
contract on its own (without additional assumptions about the motives of
the parties to the agreement) does not furnish obligations even to our
immediate successors. This is indicative also of the unsatisfactory instability of Rawls's theory under changes, its sensitivity to the way the original
agreement is set up, to the motivation of parties, their time of entry, what
they can know, etc.
To arrive at a more adequate account of obligations to the distant future
under Rawls's theory, let us adopt, to avoid the additional, dubious and
unsatisfactory, motivational assumptions Rawls invokes, one of the alternative - and non -equivalent - time-of-entry interpretations that Rawls lists
(p. 146), that of persons alive at some time in simultaneous agreement. Let
us call this, following Rawls's notation (on p. 140), interpretation 4b (it is
perhaps unnecessary to assume for 4b any more than 4a that all people
need be involved: it may be enough given the equivalencizing effect of the
veil of ignorance that some are, and as with the particular quantifier it is
quite unnecessary to be specific about numbers). Then of course the
parties, since they are, for all they know, of different generations, will
presumably agree on a just savings rate, and also to other just distribution
principles, simply on the basis of Rawlsian rationality, i.e. advancing their
own interests, without additional motivation assumptions. This more
appealing omnitemporal interpretation of time of entry into the agreement,
which gives a superior account of obligation to the future consistent with
Rawls's claim, Rawls in some places puts down as less than best (p. 292)
but in his most detailed account of the original position simply dismisses
(p. 139):
To conceive of the original position [as a gathering of people living at
different times] would be to stretch fantasy too far; the conception
would cease to be a natural guide to intuition.

�168 R. and V. Rout ley
This we question: it would be a better guide to intuition than a position
(like 4a) which brings out intuitively wrong results; it is a more satisfactory
guide, for example, to justice between generations than the present-timeof-entry interpretation, which fails conspicuously to allow for the range of
potential persons (all of whom are supposed to qualify on Rawls's account
for just treatment, cf. § 77). Moreover, it stretches fantasy no further than
science fiction or than some earlier contract accounts.36 But it does
require changes in the way the original position is conceived, and it does
generate metaphysical difficulties for orthodox ontological views (though
not to the same extent for the Meinongian view we prefer); for, to consider
the latter, either time travel is possible or the original hypothetical position
is an impossible situation, with people who live at different times assembled at the same time. The difficulties - of such an impossible meeting help to reveal that what Rawls's theory offers is but a colourful representation of obligations in terms of a contract agreed upon at a meeting.
The metaphysical difficulties do not concern merely possible people,
because all those involved are sometime-actual people; nor are there
really serious difficulties generated by the fact that very many of these
people do not exist, i.e. exist now. The more serious difficulties are either
those of time travel, e.g. that future parties relocated into the present may
be able to interfere with their own history, or, if time travel is ruled out
logically or otherwise, that future parties may be advantaged (or disadvantaged) by their knowledge of history and technology, and that accordingly fairness is lost. As there is considerable freedom in how we choose to
(re)arrange the original position, we shall suppose that time travel is
rejected as a means of entering the original position. For much less than
travel is required; some sort of limited communicational network which
filters out, for example, all historical data (and all cultural or species
dependent material) would suffice; and in any case if time travel were not
excluded essentially the present-time-of-entry interpretation would serve,
though fairness would again be put in doubt. The filtered communicational
hook-up by which the omnitemporal position is engineered still has - if
fairness is to be seen to be built into the decision making - to be combined
with a reinterpreted veil of ignorance, so that parties do not know where
they are located temporally any more than they know who they are
characterwise. This implies, among other things, limitations on the parties' knowledge of factual matters, such as available technology and world
and local history; for otherwise parties could work out their location,
temporal or spatial. For example, if some party knew, as Rawls supposes,

�Obligations to the Future 169
the general social facts, then he would presumably be aware of the history
of his time and so of where history ends, that is of the date of his
generation, his time (his present), and so be aware of his temporal location. These are already problems for Rawls's so-called 'present-time-ofentry interpretation' - it is, rather, a variable-time-of-entry interpretation
- given that the parties may be, as Rawls occasionally admits (e.g. p. 287),
of any one generation, not necessarily the present: either they really do
have to be ofthepresent time or they cannot be assumed to know as much
as Rawls supposes.37 There is, however, no reason why the veil of ignorance should not be extended so as to avoid this problem; and virtually any
extension that solves the problem for the variable-time-of-entry interpretation should serve, so it seems, for the omnitemporal one. We shall
assume then that the parties know nothing which discloses their respective
locations (i.e. in effect we write in conditions for universalizability of
principles decided upon). There are still gaps between the assumptions of
the omnitemporal position as roughly sketched and the desired conclusion
concerning obligations to the future, but (the matter is beginning to look
non-trivially provable given not widely implausible assumptions and) the
intuitive arguments are as clear as those in [5], indeed they simply restate
arguments to obligations given by Rawls.
Rawls's theory, under interpretation 4b, admits of nice application to
the problems of just distribution of material resources and of nuclear
power. The just distribution, or rate of usage, of material resources38 over
time is an important conservation issue to which Rawls's theory seems to
apply, just as readily, and in a similar fashion, to that in which it applies to
the issue of a just rate of savings. In fact the argument from the original
position for a just rate of saving - whatever its adequacy - can by simply
mimicked to yield an argument for just distribution of resources over
generations. Thus, for example:
persons in the original position are to ask themselves how much they
would be willing to save [i.e. conserve] at each stage of advance on
the assumption that all other generations are to save at the same rate
[conserve resources to the same extent]. . . . In effect, then, they
must choose a just savings principle [resources distribution principle]
that assigns an appropriate rate of accumulation to [degree of resource conservation at] each level of advance. ([5], p. 287; our
bracketed options give the alternative argument)

�170 R. and V. Routley
Just as 'they try to piece together a just savings schedule' (p. 289), so they
can try to piece together a just resource distribution policy. Just as a case
for resource conservation can be made out by appeal to the original
position, since it is going to be against the interests of, to the disadvantage
of, later parties to find themselves in a resource depleted situation (thus,
on Rawlsian assumptions, they will bargain hard for a share of resources),
so, interestingly, a case against a rapid programme of nuclear power
development can be devised. The basis of a case against large-scale
nuclear development is implicit in Rawls's contract theory under interpretation 4b, though naturally the theory is not applied in this sort of way
by Rawls. To state the case in its crude but powerful form: people from
later generations in the original position are bound to take it as against their
interests to simply carry the waste can for energy consumed by an earlier
generation. (We have already argued that they will find no convincing
overriding considerations that make it worth their while to carry the waste
can.) Thus not only has Passmore misrepresented the obligations to the
future that Rawls's theory admits; he is also wrong in suggesting (p. 87 and
p. 91) that Rawls's theory cannot justify a policy of resource conservation
which includes reductions in present consumption.
There is, in this connection, an accumulation of errors in Passmore,
some of which spill over to Rawls, which it is worth trying to set out. First,
Passmore claims ([1], p. 86; cf. also p. 90) that 'Rawls does not so much
mention the saving of natural resources'. In fact the 'husbanding of natural
resources' is very briefly considered ([5], p. 271). It is true, however, that
Rawls does not reveal any of the considerable power that his theory,
properly interpreted, has for natural resource conservation, as implying a
just distribution of natural resources over time. Secondly, Passmore attempts ([1], pp. 87 ff.) to represent the calls of conservationists for a
reduction in present resource usage and for a more just distribution as a
call for heroic self-sacrifices; this is part of his more general attempt to
represent every moral constraint with respect to the non-immediate future
as a matter of self-sacrifice. 'Rawls's theory', Passmore says (on p. 87),
'leaves no room for heroic sacrifice', and so, he infers, leaves no room for
conservation. Not only is the conclusion false, but the premiss also:
Rawls's theory allows for supererogation, as Rawls explains ([5], p. 117).
But resource conservation is, like refraining from nuclear development,
not a question of heroic self-sacrifice; it is in part a question of obligations
or duties to the distant future. And Rawls's theory allows not only for
obligations as well as supererogation, but also for natural duties. Rawls's

�Obligations to the Future 171
contract, unlike the contracts of what is usually meant by a 'contract
theory', is by no means exhaustive of the moral sphere:
But even this wider [contract] theory fails to embrace all moral
relationships, since it would seem to include only our relations with
other persons and to leave out of account how we are to conduct
ourselves towards,animals and the rest of nature. I do not contend
that the contract notion offers a way to approach these questions
which are certainly of the first importance; and I shall have to put
them aside, (p. 17)
The important class of obligations beyond the scope of the contract theory
surely generates obligations between persons which even the wider contract theory likewise cannot explain. The upshot is that such a contract
account, even if sufficient for the determination of obligations, is not
necessary. To this extent Rawls' s theory is not a full social contract theory
at all. However, Rawls appears to lose sight of the fact that his contract
theory delivers only a sufficient condition when he claims, for example (p.
298), that 'one feature of the contract doctrine is that it places an upper
bound on how much a generation can be asked to save for the welfare of
later generations'. For greater savings may sometimes be required to meet
obligations beyond those that the contract doctrine delivers. In short,
Rawls appears to have slipped into assuming, inconsistently, that his
contract theory is a necessary condition.
Although Rawls's theory caters for justice between generations and
allows the derivation of important obligations to people in the distant
future, the full theory is far from consistent on these matters and there are
significant respects in which Rawls does not take justice to the future
seriously. The most conspicuous symptoms of this are that justice to the
future is reduced to a special case, justice between generations, and that
the only aspect of justice between generations that Rawls actually considers is a just savings rate; there is, for example, no proper examination of
the just distribution of resources among generations, though these resources, Rawls believes, provide the material base of the just institutions that
he wants to see maintained. In fact Rawls strongly recommends a system
of markets as a just means for the allocation of most goods and services,
recognizing their well-known limitations only in the usual perfunctory
fashion ([5], pp. 270 ff.). Yet market systems are limited by a narrow time
horizon, and are quite ill-equipped to allocate resources in a just fashion

�172 R. and V. Rout ley
over a time span of several generations. Similarly Rawls's endorsement of
democratic voting procedures as in many cases a just method of determining procedures depends upon the assumptions that everyone with ah
interest is represented. But given his own assumptions about obligations
to the future and in respect of potential persons this is evidently not the
case. Catering in a just fashion for the interests of future people poses
serious problems for any method of decision that depends upon people
being present to represent their own interests.
Some of the more conservative, indeed reactionary, economic assumptions in Rawls emerge with the assumption that all that is required for
justice between generations is a just savings rate, that all we need to pass
on to the future are the things that guarantee appropriate savings such as
capital, factories, and machines. But the transmission of these things is
quite insufficient for justice to the future, and neither necessary nor
sufficient as a foundation for a good life for future generations. What is
required for justice is the transmission in due measure of what is valuable.
Rawls has, however, taken value accumulation as capital accumulation,
thereby importing one of the grossest economic assumptions, that capital
reflects value. But of course the accumulation of capital may conflict with
the preservation of what is valuable. It is for this sort of reason (and thus,
in essence, because of the introduction of supplementary economistic
theses which are not part of the pure contract theory) that Rawls's theory
is a reactionary one from an environmental point of view; on the theory as
presented (i.e. the contract theory plus all the supplementary assumptions) there is no need to preserve such things as wilderness or natural
beauty. The savings doctrine supposes that everything of value for transmission to the future is negotiable in the market or tradeable; but then
transmission of savings can by no means guarantee that some valuable
things, not properly represented in market systems, are not eliminated or
not passed on, thereby making future people worse off. It becomes evident
in this way, too, how culturally-bound Rawls's idea of ensuring justice to
future generations through savings is. It is not just that the idea does not
apply, without a complete overhaul, to non-industrial societies such as
those of hunter-gatherers; it does not apply to genuinely post-industrial
societies either. Consideration of such alternative societies suggests that
whafis required, in place of capital accumulation, is that we pass on what
is necessary for a good life, that we ensure that the basics are fairly
distributed over time and not eroded, e.g. that in the case of the forest
people that the forest is maintained. The narrowness of Rawls's picture,

�Obligations to the Future 173
which makes no due allowance for social or cultural diversity (from the
original contractual position on) or for individual diversity arises in part
from his underlying and especially narrow socio-economic assumption as
to what people want:
What men want is meaningful work in free association with others,
these associations regulating their relations to one another within a
framework of just basic institutions. ([5], p. 290)
This may be what many Harvard men want; but as a statement of what
men want it supplies neither sufficient nor even necessary conditions.39

NOTES
1 Thus according to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110; our italics).
There is at present no generally accepted means by which high level waste can be
permanently isolated from the environment and remain safe for very long periods.
. . . Permanent disposal of high-level solid wastes in stable geological formations is
regarded as the most likely solution, but has yet to be demonstrated as feasible. It is
not certain that such methods and disposal sites will entirely prevent radioactive
releases following disturbances caused by natural processes or human activity.
The Fox Report also quoted approvingly ([2], p. 187; our italics) the conclusion of the
British (Flowers) Report [6]:
There should be no commitment to a large programme of nuclear fission power until
it has been demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that a method exist s to ensure the
safe containment of long-lived, highly radioactive waste for the indefinite future.
Although the absence of a satisfactory storage method has been conceded by some
leading proponents of nuclear development, e.g. Weinberg ([3], pp. 32-33), it is now
disputed by others. In particular, the headline for Cohen [15], which reads 'A substantial
body of evidence indicates that the high level radioactive wastes generated by U.S.
nuclear power plants can be stored satisfactorily in deep geological formations', has
suggested to many readers - what it was no doubt intended to suggest- that there is really
no problem about the disposal of radioactive wastes after all. Cohen presents, however,
no new hard evidence, no evidence not already available to the British and Australian
Commissions ([2] and [6]). Moreover the evidence Cohen does outline fails conspicuously
to measure up to the standards rightly required by the Flowers and Fox Reports. Does
Cohen offer a commercial-scale procedure for waste disposal which can be demonstrated
as safe? Far from it:

�174 R. and V. Routley
The detailed procedures for handling the high-level wastes are not yet definite, but
present indications are that. . . . (Cohen [1], p. 24; our italics)
Does Cohen 'demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt' the long-term safety of burial of
wastes, deep underground? Again, far from it:
On the face of it such an approach appears to be reasonably safe. . . . (p. 24; our
italics)
Cohen has apparently not realized what is required.
At issue here are not so much scientific or empirical issues as questions of methodology, of standards of evidence required for claims of safety, and above all, of values, since
claims of safety, for example, involve implicit evaluations concerning what counts as an
acceptable risk, an admissible cost, etc. In the headline 'a substantial body of evidence
. . . indicates that. . . wastes . . . can be stored satisfactorily' the key words (italicized)
are evaluative or elastic, and the strategy of Cohen's case is to adopt very low standards
for their application. But in view of what is at stake it is hardly acceptable to do this, to
dress up in this way what are essentially optimistic assurances and untested speculations
about storage, which in any case do little to meet the difficulties and uncertainties that
have been widely pointed out as regards precisely the storage proposals Cohen outlines,
namely human or natural interference or disturbance.
2 See [18], pp. 24-25.
3 On all these points, see [14], esp. p. 141. According to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110):
Parts of the reactor structure will be highly radioactive and their disposal could be
very difficult. There is at present no experience of dismantling a full size reactor.
4 See, in particular, The Union of Concerned Scientists, The Nuclear Fuel Cycle, Friends
of the Earth Energy Paper, San Francisco 1973, p. 47; also [3], p. 32 and [14], p. 149.
5 As the discussion in [14], pp. 153-7, explains.
6 Cf. [17], pp. 35-36, [18] and, for much detail, J. R. Goffman and A. R. Tamplin, Poisoned
Power, Rodale Press, Emmau Pa. 1971.
7 On the pollution and waste disposal record of the infant nuclear industry, see [14] and
[17].
The record of many countries on pollution control, where in many cases available
technologies for reducing or removing pollution are not applied because they are considered too expensive or because they adversely affect the interests of some powerful group,
provides clear historical evidence that the problem of nuclear waste disposal would not
end simply with the devising of a 'safe' technology for disposal, even if one could be
devised which provided a sufficient guarantee of safety and was commercially feasible.
The fact that present economic and political arrangements are overwhelmingly weighted
in favour of the interests and concerns of (some) contemporary humans makes it not
unrealistic to expect the long-term nuclear waste disposal, if it involved any significant
cost at all, when public concern about the issue died down, would be seen to conflict with
the interests of contemporary groups, and that these latter interests would in many cases
be favoured. Nor, as the history of movements such as the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament shows, could generalized public concern in the absence of direct personal
interest, be relied upon to be sustained for long enough to ensure implementation of costly
or troublesome long-term disposal methods - even in those places where public concern
exists and is a politically significant force.
It must be stressed then that the problem is not merely one of disposal technique.
Historical and other evidence points to the conclusion that many of the most important
risks associated with nuclear waste disposal are not of the kind which might be amenable

�Obligations to the Future

175

to technical solutions in the laboratory. A realistic assessment of potential costs to the
future from nuclear development cannot overlook these important non-technical risk
factors.
8 Of course the effect on people is not the only factor which has to be taken into consideration in arriving at a moral judgment. Nuclear radiation, unlike most ethical theories, does
not confine its scope to human life. But since the harm nuclear development is likely to
cause to non-human life can hardly improve its case, it suffices if the case against it can be
made out solely in terms of its effects on human life in the conventional way.
9 Proponents of nuclear power often try to give the impression that future people will not
just bear costs from nuclear development but will also be beneficiaries, because nuclear
powerprovides an 'abundant' or even 'unlimited' source of energy; thus Weinberg ([3], p.
34): 'an all but infinite source of relatively cheap and clean energy'. A good example of an
attempt to create the impression that 'abundant' and 'cheap' energy from nuclear fission
will be available to 'our descendants', i.e. all future people, is found in the last paragraph
of Cohen [15]. Such claims are most misleading, since fission power even with the breeder
reactor has only about the same prospective lifetime as coal-produced electricity (a point
that can be derived using data in A. Parker, 'World Energy Resources: A Survey', Energy
Policy, Vol. 3 [1975], pp. 58-66), and it is quite illegitimate to assume that nuclear fusion,
for which there are still major unsolved problems, will have a viable, clean technology by
the time fission runs out, or, for that matter, that it ever will. Thus while some few
generations of the immediate future may obtain some benefits as well as costs, there is a
very substantial chance that tho se of the more distant future will obtain nothing but costs.
10 These feelings, of which Smith's and Hume's sympathy is representative, are but the
feeling echoes of obligation. At most, sympathy explains the feeling of obligation or lack
of it, and this provides little guide as to whether there is an obligation or not - unless one
interprets moral sympathy, the feeling of having a obligation, or being obligated, itself as
a sufficient indication of obligation, in which case moral sympathy is a non-explanatory
correlate in the feelings department of obligation itself and cannot be truly explanatory of
the ground of it; unless, in short, moral sympathy reduces to an emotive rewrite of moral
obligation.
11 Elsewhere in [1] Passmore is especially exercised that our institutions and intellectual
traditions - presumably only the better ones - should be passed on to posterity, and that
we should strive to make the world a better place, if not eventually an ideal one.
12 This is not the only philosophically important issue in environmental ethics on which
Passmore is inconsistent. Consider his: 'over-arching intention: to consider whether the
solution of ecological problems demands a moral or metaphysical revolution' (p. x),
whether the West needs a new ethic and a new metaphysics. Passmore's answer in [1] is
an emphatic No.
Only insofar as Western moralists have [made various erroneous suggestions] can
the West plausibly be said to need a 'new ethic'. What it needs, for the most part, is
not so much a 'new ethic' as adherence to a perfectly familiar ethic.
For the major sources of our ecological disasters - apart from ignorance - are
greed and shortsightedness, which amount to much the same thing. . . There is no
novelty in the view that greed is evil; no need of a new ethic to tell us as much. (p. 187)
'The view that the West now needs. . . a new concept of nature' is similarly dismissed (p.
186, cf. p. 72). But in his paper [1*] (i.e. 'Attitudes to Nature', Royal Institute of
Philosophy Lectures, Vol. 8, Macmillan, London 1975), which is said to be an attempt to
bring together and to reformulate some of the basic philosophical themes of [1], Passmore's answer is Yes, and quite different themes, inconsistent with those of [1], are
advanced:

�176 R. and V. Routley
[T]he general conditions I have laid down . . . have not been satisfied in most of the
traditional philosophies of nature. To that degree it is true, I think, that we do need a
'new metaphysics' which is genuinely not anthropocentric. . . . A 'new metaphysics', if it is not to falsify the facts, will have to be naturalistic, but not reductionist.
The working out of such a metaphysics is, in my judgement, the most important task
which lies ahead of philosophy. ([1*], pp. 260-1)
A new ethic accompanies this new metaphysics.
The emergence of new moral attitudes to nature is bound up, then, with the emergence of a more realistic philosophy of nature. That is the only adequate foundation
for effective ecological concern. ([1*], p. 264)
This is a far cry from the theme of [1] that ecological problems can be solved within the
traditions of the West.
13 Put differently, the causal linkage can bypass intermediate generations, especially given
action at a temporal distance: the chain account implies that there are no moral constraints in initiating such causal linkages. The chain picture accordingly seems to presuppose an unsatisfactory Humean model of causation, demanding contiguity and excluding
action at a distance.
14 Golding we shall concede to Passmore, though even here the case is not clearcut. For
Golding writes towards the end of his article ([12], p. 96):
My discussion, until this point, has proceeded on the view that we have obligations
to future generations. But do we? I am not sure that the question can be answered in
the affirmative with any certainty. I shall conclude this note with a very brief
discussion of some of the difficulties.
All of Passmore's material on Golding is drawn from this latter and, as Golding says,
'speculative' discussion.
15 There is no textual citation for Bentham at all for the chapter of [1] concerned, viz. Ch. 4,
'Conservation'.
16 As Passmore himself at first concedes ([1], p. 84):
If, as Bentham tells us, in deciding how to act men ought to take account of the
effects of their actions on every sentient being, they obviously ought to take account
of the pleasure and pains of the as yet unborn.
17 Neither rightness nor probable lightness in the hedonistic senses correspond to these
notions in the ordinary sense; so at least [13] argues, following much anti-utilitarian
literature.
18 On this irrationality different theories agree: the rational procedure, for example according to the minimax rule for decision-making under uncertainty, is to minimize that
outcome which maximizes harm.
19 Discount, or bank, rates in the economists' sense are usually set to follow the market (cf.
P. A. Samuelson, Economics, 7th ed., McGraw-Hill, New York 1967, p. 351). Thus the
rates have little moral relevance.
20 Cf. Rawls [5], p. 287: 'From a moral point of view there are no grounds for discounting
future well-being on the basis of pure time preference.'
21 What the probabilities would be depends on the theory of probability adopted: a Carnapian theory, e.g., would lead back to the unconstrained position.

�Obligations to the Future 177
22 A real possibility is one which there is evidence for believing could eventuate. A real
possibility requires producible evidence for its consideration. The contrast is with mere
logical possibility.
23 Thus, to take a simple special case, economists dismiss distant future people from their
assessments of utility, welfare, etc., on the basis of their non-existence; cf. Ng ('the utility
of a non-existent person is zero') and Harsanyi ('only existing people [not even "nonexisting potential individuals"] can have real utility levels since they are the only ones
able to enjoy objects with a positive utility, suffer from objects with a negative utility, and
feel indifferent to objects with zero utility') (see Appendix B of Y. K. Ng, 'Preference,
Welfare, and Social Welfare', paper presented at the Colloquium on Preference, Choice
and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National University, August 1977, pp. 24, 26-27).
Non-existent people have no experiences, no preferences; distant future people do not
exist; therefore distant future people have no utility assignments - so the sorites goes. But
future people at least will have wants, preferences, and so on, and these have to be taken
into account in adequate utility assessments (which should be assessed over afuture time
horizon), no matter how much it may complicate or defeat calculations.
24 There are problems about formulating universalizability satisfactorily, but they hardly
affect the point. The requisite universalizability can in fact be satisfactorily brought out
from the semantical analysis of deontic notions such as obligation, and indeed argued for
on the basis of such an analysis which is universal in form. The lawlikeness requirement,
which can be similarly defended, is essentially that imposed on genuine scientific laws by
logical empiricists (e.g. Carnap and Hempel), that such laws should contain no proper
names or the like, no reference to specific locations or times.
25 Such a principle is explicit both in classical utilitarianism (e.g. Sidgwick [11], p. 414), and
in a range of contract and other theories from Kant and Rousseau toRawls ([5], p. 293).
How the principle is argued for will depend heavily, however, on the underlying theory;
and we do not want to make our use depend heavily on particular ethical theories.
26 See esp. R. Lanoue, NuclearPlants:The MoreTheyBuild, The More You Pay, Centerfor
Study of Responsive Law, Washington DC 1976; also [14], pp. 212 ff.
27 On all these points see R. Grossman and G. Daneker, Guide to Jobs and Energy,
Environmentalists for Full Employment, Washington DC 1977, pp. 1-7, and also the
details supplied in substantiating the interesting case of Commoner [7]. On the absorption
of available capital by the nuclear industry, see as well [18], p. 23. On the employment
issues, see too H. E. Daly in [9], p. 149. A more fundamental challenge to the poverty
argument appears in I. Illich, Energy and Equality, Calder &amp; Boyars, London 1974,
where it is argued that the sort of development nuclear energy represents is exactly the
opposite of what the poor need.
28 For much more detail on the inappropriateness see E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful,
Blond &amp; Briggs, London 1973. As to the capital and other requirements, see [2], p. 48, and
also [7] and [9].
For an illuminating look at the sort of development high-energy technology will tend to
promote in the so-called underdeveloped countries, see the paper of Waiko and other
papers in the Melanesian Environment (ed. by J. H. Winslow), Australian National
University Press, Canberra 1977.
29 This fact is implicitly recognized in [2], p. 56.
30 A useful survey is given in A. Lovins, Energy Strategy: The Road Not Taken, Friends of
the Earth Australia, 1977 (reprinted from Foreign Affairs, October 1976); see also [17],
[6], [7], [14], pp. 233 ff., and Schumacher, op. cit.
31 This is also explained in [2], p. 56.
32 An argument like this is suggested in Passmore [1], Chs. 4 and 7, with respect to the
question of saving resources. In Passmore this argument for the overriding importance
of passing on contemporary culture is underpinned by what appears to be a future-

�178 R. and V. Routley
directed ethical version of the Hidden Hand argument of economics - that, by a coincidence which if correct would indeed be fortunate, the best way to take care of the future
(and perhaps even the only way to do so, since do-good intervention is almost certain to
go wrong) is to take proper care of the present and immediate future. The argument has
all the defects of the related Chain Argument discussed above and others.
33 See [14], p. 66, p. 191, and also [7].
34 For such arguments see esp. M. Flood and R. Grove-White, Nuclear Prospects. A
Comment on the Individual, the State and Nuclear Power, Friends of the Earth, Council
for the Protection of Rural England and National Council for Civil Liberties, London
1976.
35 For a recent sketch of one such alternative which is outside the framework of the
conventional option of centralized bureaucratic socialism, see E. Callenbach's novel,
Ecotopia, Banyan Tree Books, Berkeley, California 1975. For the outline of a liberation
socialist alternative see Radical Technology (ed. by G. Boyle and P. Harper), Undercurrents Limited, London 1976, and references therein.
36 Some earlier contract theories also did. Burke's contract (in E. Burke, Reflections on the
Revolution in France, Dent, London 1910, pp. 93-94) 'becomes a partnership not only
between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead and
those who are not yet born'. Thus Burke's contract certainly appears to lead to obligations to distant future generations. Needless to say, there are metaphysical difficulties,
which however Burke never considers, about contracts between parties at widely separated temporal locations.
37 Several of the preceding points we owe to M. W. Jackson.
38 Resources such as soil fertility and petroleum could even be a primary social goods on
Rawls's very hazy general account of these goods ([5], pp. 62, 97): are these 'something a
rational man wants whatever else he wants'? The primary social goods should presumably be those which are necessary for the good and just life -which will however vary with
culture.
39 We have benefited from discussion with Ian Hughes and Frank Muller and useful
comments on the paper from Brian Martin and Derek Browne.

REFERENCES
[1] J. Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature, Duckworth, London 1974.
[2] Ranger Uranium Environmental Inquiry First Report, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1977.
[3] A. M. Weinberg, 'Social Institutions and Nuclear Energy", Science, Vol. 177 (July 1972),
pp. 27-34.
•
[4] R. Routley, 'Exploring Meinong's Jungle II. Existence is Existence Now', Notre Dame
Journal of Formal Logic (to appear).
[5] J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1971.
[6] Nuclear Power and the Environment. Sixth Report of the British Royal Commission on
Environmental Pollution, London 1976.
[7] B. Commoner, The Poverty of Power, Knopf, New York 1976.
[8] G. E. Moore, Principia Ethica, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1903.
[9] B. Commoner, H. Boksenbaum and M. Corr (Eds.), Energy and Human Welfare - A
Critical Analysis, Vol. III, Macmillan, New York 1975.

�Obligations to the Future 179
[10] J. Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, Vol. 1, published under the superintendence of J. Bowring, with an intro. by J. H. Burton; William Tait, Edinburgh 1843.
[11] H. Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, Macmillan, London 1962 (reissue).
[12] M. P. Golding, 'Obligations to Future Generations', Monist, Vol. 56 (1972), pp. 85-99.
[13] R. and V. Routley, 'An Expensive Repair Kit for Utilitarianism', presented at the
Colloquium on Preference, Choice and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National
University, August 1977.
[14] R. Nader and J. Abbotts, The Menace of Atomic Energy, Outback Press, Melbourne
1977.
[15] B. L. Cohen, 'The Disposal of Radioactive Wastes from Fission Reactors', Scientific
American, Vol. 236 (June 1977), pp. 22-31.
[16] S. McCracken, 'The Waragainst the Atom' .Commentary (September 1977), pp. 33-47.
[17] A. B. Lovins and J. H. Price, Non-Nuclear Futures: The Case for an Ethical Energy
Strategy, Friends of the Earth International, San Francisco 1975.
[18] A. Roberts, "The Politics of Nuclear Power', Arena, No. 41 (1976), pp. 22-47.

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              <text>Inquiry, 21, 133-79

Nuclear Energy and Obligations
to the Future
R. and V. Routley
Plumwood Mountain, Braidwood, Australia

The paper considers the morality of nuclear energy development as it concerns
future people, especially the creation of highly toxic nuclear wastes requiring longterm storage. On the basis of an example with many parallel moral features it is
argued that the imposition of such costs and risks on the future is morally unacceptable. The paper goes on to examine in detail possible ways of escaping this
conclusion, especially the escape route of denying that moral obligations of the
appropriate type apply to future people. The bulk of the paper comprises discussion
of this philosophical issue, including many arguments against assigning obligations
to the future drawn both from analyses of obligation and from features of the future
such as uncertainty and indeterminacy. A further escape through appeal to moral
conflict is also considered, and in particular two conflict arguments, the Poverty
and Lights-going-out arguments are briefly discussed. Both these escape routes are
rejected and it is concluded that if the same standards of behaviour are applied to
the future as to the present, nuclear energy development is morally unacceptable.

I. The Bus Example
Suppose we consider a bus, a bus which we hope is to make a very long
journey. This bus, a third world bus, carries both passengers and freight.
The bus sets down and picks up many different passengers in the course of
its long journey and the drivers change many times, but because of the way
the bus line is managed and the poor service on the route it is nearly always
full to overcrowded, with passengers hanging off the back, and as in
Afghanistan, passengers riding on the roof, and chickens and goats in the
freight compartment.
Early in the bus's journey someone consigns on it, to a far distant
destination, a package containing a highly toxic and explosive gas. This is
packaged in a very thin container, which as the consigner well knows is
unlikely to contain the gas for the full distance for which it is consigned,
and certainly will not do so if the bus should encounter any trouble, for
example if there is a breakdown and the interior of the bus becomes very
hot, if the bus should strike a very large bump or pothole of the sort
commonly found on some of the bad roads it has to traverse, or if some
1

134 R. and V. Routley
passenger should interfere deliberately or inadvertently with the cargo or
perhaps try to steal some of the freight, as also frequently happens. All of
these things, let us suppose, have happened on some of the bus's previous
journeys. If the container should break the resulting disaster would probably kill at least some of the people and animals on the bus, while others
could be maimed or contract serious diseases.
There does not seem much doubt about what most of us would say about
the morality of the consigner's action, and there is certainly no doubt
about what the passengers would say. The consigner's action in putting
the safety of the occupants of the bus at risk is appalling. What could
excuse such an action, what sort of circumstances might justify it, and
what sort of case could the consigner reasonably put up? The consigner
might say that it is by no means certain that the gas will escape; he himself
is an optimist and therefore feels that such unfavourable possible outcomes should be ignored. In any case the bus might have an accident and
the passengers be killed long before the container gets a chance to leak; or
the passengers might change to another bus and leave the lethal parcel
behind.
He might say that it is the responsibility of the passengers and the driver
to ensure that the journey is a smooth one, and that if they fail to do so, the
results are not his fault. He might say that the journey is such a long one
that many of the passengers may have become mere mindless vegetables
or degenerate wretches about whose fate no decent person need concern
himself, or that they might not care about losing their lives or health or
possessions anyway by that time.
Most of these excuses will seem little more than a bad joke, and certainly would not usually be reckoned any sort of justification. The main
argument the consigner of the lethal parcel employs, however, is that his
own pressing needs justify his actions. He has no option but to consign his
potentially lethal parcel, he says, since the firm he owns, and which has
produced the material as a by-product, is in bad financial straits and
cannot afford to produce a better container or to stop the production of the
gas. If the firm goes out of business, the consigner says, his wife will leave
him, and he will lose his family happiness, the comfortable way of life to
which he has become accustomed and sees now as a necessity; his employees will lose their jobs and have to look for others; not only will the
firm's customers be inconvenienced but he, the consigner, will have to
break some business contracts; the inhabitants of the local village through
loss of spending and cancellation of the Multiplier Effect will suffer finan-

Obligations to the Future 135
cial hardship, and, worst of all, the tiny flow of droplets that the poor of the
village might receive (theoretically at any rate) as a result of the trickling
down of these good things would dry up entirely. In short, some basic and
some perhaps uncomfortable changes will be needed in the village.
Even if the consigner's story were accepted at face value - and it would
be wise to look critically at his story - only someone whose moral sensibilities had been paralysed by the disease of galloping economism could see
such a set of considerations, based on 'needs', comfort, and the goal of
local prosperity, as justifying the consigner's action.
One is not generally entitled to thus simply transfer the risks and costs
arising from one's own life onto other uninvolved parties, to get oneself
out of a hole of one's own making by creating harm or risk of harm to
someone else who has had no share in creating the situation. To create
serious risks and costs, especially risks to life or health for such others,
simply to avoid having to make some changes to a comfortable life style, or
even for a somewhat better reason, is usually thought deserving of moral
condemnation, and sometimes considered a crime; for example, the action
of a company in creating risks to the lives or health of its workers or
customers to prevent itself from going bankrupt. What the consigner says
may be an explanation of his behaviour, but it is not a justification.
The problem raised by nuclear waste disposal is by no means a perfect
analogy to the bus case, since, for example, the passengers on the nuclear
bus cannot get off the bus or easily throw out the lethal package. In many
crucial moral respects, however, the nuclear waste storage problem as it
affects future people, the passengers in the bus we are considering, resembles the consignment of the faultily packaged lethal gas. Not only are
rather similar moral principles involved, but a rather similar set of arguments to the lamentable excuses the consigner presents have been seriously put up to justify nuclear development, the difference being that in the
nuclear case these arguments have been widely accepted. There is also
some parallel in the risks involved; there is no known safe way to package
the highly toxic wastes generated by nuclear plants that will be spread
around the world if large-scale nuclear development goes ahead.1 The
wastes problem will not be a slight one, with each one of the more than
2,000 reactors envisaged by the end of the century, producing on average
annual wastes containing one thousand times the radioactivity of the
Hiroshima bomb.2 The wastes include not merely the spent fuels and their
radioactive by-products, but also everything they contaminate, from fuel
containers to the thousands of widely distributed decommissioned nuclear

136 R. and V. Routley
reactors which will have to be abandoned, still in a highly radioactive
condition, after the expiry of their expected lifetimes of about thirty years,
and which have been estimated to require perhaps one and a half million
years to reach safe levels of radioactivity.3 The wastes must be kept
suitably isolated from the environment for their entire active lifetime; for
fission products the required storage period averages a thousand years or
so, and for the actinides (transuranic elements) which include plutonium,
there is a half-million to a million-year storage problem.4
Serious problems have arisen with both short-term and proposed longterm methods of storage, even with the comparatively small quantities of
waste that have been produced over the last twenty years.5 With present
known short-term surface methods of storage there is a continued need for
human intervention to keep the material isolated from the environment,
while with proposed longer-term methods such as storage in salt mines or
granite to the risk of human interference there are added the risks of
leakage, e.g. through water seepage, and of disturbance, for example
through climatic change, earth movements, etc. The risks are significant:
no reasonable person with even a limited acquaintance with the history of
human affairs over the last 3,000 years could be confident of safe storage
by methods involving human intervention over the enormous time periods
involved. No one with even a slight knowledge of the geological and
climatic history of the earth over the last million years, a period which has
seen a number of ice ages and great fluctuations in climate for example,
could be confident that the waste material could be safely stored for the
vast periods of time required. Much of this waste is highly toxic; for
example, even a beachball sized quantity of plutonium appropriately
distributed is enough to give every person on the planet lung cancer - so
that a leak of even a small part of this waste material could involve huge
loss of life, widespread disease and genetic damage, and contamination of
immense areas of land.6
Given the enormous costs which could be involved for the future, it is
plainly grossly inadequ'ate'to merely speculate concerning untested, but
possibly or even probably, safe methods for disposal of wastes. Yet none
of the proposed methods has been properly tested, and they may prove to
involve all sorts of unforeseen difficulties and risks when an attempt is
made to put them into practice on a commercial scale. Only a method that
could provide a rigorous guarantee of safety over the storage period, that
placed safety beyond reasonable doubt, would be acceptable. It is difficult
to see how such rigorous guarantees could be given concerning either the

Obligations to the Future 137
geological or future human factors. But even if an economically viable,
rigorously safe long-term storage method could be devised, there is the
problem of guaranteeing that it would be universally and invariably used.
The assumption that it would be, especially if, as seems likely, such a
method proved expensive economically and politically, seems to presuppose a level of efficiency, perfection, and concern for the future not
previously encountered in human affairs, and certainly not conspicuous in
the nuclear industry.7 Again, unless we assume continuous and faultless
guarding of long-term storage sites through perhaps a million years of
possible future human activity, weapons-grade radioactive material will
be accessible, over much of the million-year storage period, to any party
who is in a position to retrieve it.
Our behaviour in creating this nightmare situation for the future is
certainly no better than that of the consigner in the bus example. Industrialized countries, in order to get out of a mess of their own making essentially the creation of economies dependent on an abundance" of
non-renewable energy in a situation where it is in fact in limited supply opt for a 'solution' which may enable them to avoid the making of uncomfortable changes during the lifetime of those now living, at the expense of
passing heavy burdens on to the inhabitants of the earth at a future time burdens in the shape of costs and risks which, just as in the bus case, may
adversely affect the life and health of future people and their opportunity
to lead a decent life.8
It is sometimes suggested that analogies like the bus example are defective; that morally they are crucially different from the nuclear case, since
future people, unlike the passengers in the bus, will benefit directly from
nuclear development, which will provide an abundance of energy for the
indefinite future. But this is incorrect. Nuclear fission creates wastes
which may remain toxic for a million years, but even with the breeder
reactor it could be an energy source for perhaps only 150 years. It will do
nothing for the energy problems of the people of the distant future whose
lives could be seriously affected by the wastes. Thus perhaps 30,000
generations of future people could be forced to bear significant risks,
without any corresponding benefits, in order to provide for the extravagant energy use of only five generations.
Nor is the risk of direct harm from the escape or misuse of radioactive
materials the only burden the nuclear solution imposes on the future.
Because the energy provided by nuclear fission is merely a stop-gap, it
seems probable that in due course the same problem, that of making a

138 R. and V. Routley
transition to renewable sources of energy, will have to be faced again by a
future population which will probably, again as a result of our actions, be
very much worse placed to cope with it.9 For they may well have to face
the change to renewable resources in an over-populated world not only
burdened with the legacy of our nuclear wastes, but also in a world in
which, if the nuclear proponents' dream of global industrialization is
realized, more and more of the global population will have become dependent on high energy consumption and associated technology and heavy
resource use, and will have lost or reduced its ability to survive without it.
It will, moreover, probably be a world which is largely depleted of non-renewable resources, and in which such renewable resources as forests and
soils as remain, resources which will have to form a very important part of
the basis of life, are in a run-down condition. Such points tell against the
idea that future people must be, if not direct beneficiaries of nuclear fission
energy, at least indirect beneficiaries.
The 'solution' then is to buy time for contemporary industrial society at
a price which not only creates serious problems for future people but
which reduces their ability to cope with those problems. Just as in the bus
case, contemporary industrial society proposes to get itself out of a hole of
its own making by creating risk of harm, and by transferring costs and
risks, to someone else who has had no part in producing the situation and
who will obtain no clear benefit. It has clear alternatives to this action.
That it does not take them is due essentially to its unwillingness to avoid
changing wasteful patterns of consumption and to its desire to protect the
interests of those who benefit from them.
If we apply to the nuclear situation the same standards of behaviour and
moral principles that we acknowledge (in principle if perhaps often not in
fact) in the contemporary world, it will not be easy to avoid the conclusion
that the situation involves injustice with respect to future people on a
grand scale. It seems to us that there are only two plausible moves that
might enable the avoidance of such a conclusion. First, it might be argued
that the moral principles and obligations which we acknowledge for the
contemporary world and the immediate future do not apply because the
recipients of our nuclear parcel are in the non-immediate future. Secondly,
an attempt might be made to appeal to overriding circumstances; for to
reject the consigner's action in the circumstances outlined is not of course
to say that there are no circumstances in which such an action might
possibly be justifiable, or at least where the case is less clearcut. It is the
same with the nuclear case. Just as in the case of the consigner of the

Obligations to the Future 139
package there is a need to consider what these justifying circumstances
might be, and whether they apply in the present case. We turn now to the
first of these possible escape routes for the proponent of nuclear development, to the philosophical question of our obligations to the future.

II. Obligations to the Distant Future
The area in which these philosophical problems arise is that of the distant
(i.e. non-immediate) future, that is, the future with which people alive
today will make no direct contact; the immediate future provides comparatively few problems for moral theories. The issues involved, although of
far more than academic interest, have not received any great attention in
recent philosophical literature, despite the fact that the question of obligations to future people presents tests which a number of ethical theories fail
to pass, and also raises a number of questions in political philosophy
concerning the adequacy of accepted institutions which leave out of
account the interests of future people.
Moral philosophers have predictably differed on the issue. But contrary
to the picture painted in a recent, widely read, and influential work
discussing it, Passmore's Man's Responsibility for Nature, a good many
philosophers who have explicitly considered the question have come
down in favour of the same consideration being given to the rights and
interests of future people as to those of contemporary or immediately
future people. Other philosophers have tended to fall into three categories
- those who acknowledge obligations to the future but who do not take
them seriously or who assign them less weight, those who deny, or who
are committed by their general moral position to denying, that there are
moral obligations beyond the immediate future, and those like Passmore
and Golding who come down, with admirable philosophical caution, on
both sides of the issue, but with the weight of the argument favouring the
view underlying prevailing economic and political institutions, that there
are no moral obligations to the future beyond those to the next generation.
• According to the most extreme of these positions against moral obligations to the future, our behaviour with respect to the future is morally
unconstrained; there are no moral restrictions on acting or failing to act
deriving from the effect of our actions on future people. Of those philosophers who say, or whose views imply, that we don't have obligations to
the (non-immediate) future, i.e. those who have opted for the uncon-

140 R. and V. Routley
strained position, many have based this view on accounts of moral obligation which are built on relations which presuppose some degree of temporal or spatial contiguity. Thus moral obligation is seen as grounded on or as
presupposing various relations which could not hold between people
widely separated in time (or sometimes in space). For example, obligation
is seen as grounded in relations which are proximate or of short duration
and also non-transitive. Among such suggested bases or grounds of moral
obligation, or requirements for moral obligation, which would rule out
obligations to the non-immediate future are these: First, there are those
accounts which require that someone to whom a moral obligation is held
be able to claim his rights or entitlement. People in the distant future will
not be able to claim rights and entitlements as against us, and of course
they can do nothing to enforce any claims they might have for their rights
against us. Secondly, there are those accounts which base moral obligations on social or legal convention, for example a convention which would
require punishment of offenders or at least some kind of social enforcement. But plainly these and other conventions will not hold invariantly
over change in society and amendment of legal conventions and so will not
be invariant over time. Also future people have no way of enforcing their
interests or punishing offenders, and there could be no guarantee that any
contemporary institution would do it for them.
Both the view that moral obligation requires the context of a moral
community and the view that it is contractually based appear to rule out
the distant future as a field of moral obligation, as they not only require a
commonality, or some sort of common basis, which cannot be guaranteed
in the case of the distant future, but also a possibility of interchange or
reciprocity of action which cannot apply to the future. Where the basis of
moral obligation is seen as mutual exchange, the interests of future people
must be set aside because they cannot change the past and cannot be
parties to any mutual contract. The exclusion of moral obligations to the
distant future also follows from those views which attempt to ground
moral obligations in non-transitive relations of short duration such as
sympathy and love. There are some difficulties also about love and sympathy for (non-existent) people in the far distant future about whose
personal qualities and characteristics one must know very little and who
may well be committed to a life-style for which one has no sympathy. On
the current showing in the case of nuclear energy it would be easy to
conclude that contemporary society lacks both love and sympathy for
future people; and it would appear to follow from this that contemporary

Obligations to the Future 141
people have no obligations to future people and can harm them as it suits
them.
What all these views have in common is a naturalistic picture of obligation as something acquired, either individually or institutionally, something which is conditional on doing something or failing to do something
(e.g. participating in the moral community, contracting), or having some
characteristic one can fail to have (e.g. love, sympathy, empathy).10
Because obligation therefore becomes conditional, features usually
thought to characterize it, such as universality of application and necessitation (i.e. the binding features), are lost, especially where there is a choice
of whether or not to do the thing required to acquire the obligation, and so
of whether to acquire it. The criteria for acquisition suggested are such as
to exclude people in the distant future.
However, the view that there are no moral constraints with respect to
future people, that one is free to act as one likes with respect to them, is a
very difficult one to sustain. Consider the example of a scientific group
which, for no particular reason other than to test a particular piece of
technology, places in orbit a cobalt bomb which is to be set off by a
triggering device designed to go off several hundred years from the time of
its despatch. No presently living person and none of their immediate
descendants would be affected, but the population of the earth in the
distant future would be wiped out as a direct and predictable result of the
action. The unconstrained position clearly implies that this is an acceptable moral enterprise, that whatever else we might legitimately criticize in
the scientists' experiment, perhaps its being unduly expensive or badly
designed, we cannot lodge a moral protest about the damage it will do to
future people. The unconstrained position also endorses as morally acceptable the following sorts of examples: A firm discovers it can make a
handsome profit from mining, processing, and manufacturing a new type
of material which, although it causes no problems for present people or
their immediate descendants, will over a period of hundreds of years
decay into a substance which will cause an enormous epidemic of cancer
among the inhabitants of the earth at that time. According to the unconstrained view the firm is free to act in its own interests, without any
consideration for the harm it does to future people.
Such counterexamples to the unconstrained view might seem childishly
obvious. Yet the unconstrained position concerning the future from which
they follow is far from being a straw man; not only have a number of
philosophers writing on the issue endorsed this position, but it is the clear

142 R. and V. Routley
implication of many currently popular views of the basis of moral obligation, as well as of economic theory. It does not appear, on the other hand,
that those who opt for the unconstrained position have considered such
examples and endorsed them as morally acceptable, despite their being
clearly implied by their position. We suspect that when it is brought out
that the unconstrained position admits such counterexamples, that being
free to act implies, among other things being free to inflict pointless harm,
most of those who opted for the unconstrained position would want to
assert that it was not what they intended. What those who have put
forward the unconstrained position seem to have had in mind in denying
moral obligation is rather that future people can look after themselves, that
we are not responsible for their lives. The view that the future can take
care of itself also seems to assume a future causally independent of the
present. But it is not. It is not as if, in cases such as those discussed above
and the nuclear case, the future is simply being left alone to take care of
itself. Present people are influencing it, and in doing so must acquire many
of the same sorts of moral responsibilities as they do in causally affecting
the present and immediate future. The thesis seems thus to assume an
incorrect model of an independent and unrelated future.
Also, to say that we are not responsible for the lives of future people
does not amount to the same as saying that we are free to do as we like with
respect to them, that there are no moral constraints on our action involving
them. In just the same way, the fact that one does not have, or has not
acquired, an obligation to some stranger with whom one has never been
involved - that one has no responsibility for his life - does not imply that
one is free to do what one likes with respect to him, for example to rob him
or to pursue some course of action of advantage to oneself which could
seriously harm him.
These difficulties for the unconstrained position arise in part from the
failure to make an important distinction between, on the one hand, acquired or assumed obligations towards somebody, for which some act of
acquisition or assumption is required as a qualifying condition, and on the
other hand moral constraints, which require, for example, that one should
not act so as to damage or harm someone, and for which no act of
acquisition is required. There is a considerable difference in the level and
kind of responsibility involved. In the first case one must do something or
be something which one can fail to do or be, e.g. have loves, sympathy, be
contracted. In the second case responsibility arises as a result of being a
causal agent aware of the consequences or probable consequences of his

Obligations to the Future 143
action, and thus does not have to be especially acquired or assumed. Thus
there is no problem about how the latter class, moral constraints, can
apply to the distant future in cases where it may be difficult or impossible
for acquisition or assumption conditions to be satisfied. They apply as a
result of the ability to produce causal effects on the distant future of a
reasonably predictable nature. Thus also moral constraints can apply to
what does not (yet) exist, just as actions can cause results that do not (yet)
exist. While it may be the case that there would need to be an acquired or
assumed obligation in order for it to be claimed that contemporary people
must make special sacrifices of an heroic kind for future people, or even to
help them especially, only moral constraints are needed in order for us to
be constrained from harming them. Thus, to return to the bus example, the
consigner cannot argue in justification of his action that he has never
assumed or acquired responsibility for the passengers, that he does not
know them and therefore has no love or sympathy for them, and that they
are not part of his moral community, in short that he has no special
obligations to help them. All that one needs to argue in respect of both the
bus and the nuclear case is that there are moral constraints against harming, not that there are specially acquired obligations to take responsibility
for the lives of the people involved.
The confusion of moral constraints with acquired obligation, and the
attempt therewith to view all constraints as acquired and to write off
non-acquired constraints, is facilitated through the use of the term 'moral
obligation' in philosophy to indicate any type of deontic constraint, while
in natural language it is used to indicate something which has to be
assumed or acquired. Hence the equation and at least one root of the
unconstrained position, that is of the belief that there are no moral constraints concerning the distant future.
The unconstrained view tends to give way, under the weight of counterexamples, to a more qualified, and sometimes ambivalent position. Passmore's position in [1] is a striking example of the second ambivalent
position. On the one hand Passmore regularly gives the impression of one
championing future people; for example, in the final sentence of [1] he
says, concerning men a century hence:
My sole concern is that we should do nothing which will reduce their
freedom of thought and action, whether by destroying.the natural
world which makes that freedom possible or the social traditions
which permit and encourage it.

144 R. and V. Routley
Earlier (esp. pp. 84-85) Passmore appears to endorse the principle 'that we
ought not to act so as certainly to harm posterity' and claims (p. 98) that,
even where there are uncertainties, 'these uncertainties do not justify
negligence'. Nevertheless, though obligations concerning non-immediate
posterity are thus admitted, the main thrust of Passmore's argument is
entirely different, being in favour of the unconstrained position according
to which we have no obligations to non-immediate posterity. Thus his
conclusion (p. 91):
So whether we approach the problem of obligations to posterity by
way of Bentham and Sidgwick, Rawls or Golding, we are led to
something like the same conclusion: our obligations are to immediate
posterity, we ought to try to improve the world so that we shall be able
to hand it over to our immediate successors in a better condition, and
that is all.11
Passmore's position is, to all appearances, simply inconsistent. There are
two ways one might try to render it consistent, but neither is readily
available to Passmore. The first is by taking advantage of the distinction
between moral constraints and acquired obligations, but a basis for this
distinction is not evident in Passmore's work and indeed the distinction is
antithetical to the analyses of obligation that Passmore tries to synthesize
with his own analysis in terms of loves. The second, sceptical, route to
consistency is by way of the argument that we shall consider shortly, that
there is always gross uncertainty with respect to the distant future, uncertainty which relieves us in practice of any moral constraints regarding the
distant future. But though Passmore's writing strongly suggests this uncertainty argument (especially his sympathetic discussion of the Premier
of Queensland's argument against conservationists [p. 77]), he also rules it
out with the claim that uncertainties do not justify negligence.12
Many of the accounts of moral obligation that give rise to the unconstrained position are fused in Passmore's work, again not entirely consistently, since the different accounts exploited do not give uniform results.
Thus the primary account of obligation is said to be in terms of loves though the account is never satisfactorily formulated or developed - and it
is suggested that because our loves do not extend into the distant future,
neither do our obligations. This sentimental account of obligation will
obviously lead to different results from utilitarian accounts of obligation,
which however Passmore appeals to in his discussion of wilderness. In yet
other places in [1], furthermore, social contract and moral community

Obligations to the Future 145
views are appealed to - see, e.g., the treatment of animals, of preservation, and of duties to nature. In the case of obligations to future people,
however, Passmore does try to sketch an argument - what we call the
convergence argument - that all the accounts lead in the end to the
unconstrained position.
As well as the convergence argument, and various uncertainty arguments to be considered later, Passmore appears to endorse several other
arguments in favour of his theme that there are in practice no obligations to
the distant future. In particular, he suggests that such obligations would in
practice be otiose. Everything that needs to be accounted for can be
encompassed through the chain picture of obligation as linking successive
generations, under which each generation has obligations, based on loves,
only to the succeeding generation. We outline three objections to this
chain account. First, it is inadequate to treat constraints concerning the
future as if they applied only between generations, as if there were no
question of constraints on individuals as opposed to whole generations,
since individuals can create causal effects, e.g. harm, on the future in a
way which may create individual responsibility, and which can't necessarily be sheeted home to an entire generation. Secondly, such chains, since
they are non-transitive, cannot yield direct obligations to the distant
future. But for this very reason the chain picture cannot be adequate, as
examples again show. For the picture is unable to explain several of the
cases that have to be dealt with, e.g. the examples already discussed which
show that we can have a direct effect on the distant future without
affecting the next generation, who may not even be able to influence
matters.13 Thirdly, improvements for immediate successors may be
achieved at the expense of disadvantages to people of the more distant
future. Improving the world for immediate successors is quite compatible
with, and may even in some circumstances be most easily achieved by,
ruining it for less immediate successors. Such cases can hardly be written
off as 'never-never land' examples, since many cases of environmental
exploitation might be seen as of just this type, e.g. not just the nuclear case
but also the exhaustion of non-renewable resources and the long-term
depletion of renewable resources such as soils and forests through overcropping. If then such obvious injustices to future people arising from the
favouring or exclusive concern with immediate successors are to be avoided, obligations to the future will have to be seen as in some way fairly
distributed over time, and not merely as accruing to particular generations
in the way the chain picture suggests.

146 R. and V. Routley
Passmore tries to represent all obligations to the distant future in terms
of heroic self-sacrifice, something which cannot of course be morally
required. But in view of the distinctions between constraints and acquired
obligation and between obligation and supererogation, this is just to misrepresent the position of these obligations. For example, one is no more
engaging in heroic self-sacrifice by not forcing future people into an
unviable life position or by refraining from causing them direct harm, than
one is resorting to heroic self-sacrifice in refraining from beating and
robbing some stranger and leaving him to starve.
Passmore's most sustained argument for the unconstrained position is a
convergence argument, that different analyses of obligations, including
his own, lead to the one conclusion. This style of argument is hardly
convincing when there are well-known accounts of obligation which do
not lead to the intended conclusion, e.g. deontological accounts such as
those of Kant and of modern European schools, and teleological accounts
such as those of Moore (in [8]). But such unfavourable positions are either
rapidly passed over or ignored in Passmore's historical treatment and
narrow selection of historical figures. The style of argument becomes even
less persuasive when it is discovered that the accounts of the main authorities appealed to, Bentham, Sidgwick, and Rawls,14 do not lead, without
serious distortion, to the intended conclusion. Indeed Passmore has twisted the historical and textual evidence to suit his case, as we now try to
indicate.
Consider Bentham first. Passmore's assumption, for which no textual
evidence is cited, ls is that no Benthamite calculation can take account of a
future more extensive than the immediate future (cf. pp. 87-88). The
assumption seems to be based simply on the fact that Bentham remarked
that 'the value of the pleasure or pain to each person to be considered in
any estimate will be greater or less in virtue of the following circumstances'. '3. Its certainty or uncertainty. 4. Its propinquity or remoteness'
([10], p. 16). But this does nothing to show that future persons are discounted: the certainty and propinquity do not concern persons, but the
utilities of the persons concerned. As regards which persons are concerned in any calculation Bentham is quite explicit, detailing how
to take an exact account. . . of the general tendency of any act.. . .5 .
Take an account of the number of persons whose interests appear to
be concerned; and repeat the above process [summation of values of
pleasure and of pain] with respect to each. ([10], p. 16)

Obligations to the Future 147
It follows that Bentham's calculation takes account of everyone (and, in
his larger scheme, every sentient creature) whose interests appear to be
concerned: if the interests of people in the distant future appear to be
concerned - as they are in conservation issues - they are to be included in
the calculation. And there is independent evidence16 that in Bentham's
view the principle of utility was not temporally restricted: 'that is useful
which, taking all times and all persons into consideration, leaves a balance
of happiness' ([10], pp. 17-18, our italics). Thus the future cut-off that
Passmore has attributed to Bentham is contradicted by Bentham's own
account.
The case of Sidgwick is more complex, because there is isolated oscillation in his application of utilitarianism between use of utility and of
(something like) expected utility (see [11], pp. 381,414): Sidgwick's utilitarianism is, in its general characterization, essentially that of Bentham:
the conduct which . . . is objectively right is that which will produce
the greatest amount of happiness on the whole; that is, taking into
account all those whose happiness is affected by the conduct. ([11], p.
411)
All includes all sentient beings, both existing and to exist, as Sidgwick goes
on to explain (p. 414). In particular, in answer to the question 'How far are
we to consider the interests of posterity when they seem to conflict with
those of existing human beings?' Sidgwick writes ([11], p. 414, our italics):
It seems, however, clear that the time at which a man exists cannot
affect the value of his happiness from a universal point of view; and
that the interests of posterity must concern a Utilitarian as much as
those of his contemporaries, except in so far as the effect of his
actions on posterity - and even the existence of human beings to be
affected - must necessarily be more uncertain.
But Passmore manages, first of all, to give a different sense to what
Sidgwick is saying by adjusting the quotation, by omitting the clause we
have italicized, which equalizes the degree of concern for present and
future persons, and by italicizing the whole except-clause, thereby placing
much greater emphasis than Sidgwick does on uncertainty. For according
to Sidgwick's impartiality principle, 'the mere difference in time is not a

148 R. and V. Routley
reasonable ground for having more regard to the consciousness of one
-amount than to that of another' ([11], p. 381; see also p. 124). The apparent
tension in Sidgwick's theory as to whether uncertainty should be taken
into account is readily removed by resort to a modern distinction between
values and expected values (i.e. probability weighted values); utilitarian
rightness is defined as before in terms of the net happiness of all concerned
over all time without mention of uncertainty or probabilities, but it is
distinguished from probable rightness (given present information), in the
utilitarian sense,17 which is defined in terms of the expected net happiness
of those concerned, using present probabilities. It is the latter notion, of
probable rightness, that practical reasoning is commonly concerned with
and that decision theory studies; and it is this that Passmore supposes
Sidgwick is using ([1], p. 84). But it is evident that the utilitarian determination of probable rightness, like that of rightness, will sometimes take
into account the distant future - as Sidgwick's discussion of utilitarian
determination of optimum population (immediately following his remark
on uncertainty) does. So how does Passmore contrive to reverse matters,
to have Sidgwick's position lead to his own unconstrained conclusion?
The answer is: By inserting an additional assumption of his own - which
Sidgwick would certainly have rejected - that the uncertainties entitle us
to ignore the distant future. What Passmore has implicitly assumed in his
claim ([1], p. 85) that 'utilitarian principles [such as Sidgwick's] are not
strong enough' 'to justify the kinds of sacrifice some conservationists now
call upon us to make' is his own thesis that 'The uncertainty of harms we
are hoping to prevent would in general entitle us to ignore them.. .'. From
a decision-theory viewpoint this is simply irrational18 unless the probabilities of damage are approaching zero. We will deal with the essentially
sceptical uncertainty arguments on which Passmore's position depends
shortly: here it is enough to observe that Sidgwick's position does not lead
to anything like that which Passmore attributes to him - without uncertainty assumptions which Sidgwick would have rejected (for he thought
that future people'will certainly have pleasure and suffer pain).
We can also begin to gauge from Passmore's treatment of nineteenthcentury utilitarians, such as Bentham and Sidgwick, the extent of the
distortion which underlies his more general historical case for the unconstrained position which, so he claims,
represents accurately enough what, over the last two centuries, men
have seen as their duty to posterity as a whole. . . . ([1], p. 91)

Obligations to the Future 149
The treatment accorded Rawls in only marginally more satisfactory.
Passmore supposes that Rawls's theory of justice leads directly to the
unconstrained position ([1], p. 87 and p. 91), whereas Rawls claims ([5], p.
293) that we have obligations to future people just as to present ones. But
the situation is more complicated than Rawls's claim would indicate, as we
now try to explain in a summary way (more detail is given in the Appendix). For, in order to justify this claim on his theory (with its present
time-of-entry interpretation), Rawls has to invoke additional and dubious
motivational assumptions; even so the theory which thus results does not
yield the intended conclusion, but a conclusion inconsistent with Rawls's
claim. However, by changing the time-of-entry interpretation to an omnitemporal one, Rawls's claim does result from the theory so amended.
Moreover, the amended theory also yields, by exactly Rawls's argument
for a just saving rate, a resource conservation policy, and also a case
against nuclear development. Accordingly Passmore's other claims regarding Rawls are mistaken, e.g. that the theory cannot justify a policy of
resource conservation. Rawls does not emerge unscathed either. As on
the issue of whether his contract is a necessary condition for obligations,
so on obligations which the contract yields to the distant future, Rawls is
far from consistent. Furthermore, institutions such as qualified market
and voting systems are recommended as just though from a future perspective their results are far from that. Rawls, then, does not take obligations to the future with full seriousness.
In sum, it is not true that the theory of Rawls, any more than the theories
of the historical figures actually discussed by Passmore, unequivocally
supports the unconstrained position.

III. Uncertainty and Indeterminacy Arguments
Although there are grave difficulties for the unconstrained position, qualification leads to a more defensible position. According to the qualified
position we are not entirely unconstrained with respect to the distant
future: there are obligations, but these are not so important as those to the
present, and the interests of distant future people cannot weigh very much
in the scale against those of the present and immediate future. The interests of future people then, except in unusual cases, count for very much
less than the interests of present people. Hence such things as nuclear
development and various exploitative activities which benefit present

150 R. and V. Routley
people should proceed, even if people of the distant future are disadvantaged by them.
The qualified position appears to be widely held and is implicit in most
modern economic theories, where the position of a decrease in weight of
future costs and benefits (and so of future interests) is obtained by application over time of an (opportunity cost) discount rate. The attempt to
apply economics as a moral theory, something that is becoming increasingly common, can lead then to the qualified position. What is objectionable in such an approach is that economics must operate within the bounds
of moral (deontic) constraints, just as in practice it operates within legal
constraints, and cannot determine what those constraints are. There are,
moreover, alternative economic theories and simply to adopt one which
discounts the future is to beg all the questions at issue. The discounting
move often has the same result as the unconstrained position; if, for
instance, we consider the cancer example and consider costs as payable
compensation, it is evident that, over a sufficiently long period of time,
discounting at current prices would lead to the conclusion that there are no
recoverable damages and so, in economic terms, no constraints. In short,
even certain damage to future people could be written off. One way to
achieve the bias against future people is by the application of discount
rates which are set in accord with the current economic horizons of no
more than about fifteen years,19 and application of such rates would
simply beg the question against the interests and rights of future people.
Where there is certain future damage of a morally forbidden type the
whole method of discounting is simply inapplicable, and its use would
violate moral constraints.20
Another argument for the qualified position, which avoids the objections from cases of certain damage, comes from probability considerations.The distant future, it is argued, is much more uncertain than the
present and immediate future, so that probabilities are consequently lower, perhaps even approaching or coinciding with zero for any hypothesis
concerning the distant future.21 But then if we take account of probabilities in the obvious way, by simply multiplying them against costs and
benefits, it is evident that the interests of future people, except in cases
where there is an unusually high degree of certainty, must count for (very
much) less than those of present and neighbouring people where (much)
higher probabilities obtain. So in the case of conflict between the present
and the future where it is a question of weighing certain benefits to the
people of the present and the immediate future against a much lower

Obligations to the Future 151
probability of indeterminate costs to an indeterminate number of distant
future people, the issue would normally be decided in favour of the
present, assuming that anything like similar costs and benefits were involved. But of course it can't be assumed that anything like similarly
weighted costs and benefits are involved in the nuclear case, especially if it
is a question of risking poisoning some of the earth for half a million or so
years, with consequent risk of serious harm to thousands of generations of
future people, in order to obtain quite doubtful or trivial benefits for some
present people, in the shape of the opportunity to continue unnecessarily
high energy use. And even if the costs and benefits were comparable or
evenly weighted, such an argument would be defective, since an analogous argument would show that the consigner's action is acceptable
provided the benefit, e.g. the profit he stood to gain from imposing significant risks on other people, was sufficiently large. Such a cost-benefit
approach to moral and decision problems, with or without the probability
frills, is quite inadequate where different parties are concerned, or for
dealing with cases of conflict of interest or moral problems where deontic
constraints are involved, and commonly yields counterintuitive results.
For example, it would follow on such principles that it is permissible for a
firm to injure, or very likely injure, some innocent party provided the firm
stands to make a sufficiently large gain from it. But the costs and benefits
involved are not transferable in any simple or general way from one party
to another. Transfers of this kind, of costs and benefits involving different
parties, commonly raise moral issues - e.g. is x entitled to benefit himself
by imposing costs ony ? - which are not susceptible to a simple cost-benefit approach of the sort adopted by some proponents of nuclear energy,
who attempt to dismiss the costs to future people with the soothing remark
that any development involves costs as well as benefits. The transfer point
is enough to invalidate the comparison, heavily relied on by McCracken
[16] in building a case for the acceptability of the nuclear risk, between
nuclear risks and those from cigarette smoking. In the latter case those
who supposedly benefit from the activity are also, to an overwhelming
extent* those who bear the serious health costs and risks involved. In
contrast the users and supposed beneficiaries of nuclear energy will be
risking not only, or even primarily, their own lives and health, but also
those of others who may be non-beneficiaries and who may be spatially or
temporally removed, and these risks will not be in any direct way related
to a person's extent of use.
The transfer objection is essentially the same as that to the utilitarian's

152 R. and V. Routley
happiness sums as a way of solving moral conflict between different
parties, and the introduction of probability considerations does not change
the principles involved but merely complicates analyses. One might further object to the probability argument that probabilities involving distant
future situations are not always less than those concerning the immediate
future in the way the argument supposes, and that the outcomes of some
moral problems such as the bus example do not depend on a high level of
probability anyway. In some sorts of cases it is enough, as the bus example
reveals, that a significant risk is created; such cases do not depend critically on high probability assignments.
Uncertainty arguments in various forms are the most common and
important ones used by philosophers and others to argue for the position
that we cannot be expected to take serious account of the effects of our
actions on the distant future. There are two strands to the uncertainty
argument, capable of separation, but frequently entangled. Both arguments are mistaken, the first on a priori grounds, the second on a posteriori grounds. The first argument is a generalized uncertainty argument
which runs as follows: In contrast to the exact information we can obtain
about the present, the information we can obtain about the effects of our
actions on the distant future is unreliable, woolly, and highly speculative.
But we cannot base assessments of how we should act on information of
this kind, especially when accurate information is obtainable about the
present which would indicate different action. Therefore we must regretfully ignore the uncertain effects of our actions on the distant future. More
formally and crudely: One only has obligations to the future if these
obligations are based on reliable information; there is no reliable information at present as regards the distant future; therefore one has no obligations to the distant future.
The first argument is essentially a variation on a sceptical argument in
epistemology concerning our knowledge of the future (formally, replace
'obligations' by 'knowledge' in the crude statement of the argument
above). The main ploy is to considerably overestimate and overstate the
degree of certainty available with respect to the present and immediate
future, and the degree of certainty which is required as the basis for moral
consideration both with respect to the present and with respect to the
future. Associated with this is the attempt to suggest a sharp division as
regards certainty between the present and immediate future on the one
hand and the distant future on the other. We shall not find, we suggest, that
there is any such sharp or simple division between the distant future and

Obligations to the Future 153
the adjacent future and present, at least with respect to those things in the
present which are normally subject to moral constraints. We can and
constantly do act on the basis of such 'unreliable' information as the
sceptic as regards the future conveniently labels 'uncertainty'; for scepticproof certainty is rarely, or never, available with respect to much of the
present and immediate future. In moral situations in the present, action
often takes account of risk and probability, even quite low probabilities. A
good example is again the bus case. We do not need to know for certain
that the container will break and the lethal gas escape. In fact it does not
even have to be probable, in the relevant sense of more probable than not,
in order for us to condemn the consigner's action. It is enough that there is
a significant risk of harm in this sort of case. It does not matter if the
decreased well-being of the consigner is certain and the prospects of the
passengers quite uncertain; the resolution of the problem is still clearly in
favour of the so-called 'speculative' and 'unreliable'. But if we do not
require certainty of action to apply moral constraints in contemporary
affairs, why should we require a much higher standard of certainty in the
future? Why should we require epistemic standards for the future which
the more familiar sphere of moral action concerning the present and
adjacent future does not need to meet? The insistence on certainty as a
necessary condition before moral consideration can be given to the distant
future, then, amounts to an epistemic double standard. But such an
epistemic double standard, proposed in explaining the difference between
the present and the future and to justify ignoring future peoples' interests,
in fact cannot itself provide an explanation of the differences, since it
already presupposes different standards of certainty appropriate to each
class, which difference is in turn in need of justification.
The second uncertainty argument is a practical uncertainty argument,
that whatever our theoretical obligations to the future, we cannot in
practice take the interests of future people into account, because uncertainty about the distant future is so gross that we cannot determine what
the likely consequences of actions upon it will be and therefore, however
good our intentions to the people of the distant future, in practice we have
no choice but to ignore their interests. Uncertainty is gross where certain
incompatible hypotheses are as good as one another and there is no
rational ground for choosing between them. The second uncertainty argument can also be put in this way: If moral principles are, like other
principles, implicational in form, that is of such forms as 'if* has character
h then x is wrong, for every (action) x', then what the argument claims is

154 R. and V. Routley
that we can never obtain the information about future actions which would
enable us to detach the antecedent of the implication. So even if moral
principles theoretically apply to future people, in practice they cannot be
applied to obtain clear conclusions or directions concerning contemporary
action of the 'It is wrong to do x' type.
Many of the assumptions of the second argument have to be conceded.
If the distant future really is so grossly uncertain that in every case it is
impossible to determine in any way that is better than chance what the
effects of present action will be, and whether any given action will help or
hinder future people, then moral principles, although they may apply
theoretically to the future, will not be applicable in practice for obtaining
any clear conclusions about how to act. Hence the distant future will
impose no practical moral constraints on action. However, the argument
is factually incorrect in assuming that the future is always so grossly
uncertain or indeterminate. Admittedly there is often a high degree of
uncertainty concerning the distant future, but as a matter of (contingent)
fact it is not always so gross or sweeping as the argument has to assume.
There are some areas where uncertainty is not so great as to exclude
constraints on action, especially when account is taken of the point,
noticed in connection with the first argument, that complete certainty is
commonly not required for moral constraints and that all that may be
needed in some cases is the creation of"a significant risk. Again there is
considerable uncertainty about many factors which are not highly, or at
all, morally relevant, but this does not extend to many factors which are of
much greater importance to moral issues. For example, we may not have
any idea what the fashions will be in a hundred years in girls' names or
men's footwear, or what brands of ice cream people will be eating if any,
but we do have excellent reason to believe, especially if we consider 3,000
years of history, that what people there are in a hundred years are likely to
have material and psychic needs not entirely unlike our own, that they will
need a healthy biosphere for a good life; that like us they will not be
immune to radiation; that their welfare will not be enhanced by a high
incidence of cancer or genetic defects, by the destruction of resources, or
the elimination from the face of the earth of that wonderful variety of
non-human life which at present makes it such a rich and interesting place.
For this sort of reason, the second uncertainty argument should be rejected. While it is true that there are many areas in which the morally relevant
information needed is uncertain or unavailable, and in which we cannot
therefore determine satisfactorily how to act, there are certainly others in

Obligations to the Future 155
which uncertainty in morally relevant areas is not so great as to preclude
moral constraints on action, where we ascertain if not absolute certainties
at least probabilities of the same sort of order as are considered sufficient
for the application of moral principles in parallel contemporary cases,
especially where spatially remote people are involved. The case of nuclear
waste storage, and of uncertainty of the effects of it on future people,
seems to be of the latter sort. Here there is no gross indeterminacy or
uncertainty; it is simply not true that incompatible hypotheses about what
may happen are as good as each other. It is plain that nuclear waste storage
does impose significant risks of harm on future people, and, as we can see
from the bus example, the significant risk of harm is enough in cases of this
type to make moral constraints applicable.
In terms of the defects of the preceding uncertainty arguments, we can
see the corresponding defects in a number of widely employed uncertainty
arguments used to write off probable harm to future people as outside the
scope of proper consideration. Most of these popular moves employ both
of the uncertainty arguments as suits the case, switching from one to the
other in a way that is again reminiscent of sceptical moves. For example,
we may be told that we cannot really take account of future people because
we cannot be sure that they will exist or that their tastes and wants will not
be completely different from our own, to the point where they will not
suffer from our exhaustion of resources or from the things that would
affect us (cf. Passmore [1]). But this is to insist upon complete certainty of
a sort beyond what is required for the present and immediate future, where
there is also commonly no guarantee that some disaster will not overtake
those we are morally committed to. Again we may be told that there is no
guarantee that future people will be worthy of any efforts on our part,
because they may be morons or forever plugged into enjoyment- or other
machines (Golding [12]). Even if one is prepared to accept the elitist
approach presupposed - according to which only those who meet certain
properly civilized or intellectual standards are eligible for moral consideration - what we are being handed in such arguments as a serious defeating
consideration is again a mere outside possibility - like the sceptic who says
that the solid-looking desk in front of us is perhaps only a facade, not
because he has any particular reason for doing so, but because he hasn't
looked around the back, drilled holes in it, etc. Neither the contemporary
nor the historical situation gives any positive reason for supposing that a
lapse into universal moronity or universal pleasure-machine escapism is a
serious possibility, as opposed to a logical possibility. We can contrast

156 R. and V. Routley
with these mere logical possibilities the very real historically supportable
risks of escape of nuclear waste or decline of a civilization through destruction of its resource base.
The possibilities just considered in these uncertainty arguments of
sceptical character are not real possibilities. Another argument which may
consider a real possibility, but still does not succeed in showing that it is
acceptable to proceed with an action which would appear to be harmful to
future people, is often introduced in the nuclear waste case. This is the
argument that future people may discover a rigorously safe and permanent
storage method for nuclear wastes before they are damaged by escaped
waste material. Let us grant for the sake of the argument that this is a real
possibility (though physical arguments may show that it is not). This still
does not affect the fact that there is a significant risk of serious damage and
that the creation of a significant risk is enough to rule out an action of this
type as morally impermissible. In just the same way, future people may
discover a cure for cancer, and the fact that this appears to be a real and not
merely a logical possibility, does not make the action of the firm in the
example discussed above, of producing a substance likely to cause cancer
in future people, morally admissible. The fact that there was a real possibility of future people avoiding the harm would show that actions of these
sorts were admissible only if what was required for inadmissibility was
certainty of harm or a very high probability of it. In such cases, before such
actions could be considered admissible, what would be required is far
more than a possibility, real or not22 - it is at least the availability of an
applicable, safe, and rigorously tested, not merely speculative, technique
for achieving it, something that future people could reasonably be expected to apply to protect themselves.
The strategy of most of these uncertainty arguments is fairly clear then,
and may be brought out by looking yet again at the bus example, where the
consigner says that he cannot be expected to take account of the effect of
his actions on the passengers because they may find an effective way to
deal with his parcel or some lucky or unlucky accident may occur, e.g. the
bus may break down and they may all change to a different bus leaving the
parcel behind, or the bus may crash, killing all the passengers before the
container gets a chance to leak. These are all possibilities, of course, but
there is no positive reason to believe that they are any more than that, that
is they are not real possibilities. The strategy is to stress such outside
possibilities in order to create the false impression that there is gross
uncertainty about the future, that the real possibility that the container will

Obligations to the Future 157
break should be treated in the same way as these mere logical possibilities,
that uncertainty about the future is so great as to preclude the consigners'
taking account of the passengers' welfare and of the real possibility of
harm from his parcel, and thereby excuse his action. A related strategy is
to stress a real possibility, such as finding a cure for cancer, and thereby
imply that this removes the case for applying moral constraints .This move
implicitly makes the assumptions of the first argument, that certainty, or at
least a very high probability, of harm is required before an action can be
judged morally inadmissible, and the point of stressing the real possibility
of avoidance of damage is to show that this allegedly required high degree
of certainty or probability cannot be attained. That is, the strategy draws
attention to some real uncertainty implying that this is sufficient to defeat
the application of moral constraints. But, as we have seen, this is often not
so.
An argument closely related to the uncertainty arguments is based on
the non-existence and indeterminacy of the future.23 An item is indeterminate in a given respect if its properties in that respect are, as a matter of
logic, not settled (nor are they settlable in a non-arbitrary fashion). The
respects in which future items are indeterminate are well enough known
for a few examples to serve as reminders: all the following are indeterminate: the population of Australia at 2001, its distribution, its age structure,
the preferences of its members for folk music, wilderness, etc., the size
and shape of Wollongong, the average number of rooms in its houses and
in its office blocks, and so on. Philosophical discussion of such indeterminacy is as old as Aristotle's sea battle and as modern as truth-value gaps
and fuzzy logics, and many positions have been adopted on the existence
and determinacy of future items. Nevertheless theories that there are
obligations to the future are not sensitive to the metaphysical position
adopted concerning the existence or non-existence of the future. Any
theory which denied obligations to the future on the metaphysical grounds
that the future did not exist, and did not have properties, so that the
present could not be related to it, would be committed to denying such
obvious facts as that the present could causally influence the future, that
present people could be great-grandparents of purely future people, and so
on, and hence would have to be rejected on independent grounds. This is
not to say that there are not important problems about the existence or
non-existence of future items, problems which are perhaps most straightforwardly handled by a Meinongian position which allows that items
which do not exist may have properties. The non-existence of the future

158 R. and V. Routley
does raise problems for standard theories which buy the Ontological
Assumption (the thesis that what does not exist does not have properties),
especially given the natural (and correct) inclination to say that the future
does not (now) exist; but such theories can adopt various strategies for
coping with these problems (e.g. the adoption of a platonistic position
according to which the future does now exist, or the allowance for certain
sorts of relations between existents at different times), although the satisfactoriness of these strategies is open to question (cf. [4]). Thus whether or
not the Ontological Assumption is assumed and however it is applied, it
will be allowed that future items will have properties even if they do not
have them now, and that is enough to provide the basis for moral concern
about the future. Thus the thesis of obligations to the future does not
presuppose any special metaphysical position on the existence of the
future.
If the non-existence of future items creates no special problems for
obligations to the future, the same is not true of their indeterminacy.
Whether the indeterminacy of future items is seen as a logical feature of
the future which results from the non-existence of purely future items or
whether one adopts a (mistaken) platonistic view of the future as existing
and sees the indeterminacy as an epistemological one resulting from our
inability to know the character of these entities - that is, we cannot
completely know the future .though it exists and has a definite characterwhichever view we take indeterminacy still creates major difficulties for
certain ethical theories and their treatment of the future.
The difficulties arise for theories which appear to require a high level of
determinacy with respect to the number and character of future items, in
particular calculus-type theories such as utilitarianism in its usual forms,
where the calculations are critically dependent on such information as
numbers, totals, and averages, information which so far as the future is
concerned is generally indeterminate. The fact that this numerical information is typically indeterminate means that insofar as head-count utilitarianism requires determinate information on numbers, it is in a similar
position to theories discussed earlier; it may apply theoretically to future
people, but since the calculations cannot be applied to them their interests
will be left out of account. And, in fact, utilitarianism for the most part
does not, and perhaps cannot, take future creatures and their interests
seriously; there is little discussion as to how the difficulties or impossibility of calculations regarding the open future are to be obtained. Non-platonistic utilitarianism is in logical difficulty on this matter, while platonis-

Obligations to the Future 159
tic utilitarianism - which faces a range of other objections - is inapplicable
because of epistemic indeterminacy. We have yet another case of a theory
of the sort that applies theoretically but in practice doesn't take the future
seriously. But far from this showing that future people's interests should
be left out of account, what these considerations show are deficiencies in
these sorts of theories, which require excessive determinacy of information. This kind of information is commonly equally unavailable for the
accepted areas of moral constraint, the present and immediate future; and
the resolution of moral issues is often not heavily dependent on knowledge
of such specific determinate features as numbers or other determinate
features. For example, we do not need to know how many people there
will be on the bus, how intelligent they are, what their preferences are or
how badly they will be injured, in order to reach the conclusion that the
consigner's action in despatching his parcel is a bad one. Furthermore, it is
only the ability of moral considerations to continue to apply in the absence
of determinate information about such things as numbers that makes it
possible to take account of the possible effects of action, as the risks
associated with action - something which is quite essential even for the
present if moral considerations are to apply in the normal and accepted
way. For it is essential in order to apply moral considerations in the
accepted way that we consider alternative worlds, in order to take account
of options, risks, and alternative outcomes; but these alternative or counterfactual worlds are not in so different a position from the future with
respect to determinacy; for example, there is indeterminacy with respect
to the number of people who may be harmed in the bus case or in apossible
nuclear reactor melt-down. These alternative worlds, like the distant
future, are indeterminate in some respects, but not totally indeterminate.
It might still be thought that the indeterminacy of the future, for example
with respect to number and exact character, would at least prevent the
interest of future people being taken into account where there is a conflict
with the present. Since their numbers are indeterminate and their interests
unknown, how can we weigh their competing claims against those of the
present and immediate future where this information is available in a more
or less accurate form? The question is raised particularly by problems of
sharing fixed quantities of resources among present and future people,
when the numbers of the latter are indeterminate. Such problems are
indeed difficult, but they are not resolved by ignoring the claims of the
future, any more than the problems raised by the need to take account in
decision-making of factors difficult to quantify are resolved by ignoring

160 R. and V. Routley
such factors. Nor are such distributional problems as large and representative a class of moral problems concerning the future as the tendency to
focus on them would suggest. It should be conceded then that there will be
cases where the indeterminacy of aspects of the future will make conflicts
very difficult or indeed impossible to resolve - a realistic ethical theory
will not deliver a decision procedure - but there will equally be other
conflict cases where the level of indeterminacy does not hinder resolution
of the issue, e.g. the bus example which is a conflict case of a type. In
particular, there will be many cases which are not solved by weighing
numbers, numbers of interests, or whatever, cases for which one needs to
know only the most general probable characteristics of future people.
Moreover, even where numbers are relevant often only bounds will be
required, exact numerical counts only being required where, for instance,
margins are narrow; e.g. issues may be resolved as in parliament where a
detailed vote (or division) is only required when the issue is close. It is
certainly not necessary then to have complete determinacy to resolve all
cases of conflict.
The question we must ask then is what features of future people could
disqualify them from moral consideration or reduce their claims to it to
below those of present people? The answer is: in principle None. Prima
facie moral principles are universalizable, and lawlike, in that they apply
independently of position in space or in time, for example.24 But universalizability of principles is an outcome of those ethical theories which are
capable of dealing satisfactorily with the present; in other words, a theory
that did not allow properly for the future would be found to have defects as
regards the present, to deal unjustly or unfairly with some present people,
e.g. those remotely located, those outside some select subgroup such as
(white-skinned) humans, etc. The only candidates for characteristics that
would fairly rule out future people are the logical features we have been
looking at, uncertainty and indeterminacy; what we have argued is that it
would be far too sweeping to see these features as affecting the moral
claims of future people in a general way. These special features only affect
certain sorts of cases (e.g. the determination of best probable or practical
course of action given only present information). In particular they do not
affect cases of the sort being considered, the nuclear one, where highly
determinate or certain information about the numbers and characteristics
of the class likely to be harmed or certainty of damage are not required.
To establish obligations to the future a full universalizability principle is
not needed: it is enough to require that the temporal position of a person

Obligations to the Future 161
cannot affect his entitlement to just and fair treatment, to full moral
consideration;25 inversely that it is without basis to discriminate morally
against a person in virtue of his temporal position. As a result of this
universalizability, there is the same obligation to future people as to the
present; and thus there is the same obligation to take account of them and
their interests in what we do, to be careful in our actions, to take account of
the probability (and not just the certainty) of our actions' causing harm or
damage, and to see, other things being equal, that we do not act so as to rob
future people of what is necessary for the chance of a good life. Uncertainty and indeterminacy do not free us of these obligations. If, in a closely
comparable case concerning the present, the creation of a significant risk
is enough to rule out an action as immoral, and there are no independent
grounds for requiring greater certainty of harm in the future case under
consideration, then futurity alone will not provide adequate grounds for
proceeding with the action, thus discriminating against future people.
Accordingly we cannot escape, through appeal to futurity, the conclusion
tentatively reached in our first section, that proposals for nuclear development in the present state of technology for future waste disposal are
immoral.

IV. Overriding Consideration Arguments
In the first part we noticed that the consigner's action could not be justified
by purely economistic arguments, such as that his profits would rise, the
firm or the village would be more prosperous, or by appealing to the fact
that some possibly uncomfortable changes would otherwise be needed.
We also observed that the principle on which this assessment was based,
that one was not usually entitled to create a serious risk to others for these
sorts of reasons, applied more generally and, in particular, applied to the
nuclear case. For this reason the economistic arguments which are thus
most commonly advanced to promote nuclear development - e.g. cheapness, efficiency, profitability for electricity utilities, and the need otherwise for uncomfortable changes such as restructuring of employment,
investment, and consumption-do not even begin to show that the nuclear
alternative is an acceptable one. Even if these economistic assumptions
about benefits to present people were correct (and there is reason to doubt
that most of them are),26 the arguments would fail because economics
must operate within the framework of moral constraints, and not vice
versa.

162 R. and V. Routley
What one does have to consider, however, are moral conflict arguments, that is arguments to the effect that, unless the prima facie unacceptable alternative is taken, some even more unacceptable alternative is
the only possible outcome, and will ensue. For example, in the bus case,
the consigner may argue that his action is justified because unless it is
taken the village will starve. It is by no means clear that even such a
justification as this would be sufficient, especially where the risk to the
passengers is high, as the case seems to become one of transfer of costs
and risks onto others; but such a moral situation would no longer be so
clearcut, and one would perhaps hesitate to condemn any action taken in
such circumstances.
Some of the arguments advanced to show moral conflict are based on
competing duties to present people, and others on competing obligations
to future people, both of which are taken to override the obligations not to
impose on the future significant risk of serious harm. The structure of such
moral conflict arguments is based crucially on the presentation of a genuine and exhaustive set of alternatives (or at least practical alternatives),
and upon showing that the only alternatives to admittedly morally undesirable actions are even more undesirable ones. If some practical alternative which is not morally worse than the action to be justified is overlooked, suppressed, or neglected in the argument-for example, if in the bus
case it turns out that the villagers have another option to starving or to the
sending off of the parcel, namely earning a living in some other way - then
the argument is defective and cannot readily be patched. We want to argue
that suppression of practicable alternatives has occurred in the argument,
designed to show that the alternatives to the nuclear option are even worse
than the option itself, and that there are other factual defects in these
arguments as well. In short, the arguments depend essentially on the
presentation of false dichotomies.
The first argument, the poverty argument, is that there is an overriding
obligation to the poor, both the poor of the third world and the poor of
industrialized countries. Failure to develop nuclear energy, it is often
claimed, would amount to denying them the opportunity to reach the
standard of affluence we currently enjoy and would create unemployment
and poverty in the industrialized nations.
The unemployment and poverty argument does not stand up to examination either for the poor of the industrial countries or for those of the third
world. There is good evidence that large-scale nuclear energy will help to
increase unemployment and poverty in the industrial world, through the

Obligations to the Future 163
diversion of great amounts of available capital into an industry which is not
only an exceptionally poor provider of direct employment, but also helps
to reduce available jobs through encouraging substitution of energy use for
labour use. 27 The argument that nuclear energy is needed for the third
world is even less convincing. Nuclear energy is both politically and
economically inappropriate for the third world, since it requires massive
amounts of capital, requires numbers of imported scientists and engineers,
and creates negligible employment, while politically it increases foreign
dependence, adds to centralized entrenched power and reduces the
chance for change in the oppressive political structures which are a large
part of the problem.28 The fact that nuclear energy is not in the interests of
people of the third world does not, of course, mean that it is not in the
interests of, and wanted by, their rulers, the westernized and often military elites in whose interests the economies of these countries are usually
organized; but it is not paternalistic to examine critically the demands
these ruling elites may make in the name of the poor.
The poverty argument then is a fraud. Nuclear energy will not be used to
help the poor.29 Both for the third world and for the industrialized countries there are well-known energy-conserving alternatives and the practical option of developing other energy sources,30 alternatives which are
morally acceptable and socially preferable to nuclear development, and
which have far better prospects for helping the poor.31
The second major argument advanced to show moral conflict appeals to
a set of supposedly overriding and competing obligations to future people.
We have, it is said, a duty to pass on the immensely valuable things and
institutions which our culture has developed. Unless our high-technological, high-energy industrial society is continued and fostered, our valuable
institutions and traditions will fall into decay or be swept away. The
argument is essentially that without nuclear power, without the continued
level of material wealth it alone is assumed to make possible, the lights of
our civilization will go out.32 .
The lights-going-out argument raises rather sharply questions as to
what is valuable in our society, and of what characteristics are necessary
for a good society. These are questions which deserve much fuller treatment than we can allot them here, but a few brief points should be made.
The argument adopts an extremely uncritical position with respect to
existing high-technology societies, apparently assuming that they are
uniformly and uniquely valuable; it also assumes that technological society is unmodifiable, that it can't be changed in the direction of energy

164 R. and V. Routley
conservation or alternative energy sources without collapse. Such a society has to be accepted and assessed as a whole, and virtually unlimited
supplies of energy are essential to maintain this whole.
These assumptions are hard to accept. The assumption that technological society's energy patterns are unmodifiable is especially so - after all, it
has survived events such as world wars which have required major social
and technological restructuring and consumption modification. If western
society's demands for energy are totally unmodifiable without collapse,
not only would it be committed to a programme of increasing destruction,
but one might ask what use its culture could be to future people who would
very likely, as a consequence of this destruction, lack the resource base
which the argument assumes to be essential in the case of contemporary
society.
There is also difficulty with the assumption of uniform valuableness; but
if this is rejected the question becomes not: what is necessary to maintain
existing high-technological society and its political institutions? but rather: what is necessary to maintain what is valuable in that society and the
political institutions which are needed to maintain those valuable things?
While it may be easy to argue that high energy consumption is necessary to
maintain the political and economic status quo, it is not so easy to argue
that it is essential to maintain what is valuable, and it is what is valuable,
presumably, that we have a duty to pass on to the future.
The evidence, e.g. from history, is that no very high level of material
affluence or energy consumption is needed to maintain what is valuable.
There is good reason in fact to believe that a society with much lower
energy and resource consumption would better foster what is valuable
than our own. But even if a radical change in these directions is independently desirable, as we believe it is, it is not necessary to presuppose such
a change, in the short term at least, in order to see that the assumptions of
the lights-going-out argument are wrong. No enormous reduction of wellbeing is required to consume less energy than at present, and certainly far
less than the large increase over present levels of consumption which is
assumed in the usual economic case for nuclear energy.33 What the nuclear strategy is really designed to do then is not to prevent the lights going
out in western civilization, but to enable the lights to go on burning all the
time - to maintain and even increase the wattage output of the Energy
Extravaganza.
In fact there is good reason to think that, far from the high energy
consumption society fostering what is valuable, it will, especially if energy

Obligations to the Future 165
is obtained by nuclear-fission means, be positively inimical to it. A society
which has become heavily dependent upon an extremely high centralized,
controlled, and garrisoned, capital- and expertise-intensive energy
source, must be one which is highly susceptible to entrenchment of power,
and one in which the forces which control this energy source, whether
capitalist or bureaucratic, can exert enormous power over the political
system and over people's lives, even more than they do at present. Very
persuasive arguments have been advanced by civil liberties groups and
others in a number of countries to suggest that such a society would tend to
become authoritarian, if only as an outcome of its response to the threat
posed by dissident groups in the nuclear situation.34
There are reasons to believe then that with nuclear development what
we would be passing on to future generations would be some of the worst
aspects of our society (e.g. the consumerism, growing concentration of
power, destruction of the natural environment, and latent authoritarianism), while certain valuable aspects would be lost or threatened. Political
freedom is a high price to pay for consumerism and energy extravagance.
Again, as in the case of the poverty arguments, clear alternatives which
do not involve such unacceptable consequences are available. The alternative to the high technology-nuclear option is not a return to the cave, the
loss of all that is valuable, but the development of alternative technologies
and life-styles which offer far greater scope for the maintenance and
further development of what is valuable in our society than the highly
centralized nuclear option.35 The lights-going-out argument, as a moral
conflict argument, accordingly fails, because it also is based on a false
dichotomy. Thus both the escape routes, the appeal to moral conflict and
to the appeal to futurity, are closed.
If then we apply the same standards of morality to the future as we
acknowledge for the present - as we have argued we should - the conclusion that the proposal to develop nuclear energy on a large scale is a crime
against the future is inevitable, since both the escape routes are closed.
There are, of course, also many other grounds for ruling it out as morally
unacceptable, for saying that it-is not only a crime against the distant future
but also a crime against the present and immediate future. These other
grounds for moral concern about nuclear energy, as it affects the present
and immediate future, include problems arising from the possibility of
catastrophic releases of radioactive fuel into the environment or of waste
material following an accident such as reactor melt-down, of unscheduled
discharges of radiation into the environment from a plant fault, of proli-

166 R. and V. Routley
feration of nuclear weapons, and of deliberate release or threat of release
of radioactive materials as a measure of terrorism or of extortion. All these
are important issues, of much moral interest. What we want to claim,
however, is that on the basis of its effects on the future alone, the nuclear
option is morally unacceptable.

Appendix
Passmore's Treatment ofRawls,
and What Really Happens on Rawls's Theory
Passmore takes it that Rawls's theory yields an unconstrained position
but, according to Rawls, the theory leads to quite the opposite result;
namely,
persons in different generations [and not merely neighbouring generations] have duties and obligations to one another just as contemporaries do. The present generation cannot do as it pleases but is bound
by the principles that would be chosen in the original position to
define justice between persons at different moments of time.. . . The
derivation of these duties and obligations may seem at first a somewhat far-fetched application of the central doctrine. Nevertheless
these requirements would be acknowledged in the original position
[where the parties do not know to which generation they belong], and
so the conception of justice as fairness covers these matters without
any change in its basic idea. ([5], p. 293; the second insert is drawn
from p. 287)
Through judicious use of the veil of ignorance and the time of entry of
parties to the original contract position, Rawls's contract theory, unlike
simpler explicit contract theories, can yield definite obligations to distant
future people,36 for example, we ought to save at a just rate for future
people.
But, as Rawls remarks (p. 284), 'the question of justice between generations . . . subjects any ethical theory to severe if not impossible tests'. It is
doubtful that Rawls's theory as formulated passes the tests; for the theory
as formulated does not yield the stated conclusion, but a conclusion
inconsistent with the thesis that there are the same obligations to future
people as to contemporaries. Exactly how these obligations arise from the
initial agreement depends critically on the interpretation of the time of

Obligations to the Future 167
entry of the parties into the agreement. Insofar as Rawls insists upon the
present-time-of-entry interpretation (p. 139), he has to introduce supplementary motivational assumptions in order to (try to) secure the desired
bondings between generations, in particular to ensure that the generation
of the original position saves for any later generation, even their immediate successors ([5], p. 140 and p. 292). Rawls falls back on-what is as we
have seen inadequate to the task, since it does not exclude one generation
damaging another remote generation in a way that bypasses mutually
successive generations - 'ties of sentiment between successive generations' (p. 292): to this limited extent Passmore has a point, for such a social
contract on its own (without additional assumptions about the motives of
the parties to the agreement) does not furnish obligations even to our
immediate successors. This is indicative also of the unsatisfactory instability of Rawls's theory under changes, its sensitivity to the way the original
agreement is set up, to the motivation of parties, their time of entry, what
they can know, etc.
To arrive at a more adequate account of obligations to the distant future
under Rawls's theory, let us adopt, to avoid the additional, dubious and
unsatisfactory, motivational assumptions Rawls invokes, one of the alternative - and non -equivalent - time-of-entry interpretations that Rawls lists
(p. 146), that of persons alive at some time in simultaneous agreement. Let
us call this, following Rawls's notation (on p. 140), interpretation 4b (it is
perhaps unnecessary to assume for 4b any more than 4a that all people
need be involved: it may be enough given the equivalencizing effect of the
veil of ignorance that some are, and as with the particular quantifier it is
quite unnecessary to be specific about numbers). Then of course the
parties, since they are, for all they know, of different generations, will
presumably agree on a just savings rate, and also to other just distribution
principles, simply on the basis of Rawlsian rationality, i.e. advancing their
own interests, without additional motivation assumptions. This more
appealing omnitemporal interpretation of time of entry into the agreement,
which gives a superior account of obligation to the future consistent with
Rawls's claim, Rawls in some places puts down as less than best (p. 292)
but in his most detailed account of the original position simply dismisses
(p. 139):
To conceive of the original position [as a gathering of people living at
different times] would be to stretch fantasy too far; the conception
would cease to be a natural guide to intuition.

168 R. and V. Rout ley
This we question: it would be a better guide to intuition than a position
(like 4a) which brings out intuitively wrong results; it is a more satisfactory
guide, for example, to justice between generations than the present-timeof-entry interpretation, which fails conspicuously to allow for the range of
potential persons (all of whom are supposed to qualify on Rawls's account
for just treatment, cf. § 77). Moreover, it stretches fantasy no further than
science fiction or than some earlier contract accounts.36 But it does
require changes in the way the original position is conceived, and it does
generate metaphysical difficulties for orthodox ontological views (though
not to the same extent for the Meinongian view we prefer); for, to consider
the latter, either time travel is possible or the original hypothetical position
is an impossible situation, with people who live at different times assembled at the same time. The difficulties - of such an impossible meeting help to reveal that what Rawls's theory offers is but a colourful representation of obligations in terms of a contract agreed upon at a meeting.
The metaphysical difficulties do not concern merely possible people,
because all those involved are sometime-actual people; nor are there
really serious difficulties generated by the fact that very many of these
people do not exist, i.e. exist now. The more serious difficulties are either
those of time travel, e.g. that future parties relocated into the present may
be able to interfere with their own history, or, if time travel is ruled out
logically or otherwise, that future parties may be advantaged (or disadvantaged) by their knowledge of history and technology, and that accordingly fairness is lost. As there is considerable freedom in how we choose to
(re)arrange the original position, we shall suppose that time travel is
rejected as a means of entering the original position. For much less than
travel is required; some sort of limited communicational network which
filters out, for example, all historical data (and all cultural or species
dependent material) would suffice; and in any case if time travel were not
excluded essentially the present-time-of-entry interpretation would serve,
though fairness would again be put in doubt. The filtered communicational
hook-up by which the omnitemporal position is engineered still has - if
fairness is to be seen to be built into the decision making - to be combined
with a reinterpreted veil of ignorance, so that parties do not know where
they are located temporally any more than they know who they are
characterwise. This implies, among other things, limitations on the parties' knowledge of factual matters, such as available technology and world
and local history; for otherwise parties could work out their location,
temporal or spatial. For example, if some party knew, as Rawls supposes,

Obligations to the Future 169
the general social facts, then he would presumably be aware of the history
of his time and so of where history ends, that is of the date of his
generation, his time (his present), and so be aware of his temporal location. These are already problems for Rawls's so-called 'present-time-ofentry interpretation' - it is, rather, a variable-time-of-entry interpretation
- given that the parties may be, as Rawls occasionally admits (e.g. p. 287),
of any one generation, not necessarily the present: either they really do
have to be ofthepresent time or they cannot be assumed to know as much
as Rawls supposes.37 There is, however, no reason why the veil of ignorance should not be extended so as to avoid this problem; and virtually any
extension that solves the problem for the variable-time-of-entry interpretation should serve, so it seems, for the omnitemporal one. We shall
assume then that the parties know nothing which discloses their respective
locations (i.e. in effect we write in conditions for universalizability of
principles decided upon). There are still gaps between the assumptions of
the omnitemporal position as roughly sketched and the desired conclusion
concerning obligations to the future, but (the matter is beginning to look
non-trivially provable given not widely implausible assumptions and) the
intuitive arguments are as clear as those in [5], indeed they simply restate
arguments to obligations given by Rawls.
Rawls's theory, under interpretation 4b, admits of nice application to
the problems of just distribution of material resources and of nuclear
power. The just distribution, or rate of usage, of material resources38 over
time is an important conservation issue to which Rawls's theory seems to
apply, just as readily, and in a similar fashion, to that in which it applies to
the issue of a just rate of savings. In fact the argument from the original
position for a just rate of saving - whatever its adequacy - can by simply
mimicked to yield an argument for just distribution of resources over
generations. Thus, for example:
persons in the original position are to ask themselves how much they
would be willing to save [i.e. conserve] at each stage of advance on
the assumption that all other generations are to save at the same rate
[conserve resources to the same extent]. . . . In effect, then, they
must choose a just savings principle [resources distribution principle]
that assigns an appropriate rate of accumulation to [degree of resource conservation at] each level of advance. ([5], p. 287; our
bracketed options give the alternative argument)

170 R. and V. Routley
Just as 'they try to piece together a just savings schedule' (p. 289), so they
can try to piece together a just resource distribution policy. Just as a case
for resource conservation can be made out by appeal to the original
position, since it is going to be against the interests of, to the disadvantage
of, later parties to find themselves in a resource depleted situation (thus,
on Rawlsian assumptions, they will bargain hard for a share of resources),
so, interestingly, a case against a rapid programme of nuclear power
development can be devised. The basis of a case against large-scale
nuclear development is implicit in Rawls's contract theory under interpretation 4b, though naturally the theory is not applied in this sort of way
by Rawls. To state the case in its crude but powerful form: people from
later generations in the original position are bound to take it as against their
interests to simply carry the waste can for energy consumed by an earlier
generation. (We have already argued that they will find no convincing
overriding considerations that make it worth their while to carry the waste
can.) Thus not only has Passmore misrepresented the obligations to the
future that Rawls's theory admits; he is also wrong in suggesting (p. 87 and
p. 91) that Rawls's theory cannot justify a policy of resource conservation
which includes reductions in present consumption.
There is, in this connection, an accumulation of errors in Passmore,
some of which spill over to Rawls, which it is worth trying to set out. First,
Passmore claims ([1], p. 86; cf. also p. 90) that 'Rawls does not so much
mention the saving of natural resources'. In fact the 'husbanding of natural
resources' is very briefly considered ([5], p. 271). It is true, however, that
Rawls does not reveal any of the considerable power that his theory,
properly interpreted, has for natural resource conservation, as implying a
just distribution of natural resources over time. Secondly, Passmore attempts ([1], pp. 87 ff.) to represent the calls of conservationists for a
reduction in present resource usage and for a more just distribution as a
call for heroic self-sacrifices; this is part of his more general attempt to
represent every moral constraint with respect to the non-immediate future
as a matter of self-sacrifice. 'Rawls's theory', Passmore says (on p. 87),
'leaves no room for heroic sacrifice', and so, he infers, leaves no room for
conservation. Not only is the conclusion false, but the premiss also:
Rawls's theory allows for supererogation, as Rawls explains ([5], p. 117).
But resource conservation is, like refraining from nuclear development,
not a question of heroic self-sacrifice; it is in part a question of obligations
or duties to the distant future. And Rawls's theory allows not only for
obligations as well as supererogation, but also for natural duties. Rawls's

Obligations to the Future 171
contract, unlike the contracts of what is usually meant by a 'contract
theory', is by no means exhaustive of the moral sphere:
But even this wider [contract] theory fails to embrace all moral
relationships, since it would seem to include only our relations with
other persons and to leave out of account how we are to conduct
ourselves towards,animals and the rest of nature. I do not contend
that the contract notion offers a way to approach these questions
which are certainly of the first importance; and I shall have to put
them aside, (p. 17)
The important class of obligations beyond the scope of the contract theory
surely generates obligations between persons which even the wider contract theory likewise cannot explain. The upshot is that such a contract
account, even if sufficient for the determination of obligations, is not
necessary. To this extent Rawls' s theory is not a full social contract theory
at all. However, Rawls appears to lose sight of the fact that his contract
theory delivers only a sufficient condition when he claims, for example (p.
298), that 'one feature of the contract doctrine is that it places an upper
bound on how much a generation can be asked to save for the welfare of
later generations'. For greater savings may sometimes be required to meet
obligations beyond those that the contract doctrine delivers. In short,
Rawls appears to have slipped into assuming, inconsistently, that his
contract theory is a necessary condition.
Although Rawls's theory caters for justice between generations and
allows the derivation of important obligations to people in the distant
future, the full theory is far from consistent on these matters and there are
significant respects in which Rawls does not take justice to the future
seriously. The most conspicuous symptoms of this are that justice to the
future is reduced to a special case, justice between generations, and that
the only aspect of justice between generations that Rawls actually considers is a just savings rate; there is, for example, no proper examination of
the just distribution of resources among generations, though these resources, Rawls believes, provide the material base of the just institutions that
he wants to see maintained. In fact Rawls strongly recommends a system
of markets as a just means for the allocation of most goods and services,
recognizing their well-known limitations only in the usual perfunctory
fashion ([5], pp. 270 ff.). Yet market systems are limited by a narrow time
horizon, and are quite ill-equipped to allocate resources in a just fashion

172 R. and V. Rout ley
over a time span of several generations. Similarly Rawls's endorsement of
democratic voting procedures as in many cases a just method of determining procedures depends upon the assumptions that everyone with ah
interest is represented. But given his own assumptions about obligations
to the future and in respect of potential persons this is evidently not the
case. Catering in a just fashion for the interests of future people poses
serious problems for any method of decision that depends upon people
being present to represent their own interests.
Some of the more conservative, indeed reactionary, economic assumptions in Rawls emerge with the assumption that all that is required for
justice between generations is a just savings rate, that all we need to pass
on to the future are the things that guarantee appropriate savings such as
capital, factories, and machines. But the transmission of these things is
quite insufficient for justice to the future, and neither necessary nor
sufficient as a foundation for a good life for future generations. What is
required for justice is the transmission in due measure of what is valuable.
Rawls has, however, taken value accumulation as capital accumulation,
thereby importing one of the grossest economic assumptions, that capital
reflects value. But of course the accumulation of capital may conflict with
the preservation of what is valuable. It is for this sort of reason (and thus,
in essence, because of the introduction of supplementary economistic
theses which are not part of the pure contract theory) that Rawls's theory
is a reactionary one from an environmental point of view; on the theory as
presented (i.e. the contract theory plus all the supplementary assumptions) there is no need to preserve such things as wilderness or natural
beauty. The savings doctrine supposes that everything of value for transmission to the future is negotiable in the market or tradeable; but then
transmission of savings can by no means guarantee that some valuable
things, not properly represented in market systems, are not eliminated or
not passed on, thereby making future people worse off. It becomes evident
in this way, too, how culturally-bound Rawls's idea of ensuring justice to
future generations through savings is. It is not just that the idea does not
apply, without a complete overhaul, to non-industrial societies such as
those of hunter-gatherers; it does not apply to genuinely post-industrial
societies either. Consideration of such alternative societies suggests that
whafis required, in place of capital accumulation, is that we pass on what
is necessary for a good life, that we ensure that the basics are fairly
distributed over time and not eroded, e.g. that in the case of the forest
people that the forest is maintained. The narrowness of Rawls's picture,

Obligations to the Future 173
which makes no due allowance for social or cultural diversity (from the
original contractual position on) or for individual diversity arises in part
from his underlying and especially narrow socio-economic assumption as
to what people want:
What men want is meaningful work in free association with others,
these associations regulating their relations to one another within a
framework of just basic institutions. ([5], p. 290)
This may be what many Harvard men want; but as a statement of what
men want it supplies neither sufficient nor even necessary conditions.39

NOTES
1 Thus according to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110; our italics).
There is at present no generally accepted means by which high level waste can be
permanently isolated from the environment and remain safe for very long periods.
. . . Permanent disposal of high-level solid wastes in stable geological formations is
regarded as the most likely solution, but has yet to be demonstrated as feasible. It is
not certain that such methods and disposal sites will entirely prevent radioactive
releases following disturbances caused by natural processes or human activity.
The Fox Report also quoted approvingly ([2], p. 187; our italics) the conclusion of the
British (Flowers) Report [6]:
There should be no commitment to a large programme of nuclear fission power until
it has been demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that a method exist s to ensure the
safe containment of long-lived, highly radioactive waste for the indefinite future.
Although the absence of a satisfactory storage method has been conceded by some
leading proponents of nuclear development, e.g. Weinberg ([3], pp. 32-33), it is now
disputed by others. In particular, the headline for Cohen [15], which reads 'A substantial
body of evidence indicates that the high level radioactive wastes generated by U.S.
nuclear power plants can be stored satisfactorily in deep geological formations', has
suggested to many readers - what it was no doubt intended to suggest- that there is really
no problem about the disposal of radioactive wastes after all. Cohen presents, however,
no new hard evidence, no evidence not already available to the British and Australian
Commissions ([2] and [6]). Moreover the evidence Cohen does outline fails conspicuously
to measure up to the standards rightly required by the Flowers and Fox Reports. Does
Cohen offer a commercial-scale procedure for waste disposal which can be demonstrated
as safe? Far from it:

174 R. and V. Routley
The detailed procedures for handling the high-level wastes are not yet definite, but
present indications are that. . . . (Cohen [1], p. 24; our italics)
Does Cohen 'demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt' the long-term safety of burial of
wastes, deep underground? Again, far from it:
On the face of it such an approach appears to be reasonably safe. . . . (p. 24; our
italics)
Cohen has apparently not realized what is required.
At issue here are not so much scientific or empirical issues as questions of methodology, of standards of evidence required for claims of safety, and above all, of values, since
claims of safety, for example, involve implicit evaluations concerning what counts as an
acceptable risk, an admissible cost, etc. In the headline 'a substantial body of evidence
. . . indicates that. . . wastes . . . can be stored satisfactorily' the key words (italicized)
are evaluative or elastic, and the strategy of Cohen's case is to adopt very low standards
for their application. But in view of what is at stake it is hardly acceptable to do this, to
dress up in this way what are essentially optimistic assurances and untested speculations
about storage, which in any case do little to meet the difficulties and uncertainties that
have been widely pointed out as regards precisely the storage proposals Cohen outlines,
namely human or natural interference or disturbance.
2 See [18], pp. 24-25.
3 On all these points, see [14], esp. p. 141. According to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110):
Parts of the reactor structure will be highly radioactive and their disposal could be
very difficult. There is at present no experience of dismantling a full size reactor.
4 See, in particular, The Union of Concerned Scientists, The Nuclear Fuel Cycle, Friends
of the Earth Energy Paper, San Francisco 1973, p. 47; also [3], p. 32 and [14], p. 149.
5 As the discussion in [14], pp. 153-7, explains.
6 Cf. [17], pp. 35-36, [18] and, for much detail, J. R. Goffman and A. R. Tamplin, Poisoned
Power, Rodale Press, Emmau Pa. 1971.
7 On the pollution and waste disposal record of the infant nuclear industry, see [14] and
[17].
The record of many countries on pollution control, where in many cases available
technologies for reducing or removing pollution are not applied because they are considered too expensive or because they adversely affect the interests of some powerful group,
provides clear historical evidence that the problem of nuclear waste disposal would not
end simply with the devising of a 'safe' technology for disposal, even if one could be
devised which provided a sufficient guarantee of safety and was commercially feasible.
The fact that present economic and political arrangements are overwhelmingly weighted
in favour of the interests and concerns of (some) contemporary humans makes it not
unrealistic to expect the long-term nuclear waste disposal, if it involved any significant
cost at all, when public concern about the issue died down, would be seen to conflict with
the interests of contemporary groups, and that these latter interests would in many cases
be favoured. Nor, as the history of movements such as the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament shows, could generalized public concern in the absence of direct personal
interest, be relied upon to be sustained for long enough to ensure implementation of costly
or troublesome long-term disposal methods - even in those places where public concern
exists and is a politically significant force.
It must be stressed then that the problem is not merely one of disposal technique.
Historical and other evidence points to the conclusion that many of the most important
risks associated with nuclear waste disposal are not of the kind which might be amenable

Obligations to the Future

175

to technical solutions in the laboratory. A realistic assessment of potential costs to the
future from nuclear development cannot overlook these important non-technical risk
factors.
8 Of course the effect on people is not the only factor which has to be taken into consideration in arriving at a moral judgment. Nuclear radiation, unlike most ethical theories, does
not confine its scope to human life. But since the harm nuclear development is likely to
cause to non-human life can hardly improve its case, it suffices if the case against it can be
made out solely in terms of its effects on human life in the conventional way.
9 Proponents of nuclear power often try to give the impression that future people will not
just bear costs from nuclear development but will also be beneficiaries, because nuclear
powerprovides an 'abundant' or even 'unlimited' source of energy; thus Weinberg ([3], p.
34): 'an all but infinite source of relatively cheap and clean energy'. A good example of an
attempt to create the impression that 'abundant' and 'cheap' energy from nuclear fission
will be available to 'our descendants', i.e. all future people, is found in the last paragraph
of Cohen [15]. Such claims are most misleading, since fission power even with the breeder
reactor has only about the same prospective lifetime as coal-produced electricity (a point
that can be derived using data in A. Parker, 'World Energy Resources: A Survey', Energy
Policy, Vol. 3 [1975], pp. 58-66), and it is quite illegitimate to assume that nuclear fusion,
for which there are still major unsolved problems, will have a viable, clean technology by
the time fission runs out, or, for that matter, that it ever will. Thus while some few
generations of the immediate future may obtain some benefits as well as costs, there is a
very substantial chance that tho se of the more distant future will obtain nothing but costs.
10 These feelings, of which Smith's and Hume's sympathy is representative, are but the
feeling echoes of obligation. At most, sympathy explains the feeling of obligation or lack
of it, and this provides little guide as to whether there is an obligation or not - unless one
interprets moral sympathy, the feeling of having a obligation, or being obligated, itself as
a sufficient indication of obligation, in which case moral sympathy is a non-explanatory
correlate in the feelings department of obligation itself and cannot be truly explanatory of
the ground of it; unless, in short, moral sympathy reduces to an emotive rewrite of moral
obligation.
11 Elsewhere in [1] Passmore is especially exercised that our institutions and intellectual
traditions - presumably only the better ones - should be passed on to posterity, and that
we should strive to make the world a better place, if not eventually an ideal one.
12 This is not the only philosophically important issue in environmental ethics on which
Passmore is inconsistent. Consider his: 'over-arching intention: to consider whether the
solution of ecological problems demands a moral or metaphysical revolution' (p. x),
whether the West needs a new ethic and a new metaphysics. Passmore's answer in [1] is
an emphatic No.
Only insofar as Western moralists have [made various erroneous suggestions] can
the West plausibly be said to need a 'new ethic'. What it needs, for the most part, is
not so much a 'new ethic' as adherence to a perfectly familiar ethic.
For the major sources of our ecological disasters - apart from ignorance - are
greed and shortsightedness, which amount to much the same thing. . . There is no
novelty in the view that greed is evil; no need of a new ethic to tell us as much. (p. 187)
'The view that the West now needs. . . a new concept of nature' is similarly dismissed (p.
186, cf. p. 72). But in his paper [1*] (i.e. 'Attitudes to Nature', Royal Institute of
Philosophy Lectures, Vol. 8, Macmillan, London 1975), which is said to be an attempt to
bring together and to reformulate some of the basic philosophical themes of [1], Passmore's answer is Yes, and quite different themes, inconsistent with those of [1], are
advanced:

176 R. and V. Routley
[T]he general conditions I have laid down . . . have not been satisfied in most of the
traditional philosophies of nature. To that degree it is true, I think, that we do need a
'new metaphysics' which is genuinely not anthropocentric. . . . A 'new metaphysics', if it is not to falsify the facts, will have to be naturalistic, but not reductionist.
The working out of such a metaphysics is, in my judgement, the most important task
which lies ahead of philosophy. ([1*], pp. 260-1)
A new ethic accompanies this new metaphysics.
The emergence of new moral attitudes to nature is bound up, then, with the emergence of a more realistic philosophy of nature. That is the only adequate foundation
for effective ecological concern. ([1*], p. 264)
This is a far cry from the theme of [1] that ecological problems can be solved within the
traditions of the West.
13 Put differently, the causal linkage can bypass intermediate generations, especially given
action at a temporal distance: the chain account implies that there are no moral constraints in initiating such causal linkages. The chain picture accordingly seems to presuppose an unsatisfactory Humean model of causation, demanding contiguity and excluding
action at a distance.
14 Golding we shall concede to Passmore, though even here the case is not clearcut. For
Golding writes towards the end of his article ([12], p. 96):
My discussion, until this point, has proceeded on the view that we have obligations
to future generations. But do we? I am not sure that the question can be answered in
the affirmative with any certainty. I shall conclude this note with a very brief
discussion of some of the difficulties.
All of Passmore's material on Golding is drawn from this latter and, as Golding says,
'speculative' discussion.
15 There is no textual citation for Bentham at all for the chapter of [1] concerned, viz. Ch. 4,
'Conservation'.
16 As Passmore himself at first concedes ([1], p. 84):
If, as Bentham tells us, in deciding how to act men ought to take account of the
effects of their actions on every sentient being, they obviously ought to take account
of the pleasure and pains of the as yet unborn.
17 Neither rightness nor probable lightness in the hedonistic senses correspond to these
notions in the ordinary sense; so at least [13] argues, following much anti-utilitarian
literature.
18 On this irrationality different theories agree: the rational procedure, for example according to the minimax rule for decision-making under uncertainty, is to minimize that
outcome which maximizes harm.
19 Discount, or bank, rates in the economists' sense are usually set to follow the market (cf.
P. A. Samuelson, Economics, 7th ed., McGraw-Hill, New York 1967, p. 351). Thus the
rates have little moral relevance.
20 Cf. Rawls [5], p. 287: 'From a moral point of view there are no grounds for discounting
future well-being on the basis of pure time preference.'
21 What the probabilities would be depends on the theory of probability adopted: a Carnapian theory, e.g., would lead back to the unconstrained position.

Obligations to the Future 177
22 A real possibility is one which there is evidence for believing could eventuate. A real
possibility requires producible evidence for its consideration. The contrast is with mere
logical possibility.
23 Thus, to take a simple special case, economists dismiss distant future people from their
assessments of utility, welfare, etc., on the basis of their non-existence; cf. Ng ('the utility
of a non-existent person is zero') and Harsanyi ('only existing people [not even "nonexisting potential individuals"] can have real utility levels since they are the only ones
able to enjoy objects with a positive utility, suffer from objects with a negative utility, and
feel indifferent to objects with zero utility') (see Appendix B of Y. K. Ng, 'Preference,
Welfare, and Social Welfare', paper presented at the Colloquium on Preference, Choice
and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National University, August 1977, pp. 24, 26-27).
Non-existent people have no experiences, no preferences; distant future people do not
exist; therefore distant future people have no utility assignments - so the sorites goes. But
future people at least will have wants, preferences, and so on, and these have to be taken
into account in adequate utility assessments (which should be assessed over afuture time
horizon), no matter how much it may complicate or defeat calculations.
24 There are problems about formulating universalizability satisfactorily, but they hardly
affect the point. The requisite universalizability can in fact be satisfactorily brought out
from the semantical analysis of deontic notions such as obligation, and indeed argued for
on the basis of such an analysis which is universal in form. The lawlikeness requirement,
which can be similarly defended, is essentially that imposed on genuine scientific laws by
logical empiricists (e.g. Carnap and Hempel), that such laws should contain no proper
names or the like, no reference to specific locations or times.
25 Such a principle is explicit both in classical utilitarianism (e.g. Sidgwick [11], p. 414), and
in a range of contract and other theories from Kant and Rousseau toRawls ([5], p. 293).
How the principle is argued for will depend heavily, however, on the underlying theory;
and we do not want to make our use depend heavily on particular ethical theories.
26 See esp. R. Lanoue, NuclearPlants:The MoreTheyBuild, The More You Pay, Centerfor
Study of Responsive Law, Washington DC 1976; also [14], pp. 212 ff.
27 On all these points see R. Grossman and G. Daneker, Guide to Jobs and Energy,
Environmentalists for Full Employment, Washington DC 1977, pp. 1-7, and also the
details supplied in substantiating the interesting case of Commoner [7]. On the absorption
of available capital by the nuclear industry, see as well [18], p. 23. On the employment
issues, see too H. E. Daly in [9], p. 149. A more fundamental challenge to the poverty
argument appears in I. Illich, Energy and Equality, Calder &amp; Boyars, London 1974,
where it is argued that the sort of development nuclear energy represents is exactly the
opposite of what the poor need.
28 For much more detail on the inappropriateness see E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful,
Blond &amp; Briggs, London 1973. As to the capital and other requirements, see [2], p. 48, and
also [7] and [9].
For an illuminating look at the sort of development high-energy technology will tend to
promote in the so-called underdeveloped countries, see the paper of Waiko and other
papers in the Melanesian Environment (ed. by J. H. Winslow), Australian National
University Press, Canberra 1977.
29 This fact is implicitly recognized in [2], p. 56.
30 A useful survey is given in A. Lovins, Energy Strategy: The Road Not Taken, Friends of
the Earth Australia, 1977 (reprinted from Foreign Affairs, October 1976); see also [17],
[6], [7], [14], pp. 233 ff., and Schumacher, op. cit.
31 This is also explained in [2], p. 56.
32 An argument like this is suggested in Passmore [1], Chs. 4 and 7, with respect to the
question of saving resources. In Passmore this argument for the overriding importance
of passing on contemporary culture is underpinned by what appears to be a future-

178 R. and V. Routley
directed ethical version of the Hidden Hand argument of economics - that, by a coincidence which if correct would indeed be fortunate, the best way to take care of the future
(and perhaps even the only way to do so, since do-good intervention is almost certain to
go wrong) is to take proper care of the present and immediate future. The argument has
all the defects of the related Chain Argument discussed above and others.
33 See [14], p. 66, p. 191, and also [7].
34 For such arguments see esp. M. Flood and R. Grove-White, Nuclear Prospects. A
Comment on the Individual, the State and Nuclear Power, Friends of the Earth, Council
for the Protection of Rural England and National Council for Civil Liberties, London
1976.
35 For a recent sketch of one such alternative which is outside the framework of the
conventional option of centralized bureaucratic socialism, see E. Callenbach's novel,
Ecotopia, Banyan Tree Books, Berkeley, California 1975. For the outline of a liberation
socialist alternative see Radical Technology (ed. by G. Boyle and P. Harper), Undercurrents Limited, London 1976, and references therein.
36 Some earlier contract theories also did. Burke's contract (in E. Burke, Reflections on the
Revolution in France, Dent, London 1910, pp. 93-94) 'becomes a partnership not only
between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead and
those who are not yet born'. Thus Burke's contract certainly appears to lead to obligations to distant future generations. Needless to say, there are metaphysical difficulties,
which however Burke never considers, about contracts between parties at widely separated temporal locations.
37 Several of the preceding points we owe to M. W. Jackson.
38 Resources such as soil fertility and petroleum could even be a primary social goods on
Rawls's very hazy general account of these goods ([5], pp. 62, 97): are these 'something a
rational man wants whatever else he wants'? The primary social goods should presumably be those which are necessary for the good and just life -which will however vary with
culture.
39 We have benefited from discussion with Ian Hughes and Frank Muller and useful
comments on the paper from Brian Martin and Derek Browne.

REFERENCES
[1] J. Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature, Duckworth, London 1974.
[2] Ranger Uranium Environmental Inquiry First Report, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1977.
[3] A. M. Weinberg, 'Social Institutions and Nuclear Energy", Science, Vol. 177 (July 1972),
pp. 27-34.
•
[4] R. Routley, 'Exploring Meinong's Jungle II. Existence is Existence Now', Notre Dame
Journal of Formal Logic (to appear).
[5] J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1971.
[6] Nuclear Power and the Environment. Sixth Report of the British Royal Commission on
Environmental Pollution, London 1976.
[7] B. Commoner, The Poverty of Power, Knopf, New York 1976.
[8] G. E. Moore, Principia Ethica, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1903.
[9] B. Commoner, H. Boksenbaum and M. Corr (Eds.), Energy and Human Welfare - A
Critical Analysis, Vol. III, Macmillan, New York 1975.

Obligations to the Future 179
[10] J. Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, Vol. 1, published under the superintendence of J. Bowring, with an intro. by J. H. Burton; William Tait, Edinburgh 1843.
[11] H. Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, Macmillan, London 1962 (reissue).
[12] M. P. Golding, 'Obligations to Future Generations', Monist, Vol. 56 (1972), pp. 85-99.
[13] R. and V. Routley, 'An Expensive Repair Kit for Utilitarianism', presented at the
Colloquium on Preference, Choice and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National
University, August 1977.
[14] R. Nader and J. Abbotts, The Menace of Atomic Energy, Outback Press, Melbourne
1977.
[15] B. L. Cohen, 'The Disposal of Radioactive Wastes from Fission Reactors', Scientific
American, Vol. 236 (June 1977), pp. 22-31.
[16] S. McCracken, 'The Waragainst the Atom' .Commentary (September 1977), pp. 33-47.
[17] A. B. Lovins and J. H. Price, Non-Nuclear Futures: The Case for an Ethical Energy
Strategy, Friends of the Earth International, San Francisco 1975.
[18] A. Roberts, "The Politics of Nuclear Power', Arena, No. 41 (1976), pp. 22-47.

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                    <text>Inquiry, 21, 133-79

Nuclear Energy and Obligations
to the Future
R. and V. Routley
Plumwood Mountain, Braidwood, Australia

The paper considers the morality of nuclear energy development as it concerns
future people, especially the creation of highly toxic nuclear wastes requiring longterm storage. On the basis of an example with many parallel moral features it is
argued that the imposition of such costs and risks on the future is morally unacceptable. The paper goes on to examine in detail possible ways of escaping this
conclusion, especially the escape route of denying that moral obligations of the
appropriate type apply to future people. The bulk of the paper comprises discussion
of this philosophical issue, including many arguments against assigning obligations
to the future drawn both from analyses of obligation and from features of the future
such as uncertainty and indeterminacy. A further escape through appeal to moral
conflict is also considered, and in particular two conflict arguments, the Poverty
and Lights-going-out arguments are briefly discussed. Both these escape routes are
rejected and it is concluded that if the same standards of behaviour are applied to
the future as to the present, nuclear energy development is morally unacceptable.

I. The Bus Example
Suppose we consider a bus, a bus which we hope is to make a very long
journey. This bus, a third world bus, carries both passengers and freight.
The bus sets down and picks up many different passengers in the course of
its long journey and the drivers change many times, but because of the way
the bus line is managed and the poor service on the route it is nearly always
full to overcrowded, with passengers hanging off the back, and as in
Afghanistan, passengers riding on the roof, and chickens and goats in the
freight compartment.
Early in the bus's journey someone consigns on it, to a far distant
destination, a package containing a highly toxic and explosive gas. This is
packaged in a very thin container, which as the consigner well knows is
unlikely to contain the gas for the full distance for which it is consigned,
and certainly will not do so if the bus should encounter any trouble, for
example if there is a breakdown and the interior of the bus becomes very
hot, if the bus should strike a very large bump or pothole of the sort
commonly found on some of the bad roads it has to traverse, or if some
1

�134 R. and V. Routley
passenger should interfere deliberately or inadvertently with the cargo or
perhaps try to steal some of the freight, as also frequently happens. All of
these things, let us suppose, have happened on some of the bus's previous
journeys. If the container should break the resulting disaster would probably kill at least some of the people and animals on the bus, while others
could be maimed or contract serious diseases.
There does not seem much doubt about what most of us would say about
the morality of the consigner's action, and there is certainly no doubt
about what the passengers would say. The consigner's action in putting
the safety of the occupants of the bus at risk is appalling. What could
excuse such an action, what sort of circumstances might justify it, and
what sort of case could the consigner reasonably put up? The consigner
might say that it is by no means certain that the gas will escape; he himself
is an optimist and therefore feels that such unfavourable possible outcomes should be ignored. In any case the bus might have an accident and
the passengers be killed long before the container gets a chance to leak; or
the passengers might change to another bus and leave the lethal parcel
behind.
He might say that it is the responsibility of the passengers and the driver
to ensure that the journey is a smooth one, and that if they fail to do so, the
results are not his fault. He might say that the journey is such a long one
that many of the passengers may have become mere mindless vegetables
or degenerate wretches about whose fate no decent person need concern
himself, or that they might not care about losing their lives or health or
possessions anyway by that time.
Most of these excuses will seem little more than a bad joke, and certainly would not usually be reckoned any sort of justification. The main
argument the consigner of the lethal parcel employs, however, is that his
own pressing needs justify his actions. He has no option but to consign his
potentially lethal parcel, he says, since the firm he owns, and which has
produced the material as a by-product, is in bad financial straits and
cannot afford to produce a better container or to stop the production of the
gas. If the firm goes out of business, the consigner says, his wife will leave
him, and he will lose his family happiness, the comfortable way of life to
which he has become accustomed and sees now as a necessity; his employees will lose their jobs and have to look for others; not only will the
firm's customers be inconvenienced but he, the consigner, will have to
break some business contracts; the inhabitants of the local village through
loss of spending and cancellation of the Multiplier Effect will suffer finan-

�Obligations to the Future 135
cial hardship, and, worst of all, the tiny flow of droplets that the poor of the
village might receive (theoretically at any rate) as a result of the trickling
down of these good things would dry up entirely. In short, some basic and
some perhaps uncomfortable changes will be needed in the village.
Even if the consigner's story were accepted at face value - and it would
be wise to look critically at his story - only someone whose moral sensibilities had been paralysed by the disease of galloping economism could see
such a set of considerations, based on 'needs', comfort, and the goal of
local prosperity, as justifying the consigner's action.
One is not generally entitled to thus simply transfer the risks and costs
arising from one's own life onto other uninvolved parties, to get oneself
out of a hole of one's own making by creating harm or risk of harm to
someone else who has had no share in creating the situation. To create
serious risks and costs, especially risks to life or health for such others,
simply to avoid having to make some changes to a comfortable life style, or
even for a somewhat better reason, is usually thought deserving of moral
condemnation, and sometimes considered a crime; for example, the action
of a company in creating risks to the lives or health of its workers or
customers to prevent itself from going bankrupt. What the consigner says
may be an explanation of his behaviour, but it is not a justification.
The problem raised by nuclear waste disposal is by no means a perfect
analogy to the bus case, since, for example, the passengers on the nuclear
bus cannot get off the bus or easily throw out the lethal package. In many
crucial moral respects, however, the nuclear waste storage problem as it
affects future people, the passengers in the bus we are considering, resembles the consignment of the faultily packaged lethal gas. Not only are
rather similar moral principles involved, but a rather similar set of arguments to the lamentable excuses the consigner presents have been seriously put up to justify nuclear development, the difference being that in the
nuclear case these arguments have been widely accepted. There is also
some parallel in the risks involved; there is no known safe way to package
the highly toxic wastes generated by nuclear plants that will be spread
around the world if large-scale nuclear development goes ahead.1 The
wastes problem will not be a slight one, with each one of the more than
2,000 reactors envisaged by the end of the century, producing on average
annual wastes containing one thousand times the radioactivity of the
Hiroshima bomb.2 The wastes include not merely the spent fuels and their
radioactive by-products, but also everything they contaminate, from fuel
containers to the thousands of widely distributed decommissioned nuclear

�136 R. and V. Routley
reactors which will have to be abandoned, still in a highly radioactive
condition, after the expiry of their expected lifetimes of about thirty years,
and which have been estimated to require perhaps one and a half million
years to reach safe levels of radioactivity.3 The wastes must be kept
suitably isolated from the environment for their entire active lifetime; for
fission products the required storage period averages a thousand years or
so, and for the actinides (transuranic elements) which include plutonium,
there is a half-million to a million-year storage problem.4
Serious problems have arisen with both short-term and proposed longterm methods of storage, even with the comparatively small quantities of
waste that have been produced over the last twenty years.5 With present
known short-term surface methods of storage there is a continued need for
human intervention to keep the material isolated from the environment,
while with proposed longer-term methods such as storage in salt mines or
granite to the risk of human interference there are added the risks of
leakage, e.g. through water seepage, and of disturbance, for example
through climatic change, earth movements, etc. The risks are significant:
no reasonable person with even a limited acquaintance with the history of
human affairs over the last 3,000 years could be confident of safe storage
by methods involving human intervention over the enormous time periods
involved. No one with even a slight knowledge of the geological and
climatic history of the earth over the last million years, a period which has
seen a number of ice ages and great fluctuations in climate for example,
could be confident that the waste material could be safely stored for the
vast periods of time required. Much of this waste is highly toxic; for
example, even a beachball sized quantity of plutonium appropriately
distributed is enough to give every person on the planet lung cancer - so
that a leak of even a small part of this waste material could involve huge
loss of life, widespread disease and genetic damage, and contamination of
immense areas of land.6
Given the enormous costs which could be involved for the future, it is
plainly grossly inadequ'ate'to merely speculate concerning untested, but
possibly or even probably, safe methods for disposal of wastes. Yet none
of the proposed methods has been properly tested, and they may prove to
involve all sorts of unforeseen difficulties and risks when an attempt is
made to put them into practice on a commercial scale. Only a method that
could provide a rigorous guarantee of safety over the storage period, that
placed safety beyond reasonable doubt, would be acceptable. It is difficult
to see how such rigorous guarantees could be given concerning either the

�Obligations to the Future 137
geological or future human factors. But even if an economically viable,
rigorously safe long-term storage method could be devised, there is the
problem of guaranteeing that it would be universally and invariably used.
The assumption that it would be, especially if, as seems likely, such a
method proved expensive economically and politically, seems to presuppose a level of efficiency, perfection, and concern for the future not
previously encountered in human affairs, and certainly not conspicuous in
the nuclear industry.7 Again, unless we assume continuous and faultless
guarding of long-term storage sites through perhaps a million years of
possible future human activity, weapons-grade radioactive material will
be accessible, over much of the million-year storage period, to any party
who is in a position to retrieve it.
Our behaviour in creating this nightmare situation for the future is
certainly no better than that of the consigner in the bus example. Industrialized countries, in order to get out of a mess of their own making essentially the creation of economies dependent on an abundance" of
non-renewable energy in a situation where it is in fact in limited supply opt for a 'solution' which may enable them to avoid the making of uncomfortable changes during the lifetime of those now living, at the expense of
passing heavy burdens on to the inhabitants of the earth at a future time burdens in the shape of costs and risks which, just as in the bus case, may
adversely affect the life and health of future people and their opportunity
to lead a decent life.8
It is sometimes suggested that analogies like the bus example are defective; that morally they are crucially different from the nuclear case, since
future people, unlike the passengers in the bus, will benefit directly from
nuclear development, which will provide an abundance of energy for the
indefinite future. But this is incorrect. Nuclear fission creates wastes
which may remain toxic for a million years, but even with the breeder
reactor it could be an energy source for perhaps only 150 years. It will do
nothing for the energy problems of the people of the distant future whose
lives could be seriously affected by the wastes. Thus perhaps 30,000
generations of future people could be forced to bear significant risks,
without any corresponding benefits, in order to provide for the extravagant energy use of only five generations.
Nor is the risk of direct harm from the escape or misuse of radioactive
materials the only burden the nuclear solution imposes on the future.
Because the energy provided by nuclear fission is merely a stop-gap, it
seems probable that in due course the same problem, that of making a

�138 R. and V. Routley
transition to renewable sources of energy, will have to be faced again by a
future population which will probably, again as a result of our actions, be
very much worse placed to cope with it.9 For they may well have to face
the change to renewable resources in an over-populated world not only
burdened with the legacy of our nuclear wastes, but also in a world in
which, if the nuclear proponents' dream of global industrialization is
realized, more and more of the global population will have become dependent on high energy consumption and associated technology and heavy
resource use, and will have lost or reduced its ability to survive without it.
It will, moreover, probably be a world which is largely depleted of non-renewable resources, and in which such renewable resources as forests and
soils as remain, resources which will have to form a very important part of
the basis of life, are in a run-down condition. Such points tell against the
idea that future people must be, if not direct beneficiaries of nuclear fission
energy, at least indirect beneficiaries.
The 'solution' then is to buy time for contemporary industrial society at
a price which not only creates serious problems for future people but
which reduces their ability to cope with those problems. Just as in the bus
case, contemporary industrial society proposes to get itself out of a hole of
its own making by creating risk of harm, and by transferring costs and
risks, to someone else who has had no part in producing the situation and
who will obtain no clear benefit. It has clear alternatives to this action.
That it does not take them is due essentially to its unwillingness to avoid
changing wasteful patterns of consumption and to its desire to protect the
interests of those who benefit from them.
If we apply to the nuclear situation the same standards of behaviour and
moral principles that we acknowledge (in principle if perhaps often not in
fact) in the contemporary world, it will not be easy to avoid the conclusion
that the situation involves injustice with respect to future people on a
grand scale. It seems to us that there are only two plausible moves that
might enable the avoidance of such a conclusion. First, it might be argued
that the moral principles and obligations which we acknowledge for the
contemporary world and the immediate future do not apply because the
recipients of our nuclear parcel are in the non-immediate future. Secondly,
an attempt might be made to appeal to overriding circumstances; for to
reject the consigner's action in the circumstances outlined is not of course
to say that there are no circumstances in which such an action might
possibly be justifiable, or at least where the case is less clearcut. It is the
same with the nuclear case. Just as in the case of the consigner of the

�Obligations to the Future 139
package there is a need to consider what these justifying circumstances
might be, and whether they apply in the present case. We turn now to the
first of these possible escape routes for the proponent of nuclear development, to the philosophical question of our obligations to the future.

II. Obligations to the Distant Future
The area in which these philosophical problems arise is that of the distant
(i.e. non-immediate) future, that is, the future with which people alive
today will make no direct contact; the immediate future provides comparatively few problems for moral theories. The issues involved, although of
far more than academic interest, have not received any great attention in
recent philosophical literature, despite the fact that the question of obligations to future people presents tests which a number of ethical theories fail
to pass, and also raises a number of questions in political philosophy
concerning the adequacy of accepted institutions which leave out of
account the interests of future people.
Moral philosophers have predictably differed on the issue. But contrary
to the picture painted in a recent, widely read, and influential work
discussing it, Passmore's Man's Responsibility for Nature, a good many
philosophers who have explicitly considered the question have come
down in favour of the same consideration being given to the rights and
interests of future people as to those of contemporary or immediately
future people. Other philosophers have tended to fall into three categories
- those who acknowledge obligations to the future but who do not take
them seriously or who assign them less weight, those who deny, or who
are committed by their general moral position to denying, that there are
moral obligations beyond the immediate future, and those like Passmore
and Golding who come down, with admirable philosophical caution, on
both sides of the issue, but with the weight of the argument favouring the
view underlying prevailing economic and political institutions, that there
are no moral obligations to the future beyond those to the next generation.
• According to the most extreme of these positions against moral obligations to the future, our behaviour with respect to the future is morally
unconstrained; there are no moral restrictions on acting or failing to act
deriving from the effect of our actions on future people. Of those philosophers who say, or whose views imply, that we don't have obligations to
the (non-immediate) future, i.e. those who have opted for the uncon-

�140 R. and V. Routley
strained position, many have based this view on accounts of moral obligation which are built on relations which presuppose some degree of temporal or spatial contiguity. Thus moral obligation is seen as grounded on or as
presupposing various relations which could not hold between people
widely separated in time (or sometimes in space). For example, obligation
is seen as grounded in relations which are proximate or of short duration
and also non-transitive. Among such suggested bases or grounds of moral
obligation, or requirements for moral obligation, which would rule out
obligations to the non-immediate future are these: First, there are those
accounts which require that someone to whom a moral obligation is held
be able to claim his rights or entitlement. People in the distant future will
not be able to claim rights and entitlements as against us, and of course
they can do nothing to enforce any claims they might have for their rights
against us. Secondly, there are those accounts which base moral obligations on social or legal convention, for example a convention which would
require punishment of offenders or at least some kind of social enforcement. But plainly these and other conventions will not hold invariantly
over change in society and amendment of legal conventions and so will not
be invariant over time. Also future people have no way of enforcing their
interests or punishing offenders, and there could be no guarantee that any
contemporary institution would do it for them.
Both the view that moral obligation requires the context of a moral
community and the view that it is contractually based appear to rule out
the distant future as a field of moral obligation, as they not only require a
commonality, or some sort of common basis, which cannot be guaranteed
in the case of the distant future, but also a possibility of interchange or
reciprocity of action which cannot apply to the future. Where the basis of
moral obligation is seen as mutual exchange, the interests of future people
must be set aside because they cannot change the past and cannot be
parties to any mutual contract. The exclusion of moral obligations to the
distant future also follows from those views which attempt to ground
moral obligations in non-transitive relations of short duration such as
sympathy and love. There are some difficulties also about love and sympathy for (non-existent) people in the far distant future about whose
personal qualities and characteristics one must know very little and who
may well be committed to a life-style for which one has no sympathy. On
the current showing in the case of nuclear energy it would be easy to
conclude that contemporary society lacks both love and sympathy for
future people; and it would appear to follow from this that contemporary

�Obligations to the Future 141
people have no obligations to future people and can harm them as it suits
them.
What all these views have in common is a naturalistic picture of obligation as something acquired, either individually or institutionally, something which is conditional on doing something or failing to do something
(e.g. participating in the moral community, contracting), or having some
characteristic one can fail to have (e.g. love, sympathy, empathy).10
Because obligation therefore becomes conditional, features usually
thought to characterize it, such as universality of application and necessitation (i.e. the binding features), are lost, especially where there is a choice
of whether or not to do the thing required to acquire the obligation, and so
of whether to acquire it. The criteria for acquisition suggested are such as
to exclude people in the distant future.
However, the view that there are no moral constraints with respect to
future people, that one is free to act as one likes with respect to them, is a
very difficult one to sustain. Consider the example of a scientific group
which, for no particular reason other than to test a particular piece of
technology, places in orbit a cobalt bomb which is to be set off by a
triggering device designed to go off several hundred years from the time of
its despatch. No presently living person and none of their immediate
descendants would be affected, but the population of the earth in the
distant future would be wiped out as a direct and predictable result of the
action. The unconstrained position clearly implies that this is an acceptable moral enterprise, that whatever else we might legitimately criticize in
the scientists' experiment, perhaps its being unduly expensive or badly
designed, we cannot lodge a moral protest about the damage it will do to
future people. The unconstrained position also endorses as morally acceptable the following sorts of examples: A firm discovers it can make a
handsome profit from mining, processing, and manufacturing a new type
of material which, although it causes no problems for present people or
their immediate descendants, will over a period of hundreds of years
decay into a substance which will cause an enormous epidemic of cancer
among the inhabitants of the earth at that time. According to the unconstrained view the firm is free to act in its own interests, without any
consideration for the harm it does to future people.
Such counterexamples to the unconstrained view might seem childishly
obvious. Yet the unconstrained position concerning the future from which
they follow is far from being a straw man; not only have a number of
philosophers writing on the issue endorsed this position, but it is the clear

�142 R. and V. Routley
implication of many currently popular views of the basis of moral obligation, as well as of economic theory. It does not appear, on the other hand,
that those who opt for the unconstrained position have considered such
examples and endorsed them as morally acceptable, despite their being
clearly implied by their position. We suspect that when it is brought out
that the unconstrained position admits such counterexamples, that being
free to act implies, among other things being free to inflict pointless harm,
most of those who opted for the unconstrained position would want to
assert that it was not what they intended. What those who have put
forward the unconstrained position seem to have had in mind in denying
moral obligation is rather that future people can look after themselves, that
we are not responsible for their lives. The view that the future can take
care of itself also seems to assume a future causally independent of the
present. But it is not. It is not as if, in cases such as those discussed above
and the nuclear case, the future is simply being left alone to take care of
itself. Present people are influencing it, and in doing so must acquire many
of the same sorts of moral responsibilities as they do in causally affecting
the present and immediate future. The thesis seems thus to assume an
incorrect model of an independent and unrelated future.
Also, to say that we are not responsible for the lives of future people
does not amount to the same as saying that we are free to do as we like with
respect to them, that there are no moral constraints on our action involving
them. In just the same way, the fact that one does not have, or has not
acquired, an obligation to some stranger with whom one has never been
involved - that one has no responsibility for his life - does not imply that
one is free to do what one likes with respect to him, for example to rob him
or to pursue some course of action of advantage to oneself which could
seriously harm him.
These difficulties for the unconstrained position arise in part from the
failure to make an important distinction between, on the one hand, acquired or assumed obligations towards somebody, for which some act of
acquisition or assumption is required as a qualifying condition, and on the
other hand moral constraints, which require, for example, that one should
not act so as to damage or harm someone, and for which no act of
acquisition is required. There is a considerable difference in the level and
kind of responsibility involved. In the first case one must do something or
be something which one can fail to do or be, e.g. have loves, sympathy, be
contracted. In the second case responsibility arises as a result of being a
causal agent aware of the consequences or probable consequences of his

�Obligations to the Future 143
action, and thus does not have to be especially acquired or assumed. Thus
there is no problem about how the latter class, moral constraints, can
apply to the distant future in cases where it may be difficult or impossible
for acquisition or assumption conditions to be satisfied. They apply as a
result of the ability to produce causal effects on the distant future of a
reasonably predictable nature. Thus also moral constraints can apply to
what does not (yet) exist, just as actions can cause results that do not (yet)
exist. While it may be the case that there would need to be an acquired or
assumed obligation in order for it to be claimed that contemporary people
must make special sacrifices of an heroic kind for future people, or even to
help them especially, only moral constraints are needed in order for us to
be constrained from harming them. Thus, to return to the bus example, the
consigner cannot argue in justification of his action that he has never
assumed or acquired responsibility for the passengers, that he does not
know them and therefore has no love or sympathy for them, and that they
are not part of his moral community, in short that he has no special
obligations to help them. All that one needs to argue in respect of both the
bus and the nuclear case is that there are moral constraints against harming, not that there are specially acquired obligations to take responsibility
for the lives of the people involved.
The confusion of moral constraints with acquired obligation, and the
attempt therewith to view all constraints as acquired and to write off
non-acquired constraints, is facilitated through the use of the term 'moral
obligation' in philosophy to indicate any type of deontic constraint, while
in natural language it is used to indicate something which has to be
assumed or acquired. Hence the equation and at least one root of the
unconstrained position, that is of the belief that there are no moral constraints concerning the distant future.
The unconstrained view tends to give way, under the weight of counterexamples, to a more qualified, and sometimes ambivalent position. Passmore's position in [1] is a striking example of the second ambivalent
position. On the one hand Passmore regularly gives the impression of one
championing future people; for example, in the final sentence of [1] he
says, concerning men a century hence:
My sole concern is that we should do nothing which will reduce their
freedom of thought and action, whether by destroying.the natural
world which makes that freedom possible or the social traditions
which permit and encourage it.

�144 R. and V. Routley
Earlier (esp. pp. 84-85) Passmore appears to endorse the principle 'that we
ought not to act so as certainly to harm posterity' and claims (p. 98) that,
even where there are uncertainties, 'these uncertainties do not justify
negligence'. Nevertheless, though obligations concerning non-immediate
posterity are thus admitted, the main thrust of Passmore's argument is
entirely different, being in favour of the unconstrained position according
to which we have no obligations to non-immediate posterity. Thus his
conclusion (p. 91):
So whether we approach the problem of obligations to posterity by
way of Bentham and Sidgwick, Rawls or Golding, we are led to
something like the same conclusion: our obligations are to immediate
posterity, we ought to try to improve the world so that we shall be able
to hand it over to our immediate successors in a better condition, and
that is all.11
Passmore's position is, to all appearances, simply inconsistent. There are
two ways one might try to render it consistent, but neither is readily
available to Passmore. The first is by taking advantage of the distinction
between moral constraints and acquired obligations, but a basis for this
distinction is not evident in Passmore's work and indeed the distinction is
antithetical to the analyses of obligation that Passmore tries to synthesize
with his own analysis in terms of loves. The second, sceptical, route to
consistency is by way of the argument that we shall consider shortly, that
there is always gross uncertainty with respect to the distant future, uncertainty which relieves us in practice of any moral constraints regarding the
distant future. But though Passmore's writing strongly suggests this uncertainty argument (especially his sympathetic discussion of the Premier
of Queensland's argument against conservationists [p. 77]), he also rules it
out with the claim that uncertainties do not justify negligence.12
Many of the accounts of moral obligation that give rise to the unconstrained position are fused in Passmore's work, again not entirely consistently, since the different accounts exploited do not give uniform results.
Thus the primary account of obligation is said to be in terms of loves though the account is never satisfactorily formulated or developed - and it
is suggested that because our loves do not extend into the distant future,
neither do our obligations. This sentimental account of obligation will
obviously lead to different results from utilitarian accounts of obligation,
which however Passmore appeals to in his discussion of wilderness. In yet
other places in [1], furthermore, social contract and moral community

�Obligations to the Future 145
views are appealed to - see, e.g., the treatment of animals, of preservation, and of duties to nature. In the case of obligations to future people,
however, Passmore does try to sketch an argument - what we call the
convergence argument - that all the accounts lead in the end to the
unconstrained position.
As well as the convergence argument, and various uncertainty arguments to be considered later, Passmore appears to endorse several other
arguments in favour of his theme that there are in practice no obligations to
the distant future. In particular, he suggests that such obligations would in
practice be otiose. Everything that needs to be accounted for can be
encompassed through the chain picture of obligation as linking successive
generations, under which each generation has obligations, based on loves,
only to the succeeding generation. We outline three objections to this
chain account. First, it is inadequate to treat constraints concerning the
future as if they applied only between generations, as if there were no
question of constraints on individuals as opposed to whole generations,
since individuals can create causal effects, e.g. harm, on the future in a
way which may create individual responsibility, and which can't necessarily be sheeted home to an entire generation. Secondly, such chains, since
they are non-transitive, cannot yield direct obligations to the distant
future. But for this very reason the chain picture cannot be adequate, as
examples again show. For the picture is unable to explain several of the
cases that have to be dealt with, e.g. the examples already discussed which
show that we can have a direct effect on the distant future without
affecting the next generation, who may not even be able to influence
matters.13 Thirdly, improvements for immediate successors may be
achieved at the expense of disadvantages to people of the more distant
future. Improving the world for immediate successors is quite compatible
with, and may even in some circumstances be most easily achieved by,
ruining it for less immediate successors. Such cases can hardly be written
off as 'never-never land' examples, since many cases of environmental
exploitation might be seen as of just this type, e.g. not just the nuclear case
but also the exhaustion of non-renewable resources and the long-term
depletion of renewable resources such as soils and forests through overcropping. If then such obvious injustices to future people arising from the
favouring or exclusive concern with immediate successors are to be avoided, obligations to the future will have to be seen as in some way fairly
distributed over time, and not merely as accruing to particular generations
in the way the chain picture suggests.

�146 R. and V. Routley
Passmore tries to represent all obligations to the distant future in terms
of heroic self-sacrifice, something which cannot of course be morally
required. But in view of the distinctions between constraints and acquired
obligation and between obligation and supererogation, this is just to misrepresent the position of these obligations. For example, one is no more
engaging in heroic self-sacrifice by not forcing future people into an
unviable life position or by refraining from causing them direct harm, than
one is resorting to heroic self-sacrifice in refraining from beating and
robbing some stranger and leaving him to starve.
Passmore's most sustained argument for the unconstrained position is a
convergence argument, that different analyses of obligations, including
his own, lead to the one conclusion. This style of argument is hardly
convincing when there are well-known accounts of obligation which do
not lead to the intended conclusion, e.g. deontological accounts such as
those of Kant and of modern European schools, and teleological accounts
such as those of Moore (in [8]). But such unfavourable positions are either
rapidly passed over or ignored in Passmore's historical treatment and
narrow selection of historical figures. The style of argument becomes even
less persuasive when it is discovered that the accounts of the main authorities appealed to, Bentham, Sidgwick, and Rawls,14 do not lead, without
serious distortion, to the intended conclusion. Indeed Passmore has twisted the historical and textual evidence to suit his case, as we now try to
indicate.
Consider Bentham first. Passmore's assumption, for which no textual
evidence is cited, ls is that no Benthamite calculation can take account of a
future more extensive than the immediate future (cf. pp. 87-88). The
assumption seems to be based simply on the fact that Bentham remarked
that 'the value of the pleasure or pain to each person to be considered in
any estimate will be greater or less in virtue of the following circumstances'. '3. Its certainty or uncertainty. 4. Its propinquity or remoteness'
([10], p. 16). But this does nothing to show that future persons are discounted: the certainty and propinquity do not concern persons, but the
utilities of the persons concerned. As regards which persons are concerned in any calculation Bentham is quite explicit, detailing how
to take an exact account. . . of the general tendency of any act.. . .5 .
Take an account of the number of persons whose interests appear to
be concerned; and repeat the above process [summation of values of
pleasure and of pain] with respect to each. ([10], p. 16)

�Obligations to the Future 147
It follows that Bentham's calculation takes account of everyone (and, in
his larger scheme, every sentient creature) whose interests appear to be
concerned: if the interests of people in the distant future appear to be
concerned - as they are in conservation issues - they are to be included in
the calculation. And there is independent evidence16 that in Bentham's
view the principle of utility was not temporally restricted: 'that is useful
which, taking all times and all persons into consideration, leaves a balance
of happiness' ([10], pp. 17-18, our italics). Thus the future cut-off that
Passmore has attributed to Bentham is contradicted by Bentham's own
account.
The case of Sidgwick is more complex, because there is isolated oscillation in his application of utilitarianism between use of utility and of
(something like) expected utility (see [11], pp. 381,414): Sidgwick's utilitarianism is, in its general characterization, essentially that of Bentham:
the conduct which . . . is objectively right is that which will produce
the greatest amount of happiness on the whole; that is, taking into
account all those whose happiness is affected by the conduct. ([11], p.
411)
All includes all sentient beings, both existing and to exist, as Sidgwick goes
on to explain (p. 414). In particular, in answer to the question 'How far are
we to consider the interests of posterity when they seem to conflict with
those of existing human beings?' Sidgwick writes ([11], p. 414, our italics):
It seems, however, clear that the time at which a man exists cannot
affect the value of his happiness from a universal point of view; and
that the interests of posterity must concern a Utilitarian as much as
those of his contemporaries, except in so far as the effect of his
actions on posterity - and even the existence of human beings to be
affected - must necessarily be more uncertain.
But Passmore manages, first of all, to give a different sense to what
Sidgwick is saying by adjusting the quotation, by omitting the clause we
have italicized, which equalizes the degree of concern for present and
future persons, and by italicizing the whole except-clause, thereby placing
much greater emphasis than Sidgwick does on uncertainty. For according
to Sidgwick's impartiality principle, 'the mere difference in time is not a

�148 R. and V. Routley
reasonable ground for having more regard to the consciousness of one
-amount than to that of another' ([11], p. 381; see also p. 124). The apparent
tension in Sidgwick's theory as to whether uncertainty should be taken
into account is readily removed by resort to a modern distinction between
values and expected values (i.e. probability weighted values); utilitarian
rightness is defined as before in terms of the net happiness of all concerned
over all time without mention of uncertainty or probabilities, but it is
distinguished from probable rightness (given present information), in the
utilitarian sense,17 which is defined in terms of the expected net happiness
of those concerned, using present probabilities. It is the latter notion, of
probable rightness, that practical reasoning is commonly concerned with
and that decision theory studies; and it is this that Passmore supposes
Sidgwick is using ([1], p. 84). But it is evident that the utilitarian determination of probable rightness, like that of rightness, will sometimes take
into account the distant future - as Sidgwick's discussion of utilitarian
determination of optimum population (immediately following his remark
on uncertainty) does. So how does Passmore contrive to reverse matters,
to have Sidgwick's position lead to his own unconstrained conclusion?
The answer is: By inserting an additional assumption of his own - which
Sidgwick would certainly have rejected - that the uncertainties entitle us
to ignore the distant future. What Passmore has implicitly assumed in his
claim ([1], p. 85) that 'utilitarian principles [such as Sidgwick's] are not
strong enough' 'to justify the kinds of sacrifice some conservationists now
call upon us to make' is his own thesis that 'The uncertainty of harms we
are hoping to prevent would in general entitle us to ignore them.. .'. From
a decision-theory viewpoint this is simply irrational18 unless the probabilities of damage are approaching zero. We will deal with the essentially
sceptical uncertainty arguments on which Passmore's position depends
shortly: here it is enough to observe that Sidgwick's position does not lead
to anything like that which Passmore attributes to him - without uncertainty assumptions which Sidgwick would have rejected (for he thought
that future people'will certainly have pleasure and suffer pain).
We can also begin to gauge from Passmore's treatment of nineteenthcentury utilitarians, such as Bentham and Sidgwick, the extent of the
distortion which underlies his more general historical case for the unconstrained position which, so he claims,
represents accurately enough what, over the last two centuries, men
have seen as their duty to posterity as a whole. . . . ([1], p. 91)

�Obligations to the Future 149
The treatment accorded Rawls in only marginally more satisfactory.
Passmore supposes that Rawls's theory of justice leads directly to the
unconstrained position ([1], p. 87 and p. 91), whereas Rawls claims ([5], p.
293) that we have obligations to future people just as to present ones. But
the situation is more complicated than Rawls's claim would indicate, as we
now try to explain in a summary way (more detail is given in the Appendix). For, in order to justify this claim on his theory (with its present
time-of-entry interpretation), Rawls has to invoke additional and dubious
motivational assumptions; even so the theory which thus results does not
yield the intended conclusion, but a conclusion inconsistent with Rawls's
claim. However, by changing the time-of-entry interpretation to an omnitemporal one, Rawls's claim does result from the theory so amended.
Moreover, the amended theory also yields, by exactly Rawls's argument
for a just saving rate, a resource conservation policy, and also a case
against nuclear development. Accordingly Passmore's other claims regarding Rawls are mistaken, e.g. that the theory cannot justify a policy of
resource conservation. Rawls does not emerge unscathed either. As on
the issue of whether his contract is a necessary condition for obligations,
so on obligations which the contract yields to the distant future, Rawls is
far from consistent. Furthermore, institutions such as qualified market
and voting systems are recommended as just though from a future perspective their results are far from that. Rawls, then, does not take obligations to the future with full seriousness.
In sum, it is not true that the theory of Rawls, any more than the theories
of the historical figures actually discussed by Passmore, unequivocally
supports the unconstrained position.

III. Uncertainty and Indeterminacy Arguments
Although there are grave difficulties for the unconstrained position, qualification leads to a more defensible position. According to the qualified
position we are not entirely unconstrained with respect to the distant
future: there are obligations, but these are not so important as those to the
present, and the interests of distant future people cannot weigh very much
in the scale against those of the present and immediate future. The interests of future people then, except in unusual cases, count for very much
less than the interests of present people. Hence such things as nuclear
development and various exploitative activities which benefit present

�150 R. and V. Routley
people should proceed, even if people of the distant future are disadvantaged by them.
The qualified position appears to be widely held and is implicit in most
modern economic theories, where the position of a decrease in weight of
future costs and benefits (and so of future interests) is obtained by application over time of an (opportunity cost) discount rate. The attempt to
apply economics as a moral theory, something that is becoming increasingly common, can lead then to the qualified position. What is objectionable in such an approach is that economics must operate within the bounds
of moral (deontic) constraints, just as in practice it operates within legal
constraints, and cannot determine what those constraints are. There are,
moreover, alternative economic theories and simply to adopt one which
discounts the future is to beg all the questions at issue. The discounting
move often has the same result as the unconstrained position; if, for
instance, we consider the cancer example and consider costs as payable
compensation, it is evident that, over a sufficiently long period of time,
discounting at current prices would lead to the conclusion that there are no
recoverable damages and so, in economic terms, no constraints. In short,
even certain damage to future people could be written off. One way to
achieve the bias against future people is by the application of discount
rates which are set in accord with the current economic horizons of no
more than about fifteen years,19 and application of such rates would
simply beg the question against the interests and rights of future people.
Where there is certain future damage of a morally forbidden type the
whole method of discounting is simply inapplicable, and its use would
violate moral constraints.20
Another argument for the qualified position, which avoids the objections from cases of certain damage, comes from probability considerations.The distant future, it is argued, is much more uncertain than the
present and immediate future, so that probabilities are consequently lower, perhaps even approaching or coinciding with zero for any hypothesis
concerning the distant future.21 But then if we take account of probabilities in the obvious way, by simply multiplying them against costs and
benefits, it is evident that the interests of future people, except in cases
where there is an unusually high degree of certainty, must count for (very
much) less than those of present and neighbouring people where (much)
higher probabilities obtain. So in the case of conflict between the present
and the future where it is a question of weighing certain benefits to the
people of the present and the immediate future against a much lower

�Obligations to the Future 151
probability of indeterminate costs to an indeterminate number of distant
future people, the issue would normally be decided in favour of the
present, assuming that anything like similar costs and benefits were involved. But of course it can't be assumed that anything like similarly
weighted costs and benefits are involved in the nuclear case, especially if it
is a question of risking poisoning some of the earth for half a million or so
years, with consequent risk of serious harm to thousands of generations of
future people, in order to obtain quite doubtful or trivial benefits for some
present people, in the shape of the opportunity to continue unnecessarily
high energy use. And even if the costs and benefits were comparable or
evenly weighted, such an argument would be defective, since an analogous argument would show that the consigner's action is acceptable
provided the benefit, e.g. the profit he stood to gain from imposing significant risks on other people, was sufficiently large. Such a cost-benefit
approach to moral and decision problems, with or without the probability
frills, is quite inadequate where different parties are concerned, or for
dealing with cases of conflict of interest or moral problems where deontic
constraints are involved, and commonly yields counterintuitive results.
For example, it would follow on such principles that it is permissible for a
firm to injure, or very likely injure, some innocent party provided the firm
stands to make a sufficiently large gain from it. But the costs and benefits
involved are not transferable in any simple or general way from one party
to another. Transfers of this kind, of costs and benefits involving different
parties, commonly raise moral issues - e.g. is x entitled to benefit himself
by imposing costs ony ? - which are not susceptible to a simple cost-benefit approach of the sort adopted by some proponents of nuclear energy,
who attempt to dismiss the costs to future people with the soothing remark
that any development involves costs as well as benefits. The transfer point
is enough to invalidate the comparison, heavily relied on by McCracken
[16] in building a case for the acceptability of the nuclear risk, between
nuclear risks and those from cigarette smoking. In the latter case those
who supposedly benefit from the activity are also, to an overwhelming
extent* those who bear the serious health costs and risks involved. In
contrast the users and supposed beneficiaries of nuclear energy will be
risking not only, or even primarily, their own lives and health, but also
those of others who may be non-beneficiaries and who may be spatially or
temporally removed, and these risks will not be in any direct way related
to a person's extent of use.
The transfer objection is essentially the same as that to the utilitarian's

�152 R. and V. Routley
happiness sums as a way of solving moral conflict between different
parties, and the introduction of probability considerations does not change
the principles involved but merely complicates analyses. One might further object to the probability argument that probabilities involving distant
future situations are not always less than those concerning the immediate
future in the way the argument supposes, and that the outcomes of some
moral problems such as the bus example do not depend on a high level of
probability anyway. In some sorts of cases it is enough, as the bus example
reveals, that a significant risk is created; such cases do not depend critically on high probability assignments.
Uncertainty arguments in various forms are the most common and
important ones used by philosophers and others to argue for the position
that we cannot be expected to take serious account of the effects of our
actions on the distant future. There are two strands to the uncertainty
argument, capable of separation, but frequently entangled. Both arguments are mistaken, the first on a priori grounds, the second on a posteriori grounds. The first argument is a generalized uncertainty argument
which runs as follows: In contrast to the exact information we can obtain
about the present, the information we can obtain about the effects of our
actions on the distant future is unreliable, woolly, and highly speculative.
But we cannot base assessments of how we should act on information of
this kind, especially when accurate information is obtainable about the
present which would indicate different action. Therefore we must regretfully ignore the uncertain effects of our actions on the distant future. More
formally and crudely: One only has obligations to the future if these
obligations are based on reliable information; there is no reliable information at present as regards the distant future; therefore one has no obligations to the distant future.
The first argument is essentially a variation on a sceptical argument in
epistemology concerning our knowledge of the future (formally, replace
'obligations' by 'knowledge' in the crude statement of the argument
above). The main ploy is to considerably overestimate and overstate the
degree of certainty available with respect to the present and immediate
future, and the degree of certainty which is required as the basis for moral
consideration both with respect to the present and with respect to the
future. Associated with this is the attempt to suggest a sharp division as
regards certainty between the present and immediate future on the one
hand and the distant future on the other. We shall not find, we suggest, that
there is any such sharp or simple division between the distant future and

�Obligations to the Future 153
the adjacent future and present, at least with respect to those things in the
present which are normally subject to moral constraints. We can and
constantly do act on the basis of such 'unreliable' information as the
sceptic as regards the future conveniently labels 'uncertainty'; for scepticproof certainty is rarely, or never, available with respect to much of the
present and immediate future. In moral situations in the present, action
often takes account of risk and probability, even quite low probabilities. A
good example is again the bus case. We do not need to know for certain
that the container will break and the lethal gas escape. In fact it does not
even have to be probable, in the relevant sense of more probable than not,
in order for us to condemn the consigner's action. It is enough that there is
a significant risk of harm in this sort of case. It does not matter if the
decreased well-being of the consigner is certain and the prospects of the
passengers quite uncertain; the resolution of the problem is still clearly in
favour of the so-called 'speculative' and 'unreliable'. But if we do not
require certainty of action to apply moral constraints in contemporary
affairs, why should we require a much higher standard of certainty in the
future? Why should we require epistemic standards for the future which
the more familiar sphere of moral action concerning the present and
adjacent future does not need to meet? The insistence on certainty as a
necessary condition before moral consideration can be given to the distant
future, then, amounts to an epistemic double standard. But such an
epistemic double standard, proposed in explaining the difference between
the present and the future and to justify ignoring future peoples' interests,
in fact cannot itself provide an explanation of the differences, since it
already presupposes different standards of certainty appropriate to each
class, which difference is in turn in need of justification.
The second uncertainty argument is a practical uncertainty argument,
that whatever our theoretical obligations to the future, we cannot in
practice take the interests of future people into account, because uncertainty about the distant future is so gross that we cannot determine what
the likely consequences of actions upon it will be and therefore, however
good our intentions to the people of the distant future, in practice we have
no choice but to ignore their interests. Uncertainty is gross where certain
incompatible hypotheses are as good as one another and there is no
rational ground for choosing between them. The second uncertainty argument can also be put in this way: If moral principles are, like other
principles, implicational in form, that is of such forms as 'if* has character
h then x is wrong, for every (action) x', then what the argument claims is

�154 R. and V. Routley
that we can never obtain the information about future actions which would
enable us to detach the antecedent of the implication. So even if moral
principles theoretically apply to future people, in practice they cannot be
applied to obtain clear conclusions or directions concerning contemporary
action of the 'It is wrong to do x' type.
Many of the assumptions of the second argument have to be conceded.
If the distant future really is so grossly uncertain that in every case it is
impossible to determine in any way that is better than chance what the
effects of present action will be, and whether any given action will help or
hinder future people, then moral principles, although they may apply
theoretically to the future, will not be applicable in practice for obtaining
any clear conclusions about how to act. Hence the distant future will
impose no practical moral constraints on action. However, the argument
is factually incorrect in assuming that the future is always so grossly
uncertain or indeterminate. Admittedly there is often a high degree of
uncertainty concerning the distant future, but as a matter of (contingent)
fact it is not always so gross or sweeping as the argument has to assume.
There are some areas where uncertainty is not so great as to exclude
constraints on action, especially when account is taken of the point,
noticed in connection with the first argument, that complete certainty is
commonly not required for moral constraints and that all that may be
needed in some cases is the creation of"a significant risk. Again there is
considerable uncertainty about many factors which are not highly, or at
all, morally relevant, but this does not extend to many factors which are of
much greater importance to moral issues. For example, we may not have
any idea what the fashions will be in a hundred years in girls' names or
men's footwear, or what brands of ice cream people will be eating if any,
but we do have excellent reason to believe, especially if we consider 3,000
years of history, that what people there are in a hundred years are likely to
have material and psychic needs not entirely unlike our own, that they will
need a healthy biosphere for a good life; that like us they will not be
immune to radiation; that their welfare will not be enhanced by a high
incidence of cancer or genetic defects, by the destruction of resources, or
the elimination from the face of the earth of that wonderful variety of
non-human life which at present makes it such a rich and interesting place.
For this sort of reason, the second uncertainty argument should be rejected. While it is true that there are many areas in which the morally relevant
information needed is uncertain or unavailable, and in which we cannot
therefore determine satisfactorily how to act, there are certainly others in

�Obligations to the Future 155
which uncertainty in morally relevant areas is not so great as to preclude
moral constraints on action, where we ascertain if not absolute certainties
at least probabilities of the same sort of order as are considered sufficient
for the application of moral principles in parallel contemporary cases,
especially where spatially remote people are involved. The case of nuclear
waste storage, and of uncertainty of the effects of it on future people,
seems to be of the latter sort. Here there is no gross indeterminacy or
uncertainty; it is simply not true that incompatible hypotheses about what
may happen are as good as each other. It is plain that nuclear waste storage
does impose significant risks of harm on future people, and, as we can see
from the bus example, the significant risk of harm is enough in cases of this
type to make moral constraints applicable.
In terms of the defects of the preceding uncertainty arguments, we can
see the corresponding defects in a number of widely employed uncertainty
arguments used to write off probable harm to future people as outside the
scope of proper consideration. Most of these popular moves employ both
of the uncertainty arguments as suits the case, switching from one to the
other in a way that is again reminiscent of sceptical moves. For example,
we may be told that we cannot really take account of future people because
we cannot be sure that they will exist or that their tastes and wants will not
be completely different from our own, to the point where they will not
suffer from our exhaustion of resources or from the things that would
affect us (cf. Passmore [1]). But this is to insist upon complete certainty of
a sort beyond what is required for the present and immediate future, where
there is also commonly no guarantee that some disaster will not overtake
those we are morally committed to. Again we may be told that there is no
guarantee that future people will be worthy of any efforts on our part,
because they may be morons or forever plugged into enjoyment- or other
machines (Golding [12]). Even if one is prepared to accept the elitist
approach presupposed - according to which only those who meet certain
properly civilized or intellectual standards are eligible for moral consideration - what we are being handed in such arguments as a serious defeating
consideration is again a mere outside possibility - like the sceptic who says
that the solid-looking desk in front of us is perhaps only a facade, not
because he has any particular reason for doing so, but because he hasn't
looked around the back, drilled holes in it, etc. Neither the contemporary
nor the historical situation gives any positive reason for supposing that a
lapse into universal moronity or universal pleasure-machine escapism is a
serious possibility, as opposed to a logical possibility. We can contrast

�156 R. and V. Routley
with these mere logical possibilities the very real historically supportable
risks of escape of nuclear waste or decline of a civilization through destruction of its resource base.
The possibilities just considered in these uncertainty arguments of
sceptical character are not real possibilities. Another argument which may
consider a real possibility, but still does not succeed in showing that it is
acceptable to proceed with an action which would appear to be harmful to
future people, is often introduced in the nuclear waste case. This is the
argument that future people may discover a rigorously safe and permanent
storage method for nuclear wastes before they are damaged by escaped
waste material. Let us grant for the sake of the argument that this is a real
possibility (though physical arguments may show that it is not). This still
does not affect the fact that there is a significant risk of serious damage and
that the creation of a significant risk is enough to rule out an action of this
type as morally impermissible. In just the same way, future people may
discover a cure for cancer, and the fact that this appears to be a real and not
merely a logical possibility, does not make the action of the firm in the
example discussed above, of producing a substance likely to cause cancer
in future people, morally admissible. The fact that there was a real possibility of future people avoiding the harm would show that actions of these
sorts were admissible only if what was required for inadmissibility was
certainty of harm or a very high probability of it. In such cases, before such
actions could be considered admissible, what would be required is far
more than a possibility, real or not22 - it is at least the availability of an
applicable, safe, and rigorously tested, not merely speculative, technique
for achieving it, something that future people could reasonably be expected to apply to protect themselves.
The strategy of most of these uncertainty arguments is fairly clear then,
and may be brought out by looking yet again at the bus example, where the
consigner says that he cannot be expected to take account of the effect of
his actions on the passengers because they may find an effective way to
deal with his parcel or some lucky or unlucky accident may occur, e.g. the
bus may break down and they may all change to a different bus leaving the
parcel behind, or the bus may crash, killing all the passengers before the
container gets a chance to leak. These are all possibilities, of course, but
there is no positive reason to believe that they are any more than that, that
is they are not real possibilities. The strategy is to stress such outside
possibilities in order to create the false impression that there is gross
uncertainty about the future, that the real possibility that the container will

�Obligations to the Future 157
break should be treated in the same way as these mere logical possibilities,
that uncertainty about the future is so great as to preclude the consigners'
taking account of the passengers' welfare and of the real possibility of
harm from his parcel, and thereby excuse his action. A related strategy is
to stress a real possibility, such as finding a cure for cancer, and thereby
imply that this removes the case for applying moral constraints .This move
implicitly makes the assumptions of the first argument, that certainty, or at
least a very high probability, of harm is required before an action can be
judged morally inadmissible, and the point of stressing the real possibility
of avoidance of damage is to show that this allegedly required high degree
of certainty or probability cannot be attained. That is, the strategy draws
attention to some real uncertainty implying that this is sufficient to defeat
the application of moral constraints. But, as we have seen, this is often not
so.
An argument closely related to the uncertainty arguments is based on
the non-existence and indeterminacy of the future.23 An item is indeterminate in a given respect if its properties in that respect are, as a matter of
logic, not settled (nor are they settlable in a non-arbitrary fashion). The
respects in which future items are indeterminate are well enough known
for a few examples to serve as reminders: all the following are indeterminate: the population of Australia at 2001, its distribution, its age structure,
the preferences of its members for folk music, wilderness, etc., the size
and shape of Wollongong, the average number of rooms in its houses and
in its office blocks, and so on. Philosophical discussion of such indeterminacy is as old as Aristotle's sea battle and as modern as truth-value gaps
and fuzzy logics, and many positions have been adopted on the existence
and determinacy of future items. Nevertheless theories that there are
obligations to the future are not sensitive to the metaphysical position
adopted concerning the existence or non-existence of the future. Any
theory which denied obligations to the future on the metaphysical grounds
that the future did not exist, and did not have properties, so that the
present could not be related to it, would be committed to denying such
obvious facts as that the present could causally influence the future, that
present people could be great-grandparents of purely future people, and so
on, and hence would have to be rejected on independent grounds. This is
not to say that there are not important problems about the existence or
non-existence of future items, problems which are perhaps most straightforwardly handled by a Meinongian position which allows that items
which do not exist may have properties. The non-existence of the future

�158 R. and V. Routley
does raise problems for standard theories which buy the Ontological
Assumption (the thesis that what does not exist does not have properties),
especially given the natural (and correct) inclination to say that the future
does not (now) exist; but such theories can adopt various strategies for
coping with these problems (e.g. the adoption of a platonistic position
according to which the future does now exist, or the allowance for certain
sorts of relations between existents at different times), although the satisfactoriness of these strategies is open to question (cf. [4]). Thus whether or
not the Ontological Assumption is assumed and however it is applied, it
will be allowed that future items will have properties even if they do not
have them now, and that is enough to provide the basis for moral concern
about the future. Thus the thesis of obligations to the future does not
presuppose any special metaphysical position on the existence of the
future.
If the non-existence of future items creates no special problems for
obligations to the future, the same is not true of their indeterminacy.
Whether the indeterminacy of future items is seen as a logical feature of
the future which results from the non-existence of purely future items or
whether one adopts a (mistaken) platonistic view of the future as existing
and sees the indeterminacy as an epistemological one resulting from our
inability to know the character of these entities - that is, we cannot
completely know the future .though it exists and has a definite characterwhichever view we take indeterminacy still creates major difficulties for
certain ethical theories and their treatment of the future.
The difficulties arise for theories which appear to require a high level of
determinacy with respect to the number and character of future items, in
particular calculus-type theories such as utilitarianism in its usual forms,
where the calculations are critically dependent on such information as
numbers, totals, and averages, information which so far as the future is
concerned is generally indeterminate. The fact that this numerical information is typically indeterminate means that insofar as head-count utilitarianism requires determinate information on numbers, it is in a similar
position to theories discussed earlier; it may apply theoretically to future
people, but since the calculations cannot be applied to them their interests
will be left out of account. And, in fact, utilitarianism for the most part
does not, and perhaps cannot, take future creatures and their interests
seriously; there is little discussion as to how the difficulties or impossibility of calculations regarding the open future are to be obtained. Non-platonistic utilitarianism is in logical difficulty on this matter, while platonis-

�Obligations to the Future 159
tic utilitarianism - which faces a range of other objections - is inapplicable
because of epistemic indeterminacy. We have yet another case of a theory
of the sort that applies theoretically but in practice doesn't take the future
seriously. But far from this showing that future people's interests should
be left out of account, what these considerations show are deficiencies in
these sorts of theories, which require excessive determinacy of information. This kind of information is commonly equally unavailable for the
accepted areas of moral constraint, the present and immediate future; and
the resolution of moral issues is often not heavily dependent on knowledge
of such specific determinate features as numbers or other determinate
features. For example, we do not need to know how many people there
will be on the bus, how intelligent they are, what their preferences are or
how badly they will be injured, in order to reach the conclusion that the
consigner's action in despatching his parcel is a bad one. Furthermore, it is
only the ability of moral considerations to continue to apply in the absence
of determinate information about such things as numbers that makes it
possible to take account of the possible effects of action, as the risks
associated with action - something which is quite essential even for the
present if moral considerations are to apply in the normal and accepted
way. For it is essential in order to apply moral considerations in the
accepted way that we consider alternative worlds, in order to take account
of options, risks, and alternative outcomes; but these alternative or counterfactual worlds are not in so different a position from the future with
respect to determinacy; for example, there is indeterminacy with respect
to the number of people who may be harmed in the bus case or in apossible
nuclear reactor melt-down. These alternative worlds, like the distant
future, are indeterminate in some respects, but not totally indeterminate.
It might still be thought that the indeterminacy of the future, for example
with respect to number and exact character, would at least prevent the
interest of future people being taken into account where there is a conflict
with the present. Since their numbers are indeterminate and their interests
unknown, how can we weigh their competing claims against those of the
present and immediate future where this information is available in a more
or less accurate form? The question is raised particularly by problems of
sharing fixed quantities of resources among present and future people,
when the numbers of the latter are indeterminate. Such problems are
indeed difficult, but they are not resolved by ignoring the claims of the
future, any more than the problems raised by the need to take account in
decision-making of factors difficult to quantify are resolved by ignoring

�160 R. and V. Routley
such factors. Nor are such distributional problems as large and representative a class of moral problems concerning the future as the tendency to
focus on them would suggest. It should be conceded then that there will be
cases where the indeterminacy of aspects of the future will make conflicts
very difficult or indeed impossible to resolve - a realistic ethical theory
will not deliver a decision procedure - but there will equally be other
conflict cases where the level of indeterminacy does not hinder resolution
of the issue, e.g. the bus example which is a conflict case of a type. In
particular, there will be many cases which are not solved by weighing
numbers, numbers of interests, or whatever, cases for which one needs to
know only the most general probable characteristics of future people.
Moreover, even where numbers are relevant often only bounds will be
required, exact numerical counts only being required where, for instance,
margins are narrow; e.g. issues may be resolved as in parliament where a
detailed vote (or division) is only required when the issue is close. It is
certainly not necessary then to have complete determinacy to resolve all
cases of conflict.
The question we must ask then is what features of future people could
disqualify them from moral consideration or reduce their claims to it to
below those of present people? The answer is: in principle None. Prima
facie moral principles are universalizable, and lawlike, in that they apply
independently of position in space or in time, for example.24 But universalizability of principles is an outcome of those ethical theories which are
capable of dealing satisfactorily with the present; in other words, a theory
that did not allow properly for the future would be found to have defects as
regards the present, to deal unjustly or unfairly with some present people,
e.g. those remotely located, those outside some select subgroup such as
(white-skinned) humans, etc. The only candidates for characteristics that
would fairly rule out future people are the logical features we have been
looking at, uncertainty and indeterminacy; what we have argued is that it
would be far too sweeping to see these features as affecting the moral
claims of future people in a general way. These special features only affect
certain sorts of cases (e.g. the determination of best probable or practical
course of action given only present information). In particular they do not
affect cases of the sort being considered, the nuclear one, where highly
determinate or certain information about the numbers and characteristics
of the class likely to be harmed or certainty of damage are not required.
To establish obligations to the future a full universalizability principle is
not needed: it is enough to require that the temporal position of a person

�Obligations to the Future 161
cannot affect his entitlement to just and fair treatment, to full moral
consideration;25 inversely that it is without basis to discriminate morally
against a person in virtue of his temporal position. As a result of this
universalizability, there is the same obligation to future people as to the
present; and thus there is the same obligation to take account of them and
their interests in what we do, to be careful in our actions, to take account of
the probability (and not just the certainty) of our actions' causing harm or
damage, and to see, other things being equal, that we do not act so as to rob
future people of what is necessary for the chance of a good life. Uncertainty and indeterminacy do not free us of these obligations. If, in a closely
comparable case concerning the present, the creation of a significant risk
is enough to rule out an action as immoral, and there are no independent
grounds for requiring greater certainty of harm in the future case under
consideration, then futurity alone will not provide adequate grounds for
proceeding with the action, thus discriminating against future people.
Accordingly we cannot escape, through appeal to futurity, the conclusion
tentatively reached in our first section, that proposals for nuclear development in the present state of technology for future waste disposal are
immoral.

IV. Overriding Consideration Arguments
In the first part we noticed that the consigner's action could not be justified
by purely economistic arguments, such as that his profits would rise, the
firm or the village would be more prosperous, or by appealing to the fact
that some possibly uncomfortable changes would otherwise be needed.
We also observed that the principle on which this assessment was based,
that one was not usually entitled to create a serious risk to others for these
sorts of reasons, applied more generally and, in particular, applied to the
nuclear case. For this reason the economistic arguments which are thus
most commonly advanced to promote nuclear development - e.g. cheapness, efficiency, profitability for electricity utilities, and the need otherwise for uncomfortable changes such as restructuring of employment,
investment, and consumption-do not even begin to show that the nuclear
alternative is an acceptable one. Even if these economistic assumptions
about benefits to present people were correct (and there is reason to doubt
that most of them are),26 the arguments would fail because economics
must operate within the framework of moral constraints, and not vice
versa.

�162 R. and V. Routley
What one does have to consider, however, are moral conflict arguments, that is arguments to the effect that, unless the prima facie unacceptable alternative is taken, some even more unacceptable alternative is
the only possible outcome, and will ensue. For example, in the bus case,
the consigner may argue that his action is justified because unless it is
taken the village will starve. It is by no means clear that even such a
justification as this would be sufficient, especially where the risk to the
passengers is high, as the case seems to become one of transfer of costs
and risks onto others; but such a moral situation would no longer be so
clearcut, and one would perhaps hesitate to condemn any action taken in
such circumstances.
Some of the arguments advanced to show moral conflict are based on
competing duties to present people, and others on competing obligations
to future people, both of which are taken to override the obligations not to
impose on the future significant risk of serious harm. The structure of such
moral conflict arguments is based crucially on the presentation of a genuine and exhaustive set of alternatives (or at least practical alternatives),
and upon showing that the only alternatives to admittedly morally undesirable actions are even more undesirable ones. If some practical alternative which is not morally worse than the action to be justified is overlooked, suppressed, or neglected in the argument-for example, if in the bus
case it turns out that the villagers have another option to starving or to the
sending off of the parcel, namely earning a living in some other way - then
the argument is defective and cannot readily be patched. We want to argue
that suppression of practicable alternatives has occurred in the argument,
designed to show that the alternatives to the nuclear option are even worse
than the option itself, and that there are other factual defects in these
arguments as well. In short, the arguments depend essentially on the
presentation of false dichotomies.
The first argument, the poverty argument, is that there is an overriding
obligation to the poor, both the poor of the third world and the poor of
industrialized countries. Failure to develop nuclear energy, it is often
claimed, would amount to denying them the opportunity to reach the
standard of affluence we currently enjoy and would create unemployment
and poverty in the industrialized nations.
The unemployment and poverty argument does not stand up to examination either for the poor of the industrial countries or for those of the third
world. There is good evidence that large-scale nuclear energy will help to
increase unemployment and poverty in the industrial world, through the

�Obligations to the Future 163
diversion of great amounts of available capital into an industry which is not
only an exceptionally poor provider of direct employment, but also helps
to reduce available jobs through encouraging substitution of energy use for
labour use. 27 The argument that nuclear energy is needed for the third
world is even less convincing. Nuclear energy is both politically and
economically inappropriate for the third world, since it requires massive
amounts of capital, requires numbers of imported scientists and engineers,
and creates negligible employment, while politically it increases foreign
dependence, adds to centralized entrenched power and reduces the
chance for change in the oppressive political structures which are a large
part of the problem.28 The fact that nuclear energy is not in the interests of
people of the third world does not, of course, mean that it is not in the
interests of, and wanted by, their rulers, the westernized and often military elites in whose interests the economies of these countries are usually
organized; but it is not paternalistic to examine critically the demands
these ruling elites may make in the name of the poor.
The poverty argument then is a fraud. Nuclear energy will not be used to
help the poor.29 Both for the third world and for the industrialized countries there are well-known energy-conserving alternatives and the practical option of developing other energy sources,30 alternatives which are
morally acceptable and socially preferable to nuclear development, and
which have far better prospects for helping the poor.31
The second major argument advanced to show moral conflict appeals to
a set of supposedly overriding and competing obligations to future people.
We have, it is said, a duty to pass on the immensely valuable things and
institutions which our culture has developed. Unless our high-technological, high-energy industrial society is continued and fostered, our valuable
institutions and traditions will fall into decay or be swept away. The
argument is essentially that without nuclear power, without the continued
level of material wealth it alone is assumed to make possible, the lights of
our civilization will go out.32 .
The lights-going-out argument raises rather sharply questions as to
what is valuable in our society, and of what characteristics are necessary
for a good society. These are questions which deserve much fuller treatment than we can allot them here, but a few brief points should be made.
The argument adopts an extremely uncritical position with respect to
existing high-technology societies, apparently assuming that they are
uniformly and uniquely valuable; it also assumes that technological society is unmodifiable, that it can't be changed in the direction of energy

�164 R. and V. Routley
conservation or alternative energy sources without collapse. Such a society has to be accepted and assessed as a whole, and virtually unlimited
supplies of energy are essential to maintain this whole.
These assumptions are hard to accept. The assumption that technological society's energy patterns are unmodifiable is especially so - after all, it
has survived events such as world wars which have required major social
and technological restructuring and consumption modification. If western
society's demands for energy are totally unmodifiable without collapse,
not only would it be committed to a programme of increasing destruction,
but one might ask what use its culture could be to future people who would
very likely, as a consequence of this destruction, lack the resource base
which the argument assumes to be essential in the case of contemporary
society.
There is also difficulty with the assumption of uniform valuableness; but
if this is rejected the question becomes not: what is necessary to maintain
existing high-technological society and its political institutions? but rather: what is necessary to maintain what is valuable in that society and the
political institutions which are needed to maintain those valuable things?
While it may be easy to argue that high energy consumption is necessary to
maintain the political and economic status quo, it is not so easy to argue
that it is essential to maintain what is valuable, and it is what is valuable,
presumably, that we have a duty to pass on to the future.
The evidence, e.g. from history, is that no very high level of material
affluence or energy consumption is needed to maintain what is valuable.
There is good reason in fact to believe that a society with much lower
energy and resource consumption would better foster what is valuable
than our own. But even if a radical change in these directions is independently desirable, as we believe it is, it is not necessary to presuppose such
a change, in the short term at least, in order to see that the assumptions of
the lights-going-out argument are wrong. No enormous reduction of wellbeing is required to consume less energy than at present, and certainly far
less than the large increase over present levels of consumption which is
assumed in the usual economic case for nuclear energy.33 What the nuclear strategy is really designed to do then is not to prevent the lights going
out in western civilization, but to enable the lights to go on burning all the
time - to maintain and even increase the wattage output of the Energy
Extravaganza.
In fact there is good reason to think that, far from the high energy
consumption society fostering what is valuable, it will, especially if energy

�Obligations to the Future 165
is obtained by nuclear-fission means, be positively inimical to it. A society
which has become heavily dependent upon an extremely high centralized,
controlled, and garrisoned, capital- and expertise-intensive energy
source, must be one which is highly susceptible to entrenchment of power,
and one in which the forces which control this energy source, whether
capitalist or bureaucratic, can exert enormous power over the political
system and over people's lives, even more than they do at present. Very
persuasive arguments have been advanced by civil liberties groups and
others in a number of countries to suggest that such a society would tend to
become authoritarian, if only as an outcome of its response to the threat
posed by dissident groups in the nuclear situation.34
There are reasons to believe then that with nuclear development what
we would be passing on to future generations would be some of the worst
aspects of our society (e.g. the consumerism, growing concentration of
power, destruction of the natural environment, and latent authoritarianism), while certain valuable aspects would be lost or threatened. Political
freedom is a high price to pay for consumerism and energy extravagance.
Again, as in the case of the poverty arguments, clear alternatives which
do not involve such unacceptable consequences are available. The alternative to the high technology-nuclear option is not a return to the cave, the
loss of all that is valuable, but the development of alternative technologies
and life-styles which offer far greater scope for the maintenance and
further development of what is valuable in our society than the highly
centralized nuclear option.35 The lights-going-out argument, as a moral
conflict argument, accordingly fails, because it also is based on a false
dichotomy. Thus both the escape routes, the appeal to moral conflict and
to the appeal to futurity, are closed.
If then we apply the same standards of morality to the future as we
acknowledge for the present - as we have argued we should - the conclusion that the proposal to develop nuclear energy on a large scale is a crime
against the future is inevitable, since both the escape routes are closed.
There are, of course, also many other grounds for ruling it out as morally
unacceptable, for saying that it-is not only a crime against the distant future
but also a crime against the present and immediate future. These other
grounds for moral concern about nuclear energy, as it affects the present
and immediate future, include problems arising from the possibility of
catastrophic releases of radioactive fuel into the environment or of waste
material following an accident such as reactor melt-down, of unscheduled
discharges of radiation into the environment from a plant fault, of proli-

�166 R. and V. Routley
feration of nuclear weapons, and of deliberate release or threat of release
of radioactive materials as a measure of terrorism or of extortion. All these
are important issues, of much moral interest. What we want to claim,
however, is that on the basis of its effects on the future alone, the nuclear
option is morally unacceptable.

Appendix
Passmore's Treatment ofRawls,
and What Really Happens on Rawls's Theory
Passmore takes it that Rawls's theory yields an unconstrained position
but, according to Rawls, the theory leads to quite the opposite result;
namely,
persons in different generations [and not merely neighbouring generations] have duties and obligations to one another just as contemporaries do. The present generation cannot do as it pleases but is bound
by the principles that would be chosen in the original position to
define justice between persons at different moments of time.. . . The
derivation of these duties and obligations may seem at first a somewhat far-fetched application of the central doctrine. Nevertheless
these requirements would be acknowledged in the original position
[where the parties do not know to which generation they belong], and
so the conception of justice as fairness covers these matters without
any change in its basic idea. ([5], p. 293; the second insert is drawn
from p. 287)
Through judicious use of the veil of ignorance and the time of entry of
parties to the original contract position, Rawls's contract theory, unlike
simpler explicit contract theories, can yield definite obligations to distant
future people,36 for example, we ought to save at a just rate for future
people.
But, as Rawls remarks (p. 284), 'the question of justice between generations . . . subjects any ethical theory to severe if not impossible tests'. It is
doubtful that Rawls's theory as formulated passes the tests; for the theory
as formulated does not yield the stated conclusion, but a conclusion
inconsistent with the thesis that there are the same obligations to future
people as to contemporaries. Exactly how these obligations arise from the
initial agreement depends critically on the interpretation of the time of

�Obligations to the Future 167
entry of the parties into the agreement. Insofar as Rawls insists upon the
present-time-of-entry interpretation (p. 139), he has to introduce supplementary motivational assumptions in order to (try to) secure the desired
bondings between generations, in particular to ensure that the generation
of the original position saves for any later generation, even their immediate successors ([5], p. 140 and p. 292). Rawls falls back on-what is as we
have seen inadequate to the task, since it does not exclude one generation
damaging another remote generation in a way that bypasses mutually
successive generations - 'ties of sentiment between successive generations' (p. 292): to this limited extent Passmore has a point, for such a social
contract on its own (without additional assumptions about the motives of
the parties to the agreement) does not furnish obligations even to our
immediate successors. This is indicative also of the unsatisfactory instability of Rawls's theory under changes, its sensitivity to the way the original
agreement is set up, to the motivation of parties, their time of entry, what
they can know, etc.
To arrive at a more adequate account of obligations to the distant future
under Rawls's theory, let us adopt, to avoid the additional, dubious and
unsatisfactory, motivational assumptions Rawls invokes, one of the alternative - and non -equivalent - time-of-entry interpretations that Rawls lists
(p. 146), that of persons alive at some time in simultaneous agreement. Let
us call this, following Rawls's notation (on p. 140), interpretation 4b (it is
perhaps unnecessary to assume for 4b any more than 4a that all people
need be involved: it may be enough given the equivalencizing effect of the
veil of ignorance that some are, and as with the particular quantifier it is
quite unnecessary to be specific about numbers). Then of course the
parties, since they are, for all they know, of different generations, will
presumably agree on a just savings rate, and also to other just distribution
principles, simply on the basis of Rawlsian rationality, i.e. advancing their
own interests, without additional motivation assumptions. This more
appealing omnitemporal interpretation of time of entry into the agreement,
which gives a superior account of obligation to the future consistent with
Rawls's claim, Rawls in some places puts down as less than best (p. 292)
but in his most detailed account of the original position simply dismisses
(p. 139):
To conceive of the original position [as a gathering of people living at
different times] would be to stretch fantasy too far; the conception
would cease to be a natural guide to intuition.

�168 R. and V. Rout ley
This we question: it would be a better guide to intuition than a position
(like 4a) which brings out intuitively wrong results; it is a more satisfactory
guide, for example, to justice between generations than the present-timeof-entry interpretation, which fails conspicuously to allow for the range of
potential persons (all of whom are supposed to qualify on Rawls's account
for just treatment, cf. § 77). Moreover, it stretches fantasy no further than
science fiction or than some earlier contract accounts.36 But it does
require changes in the way the original position is conceived, and it does
generate metaphysical difficulties for orthodox ontological views (though
not to the same extent for the Meinongian view we prefer); for, to consider
the latter, either time travel is possible or the original hypothetical position
is an impossible situation, with people who live at different times assembled at the same time. The difficulties - of such an impossible meeting help to reveal that what Rawls's theory offers is but a colourful representation of obligations in terms of a contract agreed upon at a meeting.
The metaphysical difficulties do not concern merely possible people,
because all those involved are sometime-actual people; nor are there
really serious difficulties generated by the fact that very many of these
people do not exist, i.e. exist now. The more serious difficulties are either
those of time travel, e.g. that future parties relocated into the present may
be able to interfere with their own history, or, if time travel is ruled out
logically or otherwise, that future parties may be advantaged (or disadvantaged) by their knowledge of history and technology, and that accordingly fairness is lost. As there is considerable freedom in how we choose to
(re)arrange the original position, we shall suppose that time travel is
rejected as a means of entering the original position. For much less than
travel is required; some sort of limited communicational network which
filters out, for example, all historical data (and all cultural or species
dependent material) would suffice; and in any case if time travel were not
excluded essentially the present-time-of-entry interpretation would serve,
though fairness would again be put in doubt. The filtered communicational
hook-up by which the omnitemporal position is engineered still has - if
fairness is to be seen to be built into the decision making - to be combined
with a reinterpreted veil of ignorance, so that parties do not know where
they are located temporally any more than they know who they are
characterwise. This implies, among other things, limitations on the parties' knowledge of factual matters, such as available technology and world
and local history; for otherwise parties could work out their location,
temporal or spatial. For example, if some party knew, as Rawls supposes,

�Obligations to the Future 169
the general social facts, then he would presumably be aware of the history
of his time and so of where history ends, that is of the date of his
generation, his time (his present), and so be aware of his temporal location. These are already problems for Rawls's so-called 'present-time-ofentry interpretation' - it is, rather, a variable-time-of-entry interpretation
- given that the parties may be, as Rawls occasionally admits (e.g. p. 287),
of any one generation, not necessarily the present: either they really do
have to be ofthepresent time or they cannot be assumed to know as much
as Rawls supposes.37 There is, however, no reason why the veil of ignorance should not be extended so as to avoid this problem; and virtually any
extension that solves the problem for the variable-time-of-entry interpretation should serve, so it seems, for the omnitemporal one. We shall
assume then that the parties know nothing which discloses their respective
locations (i.e. in effect we write in conditions for universalizability of
principles decided upon). There are still gaps between the assumptions of
the omnitemporal position as roughly sketched and the desired conclusion
concerning obligations to the future, but (the matter is beginning to look
non-trivially provable given not widely implausible assumptions and) the
intuitive arguments are as clear as those in [5], indeed they simply restate
arguments to obligations given by Rawls.
Rawls's theory, under interpretation 4b, admits of nice application to
the problems of just distribution of material resources and of nuclear
power. The just distribution, or rate of usage, of material resources38 over
time is an important conservation issue to which Rawls's theory seems to
apply, just as readily, and in a similar fashion, to that in which it applies to
the issue of a just rate of savings. In fact the argument from the original
position for a just rate of saving - whatever its adequacy - can by simply
mimicked to yield an argument for just distribution of resources over
generations. Thus, for example:
persons in the original position are to ask themselves how much they
would be willing to save [i.e. conserve] at each stage of advance on
the assumption that all other generations are to save at the same rate
[conserve resources to the same extent]. . . . In effect, then, they
must choose a just savings principle [resources distribution principle]
that assigns an appropriate rate of accumulation to [degree of resource conservation at] each level of advance. ([5], p. 287; our
bracketed options give the alternative argument)

�170 R. and V. Routley
Just as 'they try to piece together a just savings schedule' (p. 289), so they
can try to piece together a just resource distribution policy. Just as a case
for resource conservation can be made out by appeal to the original
position, since it is going to be against the interests of, to the disadvantage
of, later parties to find themselves in a resource depleted situation (thus,
on Rawlsian assumptions, they will bargain hard for a share of resources),
so, interestingly, a case against a rapid programme of nuclear power
development can be devised. The basis of a case against large-scale
nuclear development is implicit in Rawls's contract theory under interpretation 4b, though naturally the theory is not applied in this sort of way
by Rawls. To state the case in its crude but powerful form: people from
later generations in the original position are bound to take it as against their
interests to simply carry the waste can for energy consumed by an earlier
generation. (We have already argued that they will find no convincing
overriding considerations that make it worth their while to carry the waste
can.) Thus not only has Passmore misrepresented the obligations to the
future that Rawls's theory admits; he is also wrong in suggesting (p. 87 and
p. 91) that Rawls's theory cannot justify a policy of resource conservation
which includes reductions in present consumption.
There is, in this connection, an accumulation of errors in Passmore,
some of which spill over to Rawls, which it is worth trying to set out. First,
Passmore claims ([1], p. 86; cf. also p. 90) that 'Rawls does not so much
mention the saving of natural resources'. In fact the 'husbanding of natural
resources' is very briefly considered ([5], p. 271). It is true, however, that
Rawls does not reveal any of the considerable power that his theory,
properly interpreted, has for natural resource conservation, as implying a
just distribution of natural resources over time. Secondly, Passmore attempts ([1], pp. 87 ff.) to represent the calls of conservationists for a
reduction in present resource usage and for a more just distribution as a
call for heroic self-sacrifices; this is part of his more general attempt to
represent every moral constraint with respect to the non-immediate future
as a matter of self-sacrifice. 'Rawls's theory', Passmore says (on p. 87),
'leaves no room for heroic sacrifice', and so, he infers, leaves no room for
conservation. Not only is the conclusion false, but the premiss also:
Rawls's theory allows for supererogation, as Rawls explains ([5], p. 117).
But resource conservation is, like refraining from nuclear development,
not a question of heroic self-sacrifice; it is in part a question of obligations
or duties to the distant future. And Rawls's theory allows not only for
obligations as well as supererogation, but also for natural duties. Rawls's

�Obligations to the Future 171
contract, unlike the contracts of what is usually meant by a 'contract
theory', is by no means exhaustive of the moral sphere:
But even this wider [contract] theory fails to embrace all moral
relationships, since it would seem to include only our relations with
other persons and to leave out of account how we are to conduct
ourselves towards,animals and the rest of nature. I do not contend
that the contract notion offers a way to approach these questions
which are certainly of the first importance; and I shall have to put
them aside, (p. 17)
The important class of obligations beyond the scope of the contract theory
surely generates obligations between persons which even the wider contract theory likewise cannot explain. The upshot is that such a contract
account, even if sufficient for the determination of obligations, is not
necessary. To this extent Rawls' s theory is not a full social contract theory
at all. However, Rawls appears to lose sight of the fact that his contract
theory delivers only a sufficient condition when he claims, for example (p.
298), that 'one feature of the contract doctrine is that it places an upper
bound on how much a generation can be asked to save for the welfare of
later generations'. For greater savings may sometimes be required to meet
obligations beyond those that the contract doctrine delivers. In short,
Rawls appears to have slipped into assuming, inconsistently, that his
contract theory is a necessary condition.
Although Rawls's theory caters for justice between generations and
allows the derivation of important obligations to people in the distant
future, the full theory is far from consistent on these matters and there are
significant respects in which Rawls does not take justice to the future
seriously. The most conspicuous symptoms of this are that justice to the
future is reduced to a special case, justice between generations, and that
the only aspect of justice between generations that Rawls actually considers is a just savings rate; there is, for example, no proper examination of
the just distribution of resources among generations, though these resources, Rawls believes, provide the material base of the just institutions that
he wants to see maintained. In fact Rawls strongly recommends a system
of markets as a just means for the allocation of most goods and services,
recognizing their well-known limitations only in the usual perfunctory
fashion ([5], pp. 270 ff.). Yet market systems are limited by a narrow time
horizon, and are quite ill-equipped to allocate resources in a just fashion

�172 R. and V. Rout ley
over a time span of several generations. Similarly Rawls's endorsement of
democratic voting procedures as in many cases a just method of determining procedures depends upon the assumptions that everyone with ah
interest is represented. But given his own assumptions about obligations
to the future and in respect of potential persons this is evidently not the
case. Catering in a just fashion for the interests of future people poses
serious problems for any method of decision that depends upon people
being present to represent their own interests.
Some of the more conservative, indeed reactionary, economic assumptions in Rawls emerge with the assumption that all that is required for
justice between generations is a just savings rate, that all we need to pass
on to the future are the things that guarantee appropriate savings such as
capital, factories, and machines. But the transmission of these things is
quite insufficient for justice to the future, and neither necessary nor
sufficient as a foundation for a good life for future generations. What is
required for justice is the transmission in due measure of what is valuable.
Rawls has, however, taken value accumulation as capital accumulation,
thereby importing one of the grossest economic assumptions, that capital
reflects value. But of course the accumulation of capital may conflict with
the preservation of what is valuable. It is for this sort of reason (and thus,
in essence, because of the introduction of supplementary economistic
theses which are not part of the pure contract theory) that Rawls's theory
is a reactionary one from an environmental point of view; on the theory as
presented (i.e. the contract theory plus all the supplementary assumptions) there is no need to preserve such things as wilderness or natural
beauty. The savings doctrine supposes that everything of value for transmission to the future is negotiable in the market or tradeable; but then
transmission of savings can by no means guarantee that some valuable
things, not properly represented in market systems, are not eliminated or
not passed on, thereby making future people worse off. It becomes evident
in this way, too, how culturally-bound Rawls's idea of ensuring justice to
future generations through savings is. It is not just that the idea does not
apply, without a complete overhaul, to non-industrial societies such as
those of hunter-gatherers; it does not apply to genuinely post-industrial
societies either. Consideration of such alternative societies suggests that
whafis required, in place of capital accumulation, is that we pass on what
is necessary for a good life, that we ensure that the basics are fairly
distributed over time and not eroded, e.g. that in the case of the forest
people that the forest is maintained. The narrowness of Rawls's picture,

�Obligations to the Future 173
which makes no due allowance for social or cultural diversity (from the
original contractual position on) or for individual diversity arises in part
from his underlying and especially narrow socio-economic assumption as
to what people want:
What men want is meaningful work in free association with others,
these associations regulating their relations to one another within a
framework of just basic institutions. ([5], p. 290)
This may be what many Harvard men want; but as a statement of what
men want it supplies neither sufficient nor even necessary conditions.39

NOTES
1 Thus according to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110; our italics).
There is at present no generally accepted means by which high level waste can be
permanently isolated from the environment and remain safe for very long periods.
. . . Permanent disposal of high-level solid wastes in stable geological formations is
regarded as the most likely solution, but has yet to be demonstrated as feasible. It is
not certain that such methods and disposal sites will entirely prevent radioactive
releases following disturbances caused by natural processes or human activity.
The Fox Report also quoted approvingly ([2], p. 187; our italics) the conclusion of the
British (Flowers) Report [6]:
There should be no commitment to a large programme of nuclear fission power until
it has been demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that a method exist s to ensure the
safe containment of long-lived, highly radioactive waste for the indefinite future.
Although the absence of a satisfactory storage method has been conceded by some
leading proponents of nuclear development, e.g. Weinberg ([3], pp. 32-33), it is now
disputed by others. In particular, the headline for Cohen [15], which reads 'A substantial
body of evidence indicates that the high level radioactive wastes generated by U.S.
nuclear power plants can be stored satisfactorily in deep geological formations', has
suggested to many readers - what it was no doubt intended to suggest- that there is really
no problem about the disposal of radioactive wastes after all. Cohen presents, however,
no new hard evidence, no evidence not already available to the British and Australian
Commissions ([2] and [6]). Moreover the evidence Cohen does outline fails conspicuously
to measure up to the standards rightly required by the Flowers and Fox Reports. Does
Cohen offer a commercial-scale procedure for waste disposal which can be demonstrated
as safe? Far from it:

�174 R. and V. Routley
The detailed procedures for handling the high-level wastes are not yet definite, but
present indications are that. . . . (Cohen [1], p. 24; our italics)
Does Cohen 'demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt' the long-term safety of burial of
wastes, deep underground? Again, far from it:
On the face of it such an approach appears to be reasonably safe. . . . (p. 24; our
italics)
Cohen has apparently not realized what is required.
At issue here are not so much scientific or empirical issues as questions of methodology, of standards of evidence required for claims of safety, and above all, of values, since
claims of safety, for example, involve implicit evaluations concerning what counts as an
acceptable risk, an admissible cost, etc. In the headline 'a substantial body of evidence
. . . indicates that. . . wastes . . . can be stored satisfactorily' the key words (italicized)
are evaluative or elastic, and the strategy of Cohen's case is to adopt very low standards
for their application. But in view of what is at stake it is hardly acceptable to do this, to
dress up in this way what are essentially optimistic assurances and untested speculations
about storage, which in any case do little to meet the difficulties and uncertainties that
have been widely pointed out as regards precisely the storage proposals Cohen outlines,
namely human or natural interference or disturbance.
2 See [18], pp. 24-25.
3 On all these points, see [14], esp. p. 141. According to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110):
Parts of the reactor structure will be highly radioactive and their disposal could be
very difficult. There is at present no experience of dismantling a full size reactor.
4 See, in particular, The Union of Concerned Scientists, The Nuclear Fuel Cycle, Friends
of the Earth Energy Paper, San Francisco 1973, p. 47; also [3], p. 32 and [14], p. 149.
5 As the discussion in [14], pp. 153-7, explains.
6 Cf. [17], pp. 35-36, [18] and, for much detail, J. R. Goffman and A. R. Tamplin, Poisoned
Power, Rodale Press, Emmau Pa. 1971.
7 On the pollution and waste disposal record of the infant nuclear industry, see [14] and
[17].
The record of many countries on pollution control, where in many cases available
technologies for reducing or removing pollution are not applied because they are considered too expensive or because they adversely affect the interests of some powerful group,
provides clear historical evidence that the problem of nuclear waste disposal would not
end simply with the devising of a 'safe' technology for disposal, even if one could be
devised which provided a sufficient guarantee of safety and was commercially feasible.
The fact that present economic and political arrangements are overwhelmingly weighted
in favour of the interests and concerns of (some) contemporary humans makes it not
unrealistic to expect the long-term nuclear waste disposal, if it involved any significant
cost at all, when public concern about the issue died down, would be seen to conflict with
the interests of contemporary groups, and that these latter interests would in many cases
be favoured. Nor, as the history of movements such as the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament shows, could generalized public concern in the absence of direct personal
interest, be relied upon to be sustained for long enough to ensure implementation of costly
or troublesome long-term disposal methods - even in those places where public concern
exists and is a politically significant force.
It must be stressed then that the problem is not merely one of disposal technique.
Historical and other evidence points to the conclusion that many of the most important
risks associated with nuclear waste disposal are not of the kind which might be amenable

�Obligations to the Future

175

to technical solutions in the laboratory. A realistic assessment of potential costs to the
future from nuclear development cannot overlook these important non-technical risk
factors.
8 Of course the effect on people is not the only factor which has to be taken into consideration in arriving at a moral judgment. Nuclear radiation, unlike most ethical theories, does
not confine its scope to human life. But since the harm nuclear development is likely to
cause to non-human life can hardly improve its case, it suffices if the case against it can be
made out solely in terms of its effects on human life in the conventional way.
9 Proponents of nuclear power often try to give the impression that future people will not
just bear costs from nuclear development but will also be beneficiaries, because nuclear
powerprovides an 'abundant' or even 'unlimited' source of energy; thus Weinberg ([3], p.
34): 'an all but infinite source of relatively cheap and clean energy'. A good example of an
attempt to create the impression that 'abundant' and 'cheap' energy from nuclear fission
will be available to 'our descendants', i.e. all future people, is found in the last paragraph
of Cohen [15]. Such claims are most misleading, since fission power even with the breeder
reactor has only about the same prospective lifetime as coal-produced electricity (a point
that can be derived using data in A. Parker, 'World Energy Resources: A Survey', Energy
Policy, Vol. 3 [1975], pp. 58-66), and it is quite illegitimate to assume that nuclear fusion,
for which there are still major unsolved problems, will have a viable, clean technology by
the time fission runs out, or, for that matter, that it ever will. Thus while some few
generations of the immediate future may obtain some benefits as well as costs, there is a
very substantial chance that tho se of the more distant future will obtain nothing but costs.
10 These feelings, of which Smith's and Hume's sympathy is representative, are but the
feeling echoes of obligation. At most, sympathy explains the feeling of obligation or lack
of it, and this provides little guide as to whether there is an obligation or not - unless one
interprets moral sympathy, the feeling of having a obligation, or being obligated, itself as
a sufficient indication of obligation, in which case moral sympathy is a non-explanatory
correlate in the feelings department of obligation itself and cannot be truly explanatory of
the ground of it; unless, in short, moral sympathy reduces to an emotive rewrite of moral
obligation.
11 Elsewhere in [1] Passmore is especially exercised that our institutions and intellectual
traditions - presumably only the better ones - should be passed on to posterity, and that
we should strive to make the world a better place, if not eventually an ideal one.
12 This is not the only philosophically important issue in environmental ethics on which
Passmore is inconsistent. Consider his: 'over-arching intention: to consider whether the
solution of ecological problems demands a moral or metaphysical revolution' (p. x),
whether the West needs a new ethic and a new metaphysics. Passmore's answer in [1] is
an emphatic No.
Only insofar as Western moralists have [made various erroneous suggestions] can
the West plausibly be said to need a 'new ethic'. What it needs, for the most part, is
not so much a 'new ethic' as adherence to a perfectly familiar ethic.
For the major sources of our ecological disasters - apart from ignorance - are
greed and shortsightedness, which amount to much the same thing. . . There is no
novelty in the view that greed is evil; no need of a new ethic to tell us as much. (p. 187)
'The view that the West now needs. . . a new concept of nature' is similarly dismissed (p.
186, cf. p. 72). But in his paper [1*] (i.e. 'Attitudes to Nature', Royal Institute of
Philosophy Lectures, Vol. 8, Macmillan, London 1975), which is said to be an attempt to
bring together and to reformulate some of the basic philosophical themes of [1], Passmore's answer is Yes, and quite different themes, inconsistent with those of [1], are
advanced:

�176 R. and V. Routley
[T]he general conditions I have laid down . . . have not been satisfied in most of the
traditional philosophies of nature. To that degree it is true, I think, that we do need a
'new metaphysics' which is genuinely not anthropocentric. . . . A 'new metaphysics', if it is not to falsify the facts, will have to be naturalistic, but not reductionist.
The working out of such a metaphysics is, in my judgement, the most important task
which lies ahead of philosophy. ([1*], pp. 260-1)
A new ethic accompanies this new metaphysics.
The emergence of new moral attitudes to nature is bound up, then, with the emergence of a more realistic philosophy of nature. That is the only adequate foundation
for effective ecological concern. ([1*], p. 264)
This is a far cry from the theme of [1] that ecological problems can be solved within the
traditions of the West.
13 Put differently, the causal linkage can bypass intermediate generations, especially given
action at a temporal distance: the chain account implies that there are no moral constraints in initiating such causal linkages. The chain picture accordingly seems to presuppose an unsatisfactory Humean model of causation, demanding contiguity and excluding
action at a distance.
14 Golding we shall concede to Passmore, though even here the case is not clearcut. For
Golding writes towards the end of his article ([12], p. 96):
My discussion, until this point, has proceeded on the view that we have obligations
to future generations. But do we? I am not sure that the question can be answered in
the affirmative with any certainty. I shall conclude this note with a very brief
discussion of some of the difficulties.
All of Passmore's material on Golding is drawn from this latter and, as Golding says,
'speculative' discussion.
15 There is no textual citation for Bentham at all for the chapter of [1] concerned, viz. Ch. 4,
'Conservation'.
16 As Passmore himself at first concedes ([1], p. 84):
If, as Bentham tells us, in deciding how to act men ought to take account of the
effects of their actions on every sentient being, they obviously ought to take account
of the pleasure and pains of the as yet unborn.
17 Neither rightness nor probable lightness in the hedonistic senses correspond to these
notions in the ordinary sense; so at least [13] argues, following much anti-utilitarian
literature.
18 On this irrationality different theories agree: the rational procedure, for example according to the minimax rule for decision-making under uncertainty, is to minimize that
outcome which maximizes harm.
19 Discount, or bank, rates in the economists' sense are usually set to follow the market (cf.
P. A. Samuelson, Economics, 7th ed., McGraw-Hill, New York 1967, p. 351). Thus the
rates have little moral relevance.
20 Cf. Rawls [5], p. 287: 'From a moral point of view there are no grounds for discounting
future well-being on the basis of pure time preference.'
21 What the probabilities would be depends on the theory of probability adopted: a Carnapian theory, e.g., would lead back to the unconstrained position.

�Obligations to the Future 177
22 A real possibility is one which there is evidence for believing could eventuate. A real
possibility requires producible evidence for its consideration. The contrast is with mere
logical possibility.
23 Thus, to take a simple special case, economists dismiss distant future people from their
assessments of utility, welfare, etc., on the basis of their non-existence; cf. Ng ('the utility
of a non-existent person is zero') and Harsanyi ('only existing people [not even "nonexisting potential individuals"] can have real utility levels since they are the only ones
able to enjoy objects with a positive utility, suffer from objects with a negative utility, and
feel indifferent to objects with zero utility') (see Appendix B of Y. K. Ng, 'Preference,
Welfare, and Social Welfare', paper presented at the Colloquium on Preference, Choice
and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National University, August 1977, pp. 24, 26-27).
Non-existent people have no experiences, no preferences; distant future people do not
exist; therefore distant future people have no utility assignments - so the sorites goes. But
future people at least will have wants, preferences, and so on, and these have to be taken
into account in adequate utility assessments (which should be assessed over afuture time
horizon), no matter how much it may complicate or defeat calculations.
24 There are problems about formulating universalizability satisfactorily, but they hardly
affect the point. The requisite universalizability can in fact be satisfactorily brought out
from the semantical analysis of deontic notions such as obligation, and indeed argued for
on the basis of such an analysis which is universal in form. The lawlikeness requirement,
which can be similarly defended, is essentially that imposed on genuine scientific laws by
logical empiricists (e.g. Carnap and Hempel), that such laws should contain no proper
names or the like, no reference to specific locations or times.
25 Such a principle is explicit both in classical utilitarianism (e.g. Sidgwick [11], p. 414), and
in a range of contract and other theories from Kant and Rousseau toRawls ([5], p. 293).
How the principle is argued for will depend heavily, however, on the underlying theory;
and we do not want to make our use depend heavily on particular ethical theories.
26 See esp. R. Lanoue, NuclearPlants:The MoreTheyBuild, The More You Pay, Centerfor
Study of Responsive Law, Washington DC 1976; also [14], pp. 212 ff.
27 On all these points see R. Grossman and G. Daneker, Guide to Jobs and Energy,
Environmentalists for Full Employment, Washington DC 1977, pp. 1-7, and also the
details supplied in substantiating the interesting case of Commoner [7]. On the absorption
of available capital by the nuclear industry, see as well [18], p. 23. On the employment
issues, see too H. E. Daly in [9], p. 149. A more fundamental challenge to the poverty
argument appears in I. Illich, Energy and Equality, Calder &amp; Boyars, London 1974,
where it is argued that the sort of development nuclear energy represents is exactly the
opposite of what the poor need.
28 For much more detail on the inappropriateness see E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful,
Blond &amp; Briggs, London 1973. As to the capital and other requirements, see [2], p. 48, and
also [7] and [9].
For an illuminating look at the sort of development high-energy technology will tend to
promote in the so-called underdeveloped countries, see the paper of Waiko and other
papers in the Melanesian Environment (ed. by J. H. Winslow), Australian National
University Press, Canberra 1977.
29 This fact is implicitly recognized in [2], p. 56.
30 A useful survey is given in A. Lovins, Energy Strategy: The Road Not Taken, Friends of
the Earth Australia, 1977 (reprinted from Foreign Affairs, October 1976); see also [17],
[6], [7], [14], pp. 233 ff., and Schumacher, op. cit.
31 This is also explained in [2], p. 56.
32 An argument like this is suggested in Passmore [1], Chs. 4 and 7, with respect to the
question of saving resources. In Passmore this argument for the overriding importance
of passing on contemporary culture is underpinned by what appears to be a future-

�178 R. and V. Routley
directed ethical version of the Hidden Hand argument of economics - that, by a coincidence which if correct would indeed be fortunate, the best way to take care of the future
(and perhaps even the only way to do so, since do-good intervention is almost certain to
go wrong) is to take proper care of the present and immediate future. The argument has
all the defects of the related Chain Argument discussed above and others.
33 See [14], p. 66, p. 191, and also [7].
34 For such arguments see esp. M. Flood and R. Grove-White, Nuclear Prospects. A
Comment on the Individual, the State and Nuclear Power, Friends of the Earth, Council
for the Protection of Rural England and National Council for Civil Liberties, London
1976.
35 For a recent sketch of one such alternative which is outside the framework of the
conventional option of centralized bureaucratic socialism, see E. Callenbach's novel,
Ecotopia, Banyan Tree Books, Berkeley, California 1975. For the outline of a liberation
socialist alternative see Radical Technology (ed. by G. Boyle and P. Harper), Undercurrents Limited, London 1976, and references therein.
36 Some earlier contract theories also did. Burke's contract (in E. Burke, Reflections on the
Revolution in France, Dent, London 1910, pp. 93-94) 'becomes a partnership not only
between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead and
those who are not yet born'. Thus Burke's contract certainly appears to lead to obligations to distant future generations. Needless to say, there are metaphysical difficulties,
which however Burke never considers, about contracts between parties at widely separated temporal locations.
37 Several of the preceding points we owe to M. W. Jackson.
38 Resources such as soil fertility and petroleum could even be a primary social goods on
Rawls's very hazy general account of these goods ([5], pp. 62, 97): are these 'something a
rational man wants whatever else he wants'? The primary social goods should presumably be those which are necessary for the good and just life -which will however vary with
culture.
39 We have benefited from discussion with Ian Hughes and Frank Muller and useful
comments on the paper from Brian Martin and Derek Browne.

REFERENCES
[1] J. Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature, Duckworth, London 1974.
[2] Ranger Uranium Environmental Inquiry First Report, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1977.
[3] A. M. Weinberg, 'Social Institutions and Nuclear Energy", Science, Vol. 177 (July 1972),
pp. 27-34.
•
[4] R. Routley, 'Exploring Meinong's Jungle II. Existence is Existence Now', Notre Dame
Journal of Formal Logic (to appear).
[5] J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1971.
[6] Nuclear Power and the Environment. Sixth Report of the British Royal Commission on
Environmental Pollution, London 1976.
[7] B. Commoner, The Poverty of Power, Knopf, New York 1976.
[8] G. E. Moore, Principia Ethica, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1903.
[9] B. Commoner, H. Boksenbaum and M. Corr (Eds.), Energy and Human Welfare - A
Critical Analysis, Vol. III, Macmillan, New York 1975.

�Obligations to the Future 179
[10] J. Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, Vol. 1, published under the superintendence of J. Bowring, with an intro. by J. H. Burton; William Tait, Edinburgh 1843.
[11] H. Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, Macmillan, London 1962 (reissue).
[12] M. P. Golding, 'Obligations to Future Generations', Monist, Vol. 56 (1972), pp. 85-99.
[13] R. and V. Routley, 'An Expensive Repair Kit for Utilitarianism', presented at the
Colloquium on Preference, Choice and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National
University, August 1977.
[14] R. Nader and J. Abbotts, The Menace of Atomic Energy, Outback Press, Melbourne
1977.
[15] B. L. Cohen, 'The Disposal of Radioactive Wastes from Fission Reactors', Scientific
American, Vol. 236 (June 1977), pp. 22-31.
[16] S. McCracken, 'The Waragainst the Atom' .Commentary (September 1977), pp. 33-47.
[17] A. B. Lovins and J. H. Price, Non-Nuclear Futures: The Case for an Ethical Energy
Strategy, Friends of the Earth International, San Francisco 1975.
[18] A. Roberts, "The Politics of Nuclear Power', Arena, No. 41 (1976), pp. 22-47.

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              <text>Inquiry, 21, 133-79

Nuclear Energy and Obligations
to the Future
R. and V. Routley
Plumwood Mountain, Braidwood, Australia

The paper considers the morality of nuclear energy development as it concerns
future people, especially the creation of highly toxic nuclear wastes requiring longterm storage. On the basis of an example with many parallel moral features it is
argued that the imposition of such costs and risks on the future is morally unacceptable. The paper goes on to examine in detail possible ways of escaping this
conclusion, especially the escape route of denying that moral obligations of the
appropriate type apply to future people. The bulk of the paper comprises discussion
of this philosophical issue, including many arguments against assigning obligations
to the future drawn both from analyses of obligation and from features of the future
such as uncertainty and indeterminacy. A further escape through appeal to moral
conflict is also considered, and in particular two conflict arguments, the Poverty
and Lights-going-out arguments are briefly discussed. Both these escape routes are
rejected and it is concluded that if the same standards of behaviour are applied to
the future as to the present, nuclear energy development is morally unacceptable.

I. The Bus Example
Suppose we consider a bus, a bus which we hope is to make a very long
journey. This bus, a third world bus, carries both passengers and freight.
The bus sets down and picks up many different passengers in the course of
its long journey and the drivers change many times, but because of the way
the bus line is managed and the poor service on the route it is nearly always
full to overcrowded, with passengers hanging off the back, and as in
Afghanistan, passengers riding on the roof, and chickens and goats in the
freight compartment.
Early in the bus's journey someone consigns on it, to a far distant
destination, a package containing a highly toxic and explosive gas. This is
packaged in a very thin container, which as the consigner well knows is
unlikely to contain the gas for the full distance for which it is consigned,
and certainly will not do so if the bus should encounter any trouble, for
example if there is a breakdown and the interior of the bus becomes very
hot, if the bus should strike a very large bump or pothole of the sort
commonly found on some of the bad roads it has to traverse, or if some
1

134 R. and V. Routley
passenger should interfere deliberately or inadvertently with the cargo or
perhaps try to steal some of the freight, as also frequently happens. All of
these things, let us suppose, have happened on some of the bus's previous
journeys. If the container should break the resulting disaster would probably kill at least some of the people and animals on the bus, while others
could be maimed or contract serious diseases.
There does not seem much doubt about what most of us would say about
the morality of the consigner's action, and there is certainly no doubt
about what the passengers would say. The consigner's action in putting
the safety of the occupants of the bus at risk is appalling. What could
excuse such an action, what sort of circumstances might justify it, and
what sort of case could the consigner reasonably put up? The consigner
might say that it is by no means certain that the gas will escape; he himself
is an optimist and therefore feels that such unfavourable possible outcomes should be ignored. In any case the bus might have an accident and
the passengers be killed long before the container gets a chance to leak; or
the passengers might change to another bus and leave the lethal parcel
behind.
He might say that it is the responsibility of the passengers and the driver
to ensure that the journey is a smooth one, and that if they fail to do so, the
results are not his fault. He might say that the journey is such a long one
that many of the passengers may have become mere mindless vegetables
or degenerate wretches about whose fate no decent person need concern
himself, or that they might not care about losing their lives or health or
possessions anyway by that time.
Most of these excuses will seem little more than a bad joke, and certainly would not usually be reckoned any sort of justification. The main
argument the consigner of the lethal parcel employs, however, is that his
own pressing needs justify his actions. He has no option but to consign his
potentially lethal parcel, he says, since the firm he owns, and which has
produced the material as a by-product, is in bad financial straits and
cannot afford to produce a better container or to stop the production of the
gas. If the firm goes out of business, the consigner says, his wife will leave
him, and he will lose his family happiness, the comfortable way of life to
which he has become accustomed and sees now as a necessity; his employees will lose their jobs and have to look for others; not only will the
firm's customers be inconvenienced but he, the consigner, will have to
break some business contracts; the inhabitants of the local village through
loss of spending and cancellation of the Multiplier Effect will suffer finan-

Obligations to the Future 135
cial hardship, and, worst of all, the tiny flow of droplets that the poor of the
village might receive (theoretically at any rate) as a result of the trickling
down of these good things would dry up entirely. In short, some basic and
some perhaps uncomfortable changes will be needed in the village.
Even if the consigner's story were accepted at face value - and it would
be wise to look critically at his story - only someone whose moral sensibilities had been paralysed by the disease of galloping economism could see
such a set of considerations, based on 'needs', comfort, and the goal of
local prosperity, as justifying the consigner's action.
One is not generally entitled to thus simply transfer the risks and costs
arising from one's own life onto other uninvolved parties, to get oneself
out of a hole of one's own making by creating harm or risk of harm to
someone else who has had no share in creating the situation. To create
serious risks and costs, especially risks to life or health for such others,
simply to avoid having to make some changes to a comfortable life style, or
even for a somewhat better reason, is usually thought deserving of moral
condemnation, and sometimes considered a crime; for example, the action
of a company in creating risks to the lives or health of its workers or
customers to prevent itself from going bankrupt. What the consigner says
may be an explanation of his behaviour, but it is not a justification.
The problem raised by nuclear waste disposal is by no means a perfect
analogy to the bus case, since, for example, the passengers on the nuclear
bus cannot get off the bus or easily throw out the lethal package. In many
crucial moral respects, however, the nuclear waste storage problem as it
affects future people, the passengers in the bus we are considering, resembles the consignment of the faultily packaged lethal gas. Not only are
rather similar moral principles involved, but a rather similar set of arguments to the lamentable excuses the consigner presents have been seriously put up to justify nuclear development, the difference being that in the
nuclear case these arguments have been widely accepted. There is also
some parallel in the risks involved; there is no known safe way to package
the highly toxic wastes generated by nuclear plants that will be spread
around the world if large-scale nuclear development goes ahead.1 The
wastes problem will not be a slight one, with each one of the more than
2,000 reactors envisaged by the end of the century, producing on average
annual wastes containing one thousand times the radioactivity of the
Hiroshima bomb.2 The wastes include not merely the spent fuels and their
radioactive by-products, but also everything they contaminate, from fuel
containers to the thousands of widely distributed decommissioned nuclear

136 R. and V. Routley
reactors which will have to be abandoned, still in a highly radioactive
condition, after the expiry of their expected lifetimes of about thirty years,
and which have been estimated to require perhaps one and a half million
years to reach safe levels of radioactivity.3 The wastes must be kept
suitably isolated from the environment for their entire active lifetime; for
fission products the required storage period averages a thousand years or
so, and for the actinides (transuranic elements) which include plutonium,
there is a half-million to a million-year storage problem.4
Serious problems have arisen with both short-term and proposed longterm methods of storage, even with the comparatively small quantities of
waste that have been produced over the last twenty years.5 With present
known short-term surface methods of storage there is a continued need for
human intervention to keep the material isolated from the environment,
while with proposed longer-term methods such as storage in salt mines or
granite to the risk of human interference there are added the risks of
leakage, e.g. through water seepage, and of disturbance, for example
through climatic change, earth movements, etc. The risks are significant:
no reasonable person with even a limited acquaintance with the history of
human affairs over the last 3,000 years could be confident of safe storage
by methods involving human intervention over the enormous time periods
involved. No one with even a slight knowledge of the geological and
climatic history of the earth over the last million years, a period which has
seen a number of ice ages and great fluctuations in climate for example,
could be confident that the waste material could be safely stored for the
vast periods of time required. Much of this waste is highly toxic; for
example, even a beachball sized quantity of plutonium appropriately
distributed is enough to give every person on the planet lung cancer - so
that a leak of even a small part of this waste material could involve huge
loss of life, widespread disease and genetic damage, and contamination of
immense areas of land.6
Given the enormous costs which could be involved for the future, it is
plainly grossly inadequ'ate'to merely speculate concerning untested, but
possibly or even probably, safe methods for disposal of wastes. Yet none
of the proposed methods has been properly tested, and they may prove to
involve all sorts of unforeseen difficulties and risks when an attempt is
made to put them into practice on a commercial scale. Only a method that
could provide a rigorous guarantee of safety over the storage period, that
placed safety beyond reasonable doubt, would be acceptable. It is difficult
to see how such rigorous guarantees could be given concerning either the

Obligations to the Future 137
geological or future human factors. But even if an economically viable,
rigorously safe long-term storage method could be devised, there is the
problem of guaranteeing that it would be universally and invariably used.
The assumption that it would be, especially if, as seems likely, such a
method proved expensive economically and politically, seems to presuppose a level of efficiency, perfection, and concern for the future not
previously encountered in human affairs, and certainly not conspicuous in
the nuclear industry.7 Again, unless we assume continuous and faultless
guarding of long-term storage sites through perhaps a million years of
possible future human activity, weapons-grade radioactive material will
be accessible, over much of the million-year storage period, to any party
who is in a position to retrieve it.
Our behaviour in creating this nightmare situation for the future is
certainly no better than that of the consigner in the bus example. Industrialized countries, in order to get out of a mess of their own making essentially the creation of economies dependent on an abundance" of
non-renewable energy in a situation where it is in fact in limited supply opt for a 'solution' which may enable them to avoid the making of uncomfortable changes during the lifetime of those now living, at the expense of
passing heavy burdens on to the inhabitants of the earth at a future time burdens in the shape of costs and risks which, just as in the bus case, may
adversely affect the life and health of future people and their opportunity
to lead a decent life.8
It is sometimes suggested that analogies like the bus example are defective; that morally they are crucially different from the nuclear case, since
future people, unlike the passengers in the bus, will benefit directly from
nuclear development, which will provide an abundance of energy for the
indefinite future. But this is incorrect. Nuclear fission creates wastes
which may remain toxic for a million years, but even with the breeder
reactor it could be an energy source for perhaps only 150 years. It will do
nothing for the energy problems of the people of the distant future whose
lives could be seriously affected by the wastes. Thus perhaps 30,000
generations of future people could be forced to bear significant risks,
without any corresponding benefits, in order to provide for the extravagant energy use of only five generations.
Nor is the risk of direct harm from the escape or misuse of radioactive
materials the only burden the nuclear solution imposes on the future.
Because the energy provided by nuclear fission is merely a stop-gap, it
seems probable that in due course the same problem, that of making a

138 R. and V. Routley
transition to renewable sources of energy, will have to be faced again by a
future population which will probably, again as a result of our actions, be
very much worse placed to cope with it.9 For they may well have to face
the change to renewable resources in an over-populated world not only
burdened with the legacy of our nuclear wastes, but also in a world in
which, if the nuclear proponents' dream of global industrialization is
realized, more and more of the global population will have become dependent on high energy consumption and associated technology and heavy
resource use, and will have lost or reduced its ability to survive without it.
It will, moreover, probably be a world which is largely depleted of non-renewable resources, and in which such renewable resources as forests and
soils as remain, resources which will have to form a very important part of
the basis of life, are in a run-down condition. Such points tell against the
idea that future people must be, if not direct beneficiaries of nuclear fission
energy, at least indirect beneficiaries.
The 'solution' then is to buy time for contemporary industrial society at
a price which not only creates serious problems for future people but
which reduces their ability to cope with those problems. Just as in the bus
case, contemporary industrial society proposes to get itself out of a hole of
its own making by creating risk of harm, and by transferring costs and
risks, to someone else who has had no part in producing the situation and
who will obtain no clear benefit. It has clear alternatives to this action.
That it does not take them is due essentially to its unwillingness to avoid
changing wasteful patterns of consumption and to its desire to protect the
interests of those who benefit from them.
If we apply to the nuclear situation the same standards of behaviour and
moral principles that we acknowledge (in principle if perhaps often not in
fact) in the contemporary world, it will not be easy to avoid the conclusion
that the situation involves injustice with respect to future people on a
grand scale. It seems to us that there are only two plausible moves that
might enable the avoidance of such a conclusion. First, it might be argued
that the moral principles and obligations which we acknowledge for the
contemporary world and the immediate future do not apply because the
recipients of our nuclear parcel are in the non-immediate future. Secondly,
an attempt might be made to appeal to overriding circumstances; for to
reject the consigner's action in the circumstances outlined is not of course
to say that there are no circumstances in which such an action might
possibly be justifiable, or at least where the case is less clearcut. It is the
same with the nuclear case. Just as in the case of the consigner of the

Obligations to the Future 139
package there is a need to consider what these justifying circumstances
might be, and whether they apply in the present case. We turn now to the
first of these possible escape routes for the proponent of nuclear development, to the philosophical question of our obligations to the future.

II. Obligations to the Distant Future
The area in which these philosophical problems arise is that of the distant
(i.e. non-immediate) future, that is, the future with which people alive
today will make no direct contact; the immediate future provides comparatively few problems for moral theories. The issues involved, although of
far more than academic interest, have not received any great attention in
recent philosophical literature, despite the fact that the question of obligations to future people presents tests which a number of ethical theories fail
to pass, and also raises a number of questions in political philosophy
concerning the adequacy of accepted institutions which leave out of
account the interests of future people.
Moral philosophers have predictably differed on the issue. But contrary
to the picture painted in a recent, widely read, and influential work
discussing it, Passmore's Man's Responsibility for Nature, a good many
philosophers who have explicitly considered the question have come
down in favour of the same consideration being given to the rights and
interests of future people as to those of contemporary or immediately
future people. Other philosophers have tended to fall into three categories
- those who acknowledge obligations to the future but who do not take
them seriously or who assign them less weight, those who deny, or who
are committed by their general moral position to denying, that there are
moral obligations beyond the immediate future, and those like Passmore
and Golding who come down, with admirable philosophical caution, on
both sides of the issue, but with the weight of the argument favouring the
view underlying prevailing economic and political institutions, that there
are no moral obligations to the future beyond those to the next generation.
• According to the most extreme of these positions against moral obligations to the future, our behaviour with respect to the future is morally
unconstrained; there are no moral restrictions on acting or failing to act
deriving from the effect of our actions on future people. Of those philosophers who say, or whose views imply, that we don't have obligations to
the (non-immediate) future, i.e. those who have opted for the uncon-

140 R. and V. Routley
strained position, many have based this view on accounts of moral obligation which are built on relations which presuppose some degree of temporal or spatial contiguity. Thus moral obligation is seen as grounded on or as
presupposing various relations which could not hold between people
widely separated in time (or sometimes in space). For example, obligation
is seen as grounded in relations which are proximate or of short duration
and also non-transitive. Among such suggested bases or grounds of moral
obligation, or requirements for moral obligation, which would rule out
obligations to the non-immediate future are these: First, there are those
accounts which require that someone to whom a moral obligation is held
be able to claim his rights or entitlement. People in the distant future will
not be able to claim rights and entitlements as against us, and of course
they can do nothing to enforce any claims they might have for their rights
against us. Secondly, there are those accounts which base moral obligations on social or legal convention, for example a convention which would
require punishment of offenders or at least some kind of social enforcement. But plainly these and other conventions will not hold invariantly
over change in society and amendment of legal conventions and so will not
be invariant over time. Also future people have no way of enforcing their
interests or punishing offenders, and there could be no guarantee that any
contemporary institution would do it for them.
Both the view that moral obligation requires the context of a moral
community and the view that it is contractually based appear to rule out
the distant future as a field of moral obligation, as they not only require a
commonality, or some sort of common basis, which cannot be guaranteed
in the case of the distant future, but also a possibility of interchange or
reciprocity of action which cannot apply to the future. Where the basis of
moral obligation is seen as mutual exchange, the interests of future people
must be set aside because they cannot change the past and cannot be
parties to any mutual contract. The exclusion of moral obligations to the
distant future also follows from those views which attempt to ground
moral obligations in non-transitive relations of short duration such as
sympathy and love. There are some difficulties also about love and sympathy for (non-existent) people in the far distant future about whose
personal qualities and characteristics one must know very little and who
may well be committed to a life-style for which one has no sympathy. On
the current showing in the case of nuclear energy it would be easy to
conclude that contemporary society lacks both love and sympathy for
future people; and it would appear to follow from this that contemporary

Obligations to the Future 141
people have no obligations to future people and can harm them as it suits
them.
What all these views have in common is a naturalistic picture of obligation as something acquired, either individually or institutionally, something which is conditional on doing something or failing to do something
(e.g. participating in the moral community, contracting), or having some
characteristic one can fail to have (e.g. love, sympathy, empathy).10
Because obligation therefore becomes conditional, features usually
thought to characterize it, such as universality of application and necessitation (i.e. the binding features), are lost, especially where there is a choice
of whether or not to do the thing required to acquire the obligation, and so
of whether to acquire it. The criteria for acquisition suggested are such as
to exclude people in the distant future.
However, the view that there are no moral constraints with respect to
future people, that one is free to act as one likes with respect to them, is a
very difficult one to sustain. Consider the example of a scientific group
which, for no particular reason other than to test a particular piece of
technology, places in orbit a cobalt bomb which is to be set off by a
triggering device designed to go off several hundred years from the time of
its despatch. No presently living person and none of their immediate
descendants would be affected, but the population of the earth in the
distant future would be wiped out as a direct and predictable result of the
action. The unconstrained position clearly implies that this is an acceptable moral enterprise, that whatever else we might legitimately criticize in
the scientists' experiment, perhaps its being unduly expensive or badly
designed, we cannot lodge a moral protest about the damage it will do to
future people. The unconstrained position also endorses as morally acceptable the following sorts of examples: A firm discovers it can make a
handsome profit from mining, processing, and manufacturing a new type
of material which, although it causes no problems for present people or
their immediate descendants, will over a period of hundreds of years
decay into a substance which will cause an enormous epidemic of cancer
among the inhabitants of the earth at that time. According to the unconstrained view the firm is free to act in its own interests, without any
consideration for the harm it does to future people.
Such counterexamples to the unconstrained view might seem childishly
obvious. Yet the unconstrained position concerning the future from which
they follow is far from being a straw man; not only have a number of
philosophers writing on the issue endorsed this position, but it is the clear

142 R. and V. Routley
implication of many currently popular views of the basis of moral obligation, as well as of economic theory. It does not appear, on the other hand,
that those who opt for the unconstrained position have considered such
examples and endorsed them as morally acceptable, despite their being
clearly implied by their position. We suspect that when it is brought out
that the unconstrained position admits such counterexamples, that being
free to act implies, among other things being free to inflict pointless harm,
most of those who opted for the unconstrained position would want to
assert that it was not what they intended. What those who have put
forward the unconstrained position seem to have had in mind in denying
moral obligation is rather that future people can look after themselves, that
we are not responsible for their lives. The view that the future can take
care of itself also seems to assume a future causally independent of the
present. But it is not. It is not as if, in cases such as those discussed above
and the nuclear case, the future is simply being left alone to take care of
itself. Present people are influencing it, and in doing so must acquire many
of the same sorts of moral responsibilities as they do in causally affecting
the present and immediate future. The thesis seems thus to assume an
incorrect model of an independent and unrelated future.
Also, to say that we are not responsible for the lives of future people
does not amount to the same as saying that we are free to do as we like with
respect to them, that there are no moral constraints on our action involving
them. In just the same way, the fact that one does not have, or has not
acquired, an obligation to some stranger with whom one has never been
involved - that one has no responsibility for his life - does not imply that
one is free to do what one likes with respect to him, for example to rob him
or to pursue some course of action of advantage to oneself which could
seriously harm him.
These difficulties for the unconstrained position arise in part from the
failure to make an important distinction between, on the one hand, acquired or assumed obligations towards somebody, for which some act of
acquisition or assumption is required as a qualifying condition, and on the
other hand moral constraints, which require, for example, that one should
not act so as to damage or harm someone, and for which no act of
acquisition is required. There is a considerable difference in the level and
kind of responsibility involved. In the first case one must do something or
be something which one can fail to do or be, e.g. have loves, sympathy, be
contracted. In the second case responsibility arises as a result of being a
causal agent aware of the consequences or probable consequences of his

Obligations to the Future 143
action, and thus does not have to be especially acquired or assumed. Thus
there is no problem about how the latter class, moral constraints, can
apply to the distant future in cases where it may be difficult or impossible
for acquisition or assumption conditions to be satisfied. They apply as a
result of the ability to produce causal effects on the distant future of a
reasonably predictable nature. Thus also moral constraints can apply to
what does not (yet) exist, just as actions can cause results that do not (yet)
exist. While it may be the case that there would need to be an acquired or
assumed obligation in order for it to be claimed that contemporary people
must make special sacrifices of an heroic kind for future people, or even to
help them especially, only moral constraints are needed in order for us to
be constrained from harming them. Thus, to return to the bus example, the
consigner cannot argue in justification of his action that he has never
assumed or acquired responsibility for the passengers, that he does not
know them and therefore has no love or sympathy for them, and that they
are not part of his moral community, in short that he has no special
obligations to help them. All that one needs to argue in respect of both the
bus and the nuclear case is that there are moral constraints against harming, not that there are specially acquired obligations to take responsibility
for the lives of the people involved.
The confusion of moral constraints with acquired obligation, and the
attempt therewith to view all constraints as acquired and to write off
non-acquired constraints, is facilitated through the use of the term 'moral
obligation' in philosophy to indicate any type of deontic constraint, while
in natural language it is used to indicate something which has to be
assumed or acquired. Hence the equation and at least one root of the
unconstrained position, that is of the belief that there are no moral constraints concerning the distant future.
The unconstrained view tends to give way, under the weight of counterexamples, to a more qualified, and sometimes ambivalent position. Passmore's position in [1] is a striking example of the second ambivalent
position. On the one hand Passmore regularly gives the impression of one
championing future people; for example, in the final sentence of [1] he
says, concerning men a century hence:
My sole concern is that we should do nothing which will reduce their
freedom of thought and action, whether by destroying.the natural
world which makes that freedom possible or the social traditions
which permit and encourage it.

144 R. and V. Routley
Earlier (esp. pp. 84-85) Passmore appears to endorse the principle 'that we
ought not to act so as certainly to harm posterity' and claims (p. 98) that,
even where there are uncertainties, 'these uncertainties do not justify
negligence'. Nevertheless, though obligations concerning non-immediate
posterity are thus admitted, the main thrust of Passmore's argument is
entirely different, being in favour of the unconstrained position according
to which we have no obligations to non-immediate posterity. Thus his
conclusion (p. 91):
So whether we approach the problem of obligations to posterity by
way of Bentham and Sidgwick, Rawls or Golding, we are led to
something like the same conclusion: our obligations are to immediate
posterity, we ought to try to improve the world so that we shall be able
to hand it over to our immediate successors in a better condition, and
that is all.11
Passmore's position is, to all appearances, simply inconsistent. There are
two ways one might try to render it consistent, but neither is readily
available to Passmore. The first is by taking advantage of the distinction
between moral constraints and acquired obligations, but a basis for this
distinction is not evident in Passmore's work and indeed the distinction is
antithetical to the analyses of obligation that Passmore tries to synthesize
with his own analysis in terms of loves. The second, sceptical, route to
consistency is by way of the argument that we shall consider shortly, that
there is always gross uncertainty with respect to the distant future, uncertainty which relieves us in practice of any moral constraints regarding the
distant future. But though Passmore's writing strongly suggests this uncertainty argument (especially his sympathetic discussion of the Premier
of Queensland's argument against conservationists [p. 77]), he also rules it
out with the claim that uncertainties do not justify negligence.12
Many of the accounts of moral obligation that give rise to the unconstrained position are fused in Passmore's work, again not entirely consistently, since the different accounts exploited do not give uniform results.
Thus the primary account of obligation is said to be in terms of loves though the account is never satisfactorily formulated or developed - and it
is suggested that because our loves do not extend into the distant future,
neither do our obligations. This sentimental account of obligation will
obviously lead to different results from utilitarian accounts of obligation,
which however Passmore appeals to in his discussion of wilderness. In yet
other places in [1], furthermore, social contract and moral community

Obligations to the Future 145
views are appealed to - see, e.g., the treatment of animals, of preservation, and of duties to nature. In the case of obligations to future people,
however, Passmore does try to sketch an argument - what we call the
convergence argument - that all the accounts lead in the end to the
unconstrained position.
As well as the convergence argument, and various uncertainty arguments to be considered later, Passmore appears to endorse several other
arguments in favour of his theme that there are in practice no obligations to
the distant future. In particular, he suggests that such obligations would in
practice be otiose. Everything that needs to be accounted for can be
encompassed through the chain picture of obligation as linking successive
generations, under which each generation has obligations, based on loves,
only to the succeeding generation. We outline three objections to this
chain account. First, it is inadequate to treat constraints concerning the
future as if they applied only between generations, as if there were no
question of constraints on individuals as opposed to whole generations,
since individuals can create causal effects, e.g. harm, on the future in a
way which may create individual responsibility, and which can't necessarily be sheeted home to an entire generation. Secondly, such chains, since
they are non-transitive, cannot yield direct obligations to the distant
future. But for this very reason the chain picture cannot be adequate, as
examples again show. For the picture is unable to explain several of the
cases that have to be dealt with, e.g. the examples already discussed which
show that we can have a direct effect on the distant future without
affecting the next generation, who may not even be able to influence
matters.13 Thirdly, improvements for immediate successors may be
achieved at the expense of disadvantages to people of the more distant
future. Improving the world for immediate successors is quite compatible
with, and may even in some circumstances be most easily achieved by,
ruining it for less immediate successors. Such cases can hardly be written
off as 'never-never land' examples, since many cases of environmental
exploitation might be seen as of just this type, e.g. not just the nuclear case
but also the exhaustion of non-renewable resources and the long-term
depletion of renewable resources such as soils and forests through overcropping. If then such obvious injustices to future people arising from the
favouring or exclusive concern with immediate successors are to be avoided, obligations to the future will have to be seen as in some way fairly
distributed over time, and not merely as accruing to particular generations
in the way the chain picture suggests.

146 R. and V. Routley
Passmore tries to represent all obligations to the distant future in terms
of heroic self-sacrifice, something which cannot of course be morally
required. But in view of the distinctions between constraints and acquired
obligation and between obligation and supererogation, this is just to misrepresent the position of these obligations. For example, one is no more
engaging in heroic self-sacrifice by not forcing future people into an
unviable life position or by refraining from causing them direct harm, than
one is resorting to heroic self-sacrifice in refraining from beating and
robbing some stranger and leaving him to starve.
Passmore's most sustained argument for the unconstrained position is a
convergence argument, that different analyses of obligations, including
his own, lead to the one conclusion. This style of argument is hardly
convincing when there are well-known accounts of obligation which do
not lead to the intended conclusion, e.g. deontological accounts such as
those of Kant and of modern European schools, and teleological accounts
such as those of Moore (in [8]). But such unfavourable positions are either
rapidly passed over or ignored in Passmore's historical treatment and
narrow selection of historical figures. The style of argument becomes even
less persuasive when it is discovered that the accounts of the main authorities appealed to, Bentham, Sidgwick, and Rawls,14 do not lead, without
serious distortion, to the intended conclusion. Indeed Passmore has twisted the historical and textual evidence to suit his case, as we now try to
indicate.
Consider Bentham first. Passmore's assumption, for which no textual
evidence is cited, ls is that no Benthamite calculation can take account of a
future more extensive than the immediate future (cf. pp. 87-88). The
assumption seems to be based simply on the fact that Bentham remarked
that 'the value of the pleasure or pain to each person to be considered in
any estimate will be greater or less in virtue of the following circumstances'. '3. Its certainty or uncertainty. 4. Its propinquity or remoteness'
([10], p. 16). But this does nothing to show that future persons are discounted: the certainty and propinquity do not concern persons, but the
utilities of the persons concerned. As regards which persons are concerned in any calculation Bentham is quite explicit, detailing how
to take an exact account. . . of the general tendency of any act.. . .5 .
Take an account of the number of persons whose interests appear to
be concerned; and repeat the above process [summation of values of
pleasure and of pain] with respect to each. ([10], p. 16)

Obligations to the Future 147
It follows that Bentham's calculation takes account of everyone (and, in
his larger scheme, every sentient creature) whose interests appear to be
concerned: if the interests of people in the distant future appear to be
concerned - as they are in conservation issues - they are to be included in
the calculation. And there is independent evidence16 that in Bentham's
view the principle of utility was not temporally restricted: 'that is useful
which, taking all times and all persons into consideration, leaves a balance
of happiness' ([10], pp. 17-18, our italics). Thus the future cut-off that
Passmore has attributed to Bentham is contradicted by Bentham's own
account.
The case of Sidgwick is more complex, because there is isolated oscillation in his application of utilitarianism between use of utility and of
(something like) expected utility (see [11], pp. 381,414): Sidgwick's utilitarianism is, in its general characterization, essentially that of Bentham:
the conduct which . . . is objectively right is that which will produce
the greatest amount of happiness on the whole; that is, taking into
account all those whose happiness is affected by the conduct. ([11], p.
411)
All includes all sentient beings, both existing and to exist, as Sidgwick goes
on to explain (p. 414). In particular, in answer to the question 'How far are
we to consider the interests of posterity when they seem to conflict with
those of existing human beings?' Sidgwick writes ([11], p. 414, our italics):
It seems, however, clear that the time at which a man exists cannot
affect the value of his happiness from a universal point of view; and
that the interests of posterity must concern a Utilitarian as much as
those of his contemporaries, except in so far as the effect of his
actions on posterity - and even the existence of human beings to be
affected - must necessarily be more uncertain.
But Passmore manages, first of all, to give a different sense to what
Sidgwick is saying by adjusting the quotation, by omitting the clause we
have italicized, which equalizes the degree of concern for present and
future persons, and by italicizing the whole except-clause, thereby placing
much greater emphasis than Sidgwick does on uncertainty. For according
to Sidgwick's impartiality principle, 'the mere difference in time is not a

148 R. and V. Routley
reasonable ground for having more regard to the consciousness of one
-amount than to that of another' ([11], p. 381; see also p. 124). The apparent
tension in Sidgwick's theory as to whether uncertainty should be taken
into account is readily removed by resort to a modern distinction between
values and expected values (i.e. probability weighted values); utilitarian
rightness is defined as before in terms of the net happiness of all concerned
over all time without mention of uncertainty or probabilities, but it is
distinguished from probable rightness (given present information), in the
utilitarian sense,17 which is defined in terms of the expected net happiness
of those concerned, using present probabilities. It is the latter notion, of
probable rightness, that practical reasoning is commonly concerned with
and that decision theory studies; and it is this that Passmore supposes
Sidgwick is using ([1], p. 84). But it is evident that the utilitarian determination of probable rightness, like that of rightness, will sometimes take
into account the distant future - as Sidgwick's discussion of utilitarian
determination of optimum population (immediately following his remark
on uncertainty) does. So how does Passmore contrive to reverse matters,
to have Sidgwick's position lead to his own unconstrained conclusion?
The answer is: By inserting an additional assumption of his own - which
Sidgwick would certainly have rejected - that the uncertainties entitle us
to ignore the distant future. What Passmore has implicitly assumed in his
claim ([1], p. 85) that 'utilitarian principles [such as Sidgwick's] are not
strong enough' 'to justify the kinds of sacrifice some conservationists now
call upon us to make' is his own thesis that 'The uncertainty of harms we
are hoping to prevent would in general entitle us to ignore them.. .'. From
a decision-theory viewpoint this is simply irrational18 unless the probabilities of damage are approaching zero. We will deal with the essentially
sceptical uncertainty arguments on which Passmore's position depends
shortly: here it is enough to observe that Sidgwick's position does not lead
to anything like that which Passmore attributes to him - without uncertainty assumptions which Sidgwick would have rejected (for he thought
that future people'will certainly have pleasure and suffer pain).
We can also begin to gauge from Passmore's treatment of nineteenthcentury utilitarians, such as Bentham and Sidgwick, the extent of the
distortion which underlies his more general historical case for the unconstrained position which, so he claims,
represents accurately enough what, over the last two centuries, men
have seen as their duty to posterity as a whole. . . . ([1], p. 91)

Obligations to the Future 149
The treatment accorded Rawls in only marginally more satisfactory.
Passmore supposes that Rawls's theory of justice leads directly to the
unconstrained position ([1], p. 87 and p. 91), whereas Rawls claims ([5], p.
293) that we have obligations to future people just as to present ones. But
the situation is more complicated than Rawls's claim would indicate, as we
now try to explain in a summary way (more detail is given in the Appendix). For, in order to justify this claim on his theory (with its present
time-of-entry interpretation), Rawls has to invoke additional and dubious
motivational assumptions; even so the theory which thus results does not
yield the intended conclusion, but a conclusion inconsistent with Rawls's
claim. However, by changing the time-of-entry interpretation to an omnitemporal one, Rawls's claim does result from the theory so amended.
Moreover, the amended theory also yields, by exactly Rawls's argument
for a just saving rate, a resource conservation policy, and also a case
against nuclear development. Accordingly Passmore's other claims regarding Rawls are mistaken, e.g. that the theory cannot justify a policy of
resource conservation. Rawls does not emerge unscathed either. As on
the issue of whether his contract is a necessary condition for obligations,
so on obligations which the contract yields to the distant future, Rawls is
far from consistent. Furthermore, institutions such as qualified market
and voting systems are recommended as just though from a future perspective their results are far from that. Rawls, then, does not take obligations to the future with full seriousness.
In sum, it is not true that the theory of Rawls, any more than the theories
of the historical figures actually discussed by Passmore, unequivocally
supports the unconstrained position.

III. Uncertainty and Indeterminacy Arguments
Although there are grave difficulties for the unconstrained position, qualification leads to a more defensible position. According to the qualified
position we are not entirely unconstrained with respect to the distant
future: there are obligations, but these are not so important as those to the
present, and the interests of distant future people cannot weigh very much
in the scale against those of the present and immediate future. The interests of future people then, except in unusual cases, count for very much
less than the interests of present people. Hence such things as nuclear
development and various exploitative activities which benefit present

150 R. and V. Routley
people should proceed, even if people of the distant future are disadvantaged by them.
The qualified position appears to be widely held and is implicit in most
modern economic theories, where the position of a decrease in weight of
future costs and benefits (and so of future interests) is obtained by application over time of an (opportunity cost) discount rate. The attempt to
apply economics as a moral theory, something that is becoming increasingly common, can lead then to the qualified position. What is objectionable in such an approach is that economics must operate within the bounds
of moral (deontic) constraints, just as in practice it operates within legal
constraints, and cannot determine what those constraints are. There are,
moreover, alternative economic theories and simply to adopt one which
discounts the future is to beg all the questions at issue. The discounting
move often has the same result as the unconstrained position; if, for
instance, we consider the cancer example and consider costs as payable
compensation, it is evident that, over a sufficiently long period of time,
discounting at current prices would lead to the conclusion that there are no
recoverable damages and so, in economic terms, no constraints. In short,
even certain damage to future people could be written off. One way to
achieve the bias against future people is by the application of discount
rates which are set in accord with the current economic horizons of no
more than about fifteen years,19 and application of such rates would
simply beg the question against the interests and rights of future people.
Where there is certain future damage of a morally forbidden type the
whole method of discounting is simply inapplicable, and its use would
violate moral constraints.20
Another argument for the qualified position, which avoids the objections from cases of certain damage, comes from probability considerations.The distant future, it is argued, is much more uncertain than the
present and immediate future, so that probabilities are consequently lower, perhaps even approaching or coinciding with zero for any hypothesis
concerning the distant future.21 But then if we take account of probabilities in the obvious way, by simply multiplying them against costs and
benefits, it is evident that the interests of future people, except in cases
where there is an unusually high degree of certainty, must count for (very
much) less than those of present and neighbouring people where (much)
higher probabilities obtain. So in the case of conflict between the present
and the future where it is a question of weighing certain benefits to the
people of the present and the immediate future against a much lower

Obligations to the Future 151
probability of indeterminate costs to an indeterminate number of distant
future people, the issue would normally be decided in favour of the
present, assuming that anything like similar costs and benefits were involved. But of course it can't be assumed that anything like similarly
weighted costs and benefits are involved in the nuclear case, especially if it
is a question of risking poisoning some of the earth for half a million or so
years, with consequent risk of serious harm to thousands of generations of
future people, in order to obtain quite doubtful or trivial benefits for some
present people, in the shape of the opportunity to continue unnecessarily
high energy use. And even if the costs and benefits were comparable or
evenly weighted, such an argument would be defective, since an analogous argument would show that the consigner's action is acceptable
provided the benefit, e.g. the profit he stood to gain from imposing significant risks on other people, was sufficiently large. Such a cost-benefit
approach to moral and decision problems, with or without the probability
frills, is quite inadequate where different parties are concerned, or for
dealing with cases of conflict of interest or moral problems where deontic
constraints are involved, and commonly yields counterintuitive results.
For example, it would follow on such principles that it is permissible for a
firm to injure, or very likely injure, some innocent party provided the firm
stands to make a sufficiently large gain from it. But the costs and benefits
involved are not transferable in any simple or general way from one party
to another. Transfers of this kind, of costs and benefits involving different
parties, commonly raise moral issues - e.g. is x entitled to benefit himself
by imposing costs ony ? - which are not susceptible to a simple cost-benefit approach of the sort adopted by some proponents of nuclear energy,
who attempt to dismiss the costs to future people with the soothing remark
that any development involves costs as well as benefits. The transfer point
is enough to invalidate the comparison, heavily relied on by McCracken
[16] in building a case for the acceptability of the nuclear risk, between
nuclear risks and those from cigarette smoking. In the latter case those
who supposedly benefit from the activity are also, to an overwhelming
extent* those who bear the serious health costs and risks involved. In
contrast the users and supposed beneficiaries of nuclear energy will be
risking not only, or even primarily, their own lives and health, but also
those of others who may be non-beneficiaries and who may be spatially or
temporally removed, and these risks will not be in any direct way related
to a person's extent of use.
The transfer objection is essentially the same as that to the utilitarian's

152 R. and V. Routley
happiness sums as a way of solving moral conflict between different
parties, and the introduction of probability considerations does not change
the principles involved but merely complicates analyses. One might further object to the probability argument that probabilities involving distant
future situations are not always less than those concerning the immediate
future in the way the argument supposes, and that the outcomes of some
moral problems such as the bus example do not depend on a high level of
probability anyway. In some sorts of cases it is enough, as the bus example
reveals, that a significant risk is created; such cases do not depend critically on high probability assignments.
Uncertainty arguments in various forms are the most common and
important ones used by philosophers and others to argue for the position
that we cannot be expected to take serious account of the effects of our
actions on the distant future. There are two strands to the uncertainty
argument, capable of separation, but frequently entangled. Both arguments are mistaken, the first on a priori grounds, the second on a posteriori grounds. The first argument is a generalized uncertainty argument
which runs as follows: In contrast to the exact information we can obtain
about the present, the information we can obtain about the effects of our
actions on the distant future is unreliable, woolly, and highly speculative.
But we cannot base assessments of how we should act on information of
this kind, especially when accurate information is obtainable about the
present which would indicate different action. Therefore we must regretfully ignore the uncertain effects of our actions on the distant future. More
formally and crudely: One only has obligations to the future if these
obligations are based on reliable information; there is no reliable information at present as regards the distant future; therefore one has no obligations to the distant future.
The first argument is essentially a variation on a sceptical argument in
epistemology concerning our knowledge of the future (formally, replace
'obligations' by 'knowledge' in the crude statement of the argument
above). The main ploy is to considerably overestimate and overstate the
degree of certainty available with respect to the present and immediate
future, and the degree of certainty which is required as the basis for moral
consideration both with respect to the present and with respect to the
future. Associated with this is the attempt to suggest a sharp division as
regards certainty between the present and immediate future on the one
hand and the distant future on the other. We shall not find, we suggest, that
there is any such sharp or simple division between the distant future and

Obligations to the Future 153
the adjacent future and present, at least with respect to those things in the
present which are normally subject to moral constraints. We can and
constantly do act on the basis of such 'unreliable' information as the
sceptic as regards the future conveniently labels 'uncertainty'; for scepticproof certainty is rarely, or never, available with respect to much of the
present and immediate future. In moral situations in the present, action
often takes account of risk and probability, even quite low probabilities. A
good example is again the bus case. We do not need to know for certain
that the container will break and the lethal gas escape. In fact it does not
even have to be probable, in the relevant sense of more probable than not,
in order for us to condemn the consigner's action. It is enough that there is
a significant risk of harm in this sort of case. It does not matter if the
decreased well-being of the consigner is certain and the prospects of the
passengers quite uncertain; the resolution of the problem is still clearly in
favour of the so-called 'speculative' and 'unreliable'. But if we do not
require certainty of action to apply moral constraints in contemporary
affairs, why should we require a much higher standard of certainty in the
future? Why should we require epistemic standards for the future which
the more familiar sphere of moral action concerning the present and
adjacent future does not need to meet? The insistence on certainty as a
necessary condition before moral consideration can be given to the distant
future, then, amounts to an epistemic double standard. But such an
epistemic double standard, proposed in explaining the difference between
the present and the future and to justify ignoring future peoples' interests,
in fact cannot itself provide an explanation of the differences, since it
already presupposes different standards of certainty appropriate to each
class, which difference is in turn in need of justification.
The second uncertainty argument is a practical uncertainty argument,
that whatever our theoretical obligations to the future, we cannot in
practice take the interests of future people into account, because uncertainty about the distant future is so gross that we cannot determine what
the likely consequences of actions upon it will be and therefore, however
good our intentions to the people of the distant future, in practice we have
no choice but to ignore their interests. Uncertainty is gross where certain
incompatible hypotheses are as good as one another and there is no
rational ground for choosing between them. The second uncertainty argument can also be put in this way: If moral principles are, like other
principles, implicational in form, that is of such forms as 'if* has character
h then x is wrong, for every (action) x', then what the argument claims is

154 R. and V. Routley
that we can never obtain the information about future actions which would
enable us to detach the antecedent of the implication. So even if moral
principles theoretically apply to future people, in practice they cannot be
applied to obtain clear conclusions or directions concerning contemporary
action of the 'It is wrong to do x' type.
Many of the assumptions of the second argument have to be conceded.
If the distant future really is so grossly uncertain that in every case it is
impossible to determine in any way that is better than chance what the
effects of present action will be, and whether any given action will help or
hinder future people, then moral principles, although they may apply
theoretically to the future, will not be applicable in practice for obtaining
any clear conclusions about how to act. Hence the distant future will
impose no practical moral constraints on action. However, the argument
is factually incorrect in assuming that the future is always so grossly
uncertain or indeterminate. Admittedly there is often a high degree of
uncertainty concerning the distant future, but as a matter of (contingent)
fact it is not always so gross or sweeping as the argument has to assume.
There are some areas where uncertainty is not so great as to exclude
constraints on action, especially when account is taken of the point,
noticed in connection with the first argument, that complete certainty is
commonly not required for moral constraints and that all that may be
needed in some cases is the creation of"a significant risk. Again there is
considerable uncertainty about many factors which are not highly, or at
all, morally relevant, but this does not extend to many factors which are of
much greater importance to moral issues. For example, we may not have
any idea what the fashions will be in a hundred years in girls' names or
men's footwear, or what brands of ice cream people will be eating if any,
but we do have excellent reason to believe, especially if we consider 3,000
years of history, that what people there are in a hundred years are likely to
have material and psychic needs not entirely unlike our own, that they will
need a healthy biosphere for a good life; that like us they will not be
immune to radiation; that their welfare will not be enhanced by a high
incidence of cancer or genetic defects, by the destruction of resources, or
the elimination from the face of the earth of that wonderful variety of
non-human life which at present makes it such a rich and interesting place.
For this sort of reason, the second uncertainty argument should be rejected. While it is true that there are many areas in which the morally relevant
information needed is uncertain or unavailable, and in which we cannot
therefore determine satisfactorily how to act, there are certainly others in

Obligations to the Future 155
which uncertainty in morally relevant areas is not so great as to preclude
moral constraints on action, where we ascertain if not absolute certainties
at least probabilities of the same sort of order as are considered sufficient
for the application of moral principles in parallel contemporary cases,
especially where spatially remote people are involved. The case of nuclear
waste storage, and of uncertainty of the effects of it on future people,
seems to be of the latter sort. Here there is no gross indeterminacy or
uncertainty; it is simply not true that incompatible hypotheses about what
may happen are as good as each other. It is plain that nuclear waste storage
does impose significant risks of harm on future people, and, as we can see
from the bus example, the significant risk of harm is enough in cases of this
type to make moral constraints applicable.
In terms of the defects of the preceding uncertainty arguments, we can
see the corresponding defects in a number of widely employed uncertainty
arguments used to write off probable harm to future people as outside the
scope of proper consideration. Most of these popular moves employ both
of the uncertainty arguments as suits the case, switching from one to the
other in a way that is again reminiscent of sceptical moves. For example,
we may be told that we cannot really take account of future people because
we cannot be sure that they will exist or that their tastes and wants will not
be completely different from our own, to the point where they will not
suffer from our exhaustion of resources or from the things that would
affect us (cf. Passmore [1]). But this is to insist upon complete certainty of
a sort beyond what is required for the present and immediate future, where
there is also commonly no guarantee that some disaster will not overtake
those we are morally committed to. Again we may be told that there is no
guarantee that future people will be worthy of any efforts on our part,
because they may be morons or forever plugged into enjoyment- or other
machines (Golding [12]). Even if one is prepared to accept the elitist
approach presupposed - according to which only those who meet certain
properly civilized or intellectual standards are eligible for moral consideration - what we are being handed in such arguments as a serious defeating
consideration is again a mere outside possibility - like the sceptic who says
that the solid-looking desk in front of us is perhaps only a facade, not
because he has any particular reason for doing so, but because he hasn't
looked around the back, drilled holes in it, etc. Neither the contemporary
nor the historical situation gives any positive reason for supposing that a
lapse into universal moronity or universal pleasure-machine escapism is a
serious possibility, as opposed to a logical possibility. We can contrast

156 R. and V. Routley
with these mere logical possibilities the very real historically supportable
risks of escape of nuclear waste or decline of a civilization through destruction of its resource base.
The possibilities just considered in these uncertainty arguments of
sceptical character are not real possibilities. Another argument which may
consider a real possibility, but still does not succeed in showing that it is
acceptable to proceed with an action which would appear to be harmful to
future people, is often introduced in the nuclear waste case. This is the
argument that future people may discover a rigorously safe and permanent
storage method for nuclear wastes before they are damaged by escaped
waste material. Let us grant for the sake of the argument that this is a real
possibility (though physical arguments may show that it is not). This still
does not affect the fact that there is a significant risk of serious damage and
that the creation of a significant risk is enough to rule out an action of this
type as morally impermissible. In just the same way, future people may
discover a cure for cancer, and the fact that this appears to be a real and not
merely a logical possibility, does not make the action of the firm in the
example discussed above, of producing a substance likely to cause cancer
in future people, morally admissible. The fact that there was a real possibility of future people avoiding the harm would show that actions of these
sorts were admissible only if what was required for inadmissibility was
certainty of harm or a very high probability of it. In such cases, before such
actions could be considered admissible, what would be required is far
more than a possibility, real or not22 - it is at least the availability of an
applicable, safe, and rigorously tested, not merely speculative, technique
for achieving it, something that future people could reasonably be expected to apply to protect themselves.
The strategy of most of these uncertainty arguments is fairly clear then,
and may be brought out by looking yet again at the bus example, where the
consigner says that he cannot be expected to take account of the effect of
his actions on the passengers because they may find an effective way to
deal with his parcel or some lucky or unlucky accident may occur, e.g. the
bus may break down and they may all change to a different bus leaving the
parcel behind, or the bus may crash, killing all the passengers before the
container gets a chance to leak. These are all possibilities, of course, but
there is no positive reason to believe that they are any more than that, that
is they are not real possibilities. The strategy is to stress such outside
possibilities in order to create the false impression that there is gross
uncertainty about the future, that the real possibility that the container will

Obligations to the Future 157
break should be treated in the same way as these mere logical possibilities,
that uncertainty about the future is so great as to preclude the consigners'
taking account of the passengers' welfare and of the real possibility of
harm from his parcel, and thereby excuse his action. A related strategy is
to stress a real possibility, such as finding a cure for cancer, and thereby
imply that this removes the case for applying moral constraints .This move
implicitly makes the assumptions of the first argument, that certainty, or at
least a very high probability, of harm is required before an action can be
judged morally inadmissible, and the point of stressing the real possibility
of avoidance of damage is to show that this allegedly required high degree
of certainty or probability cannot be attained. That is, the strategy draws
attention to some real uncertainty implying that this is sufficient to defeat
the application of moral constraints. But, as we have seen, this is often not
so.
An argument closely related to the uncertainty arguments is based on
the non-existence and indeterminacy of the future.23 An item is indeterminate in a given respect if its properties in that respect are, as a matter of
logic, not settled (nor are they settlable in a non-arbitrary fashion). The
respects in which future items are indeterminate are well enough known
for a few examples to serve as reminders: all the following are indeterminate: the population of Australia at 2001, its distribution, its age structure,
the preferences of its members for folk music, wilderness, etc., the size
and shape of Wollongong, the average number of rooms in its houses and
in its office blocks, and so on. Philosophical discussion of such indeterminacy is as old as Aristotle's sea battle and as modern as truth-value gaps
and fuzzy logics, and many positions have been adopted on the existence
and determinacy of future items. Nevertheless theories that there are
obligations to the future are not sensitive to the metaphysical position
adopted concerning the existence or non-existence of the future. Any
theory which denied obligations to the future on the metaphysical grounds
that the future did not exist, and did not have properties, so that the
present could not be related to it, would be committed to denying such
obvious facts as that the present could causally influence the future, that
present people could be great-grandparents of purely future people, and so
on, and hence would have to be rejected on independent grounds. This is
not to say that there are not important problems about the existence or
non-existence of future items, problems which are perhaps most straightforwardly handled by a Meinongian position which allows that items
which do not exist may have properties. The non-existence of the future

158 R. and V. Routley
does raise problems for standard theories which buy the Ontological
Assumption (the thesis that what does not exist does not have properties),
especially given the natural (and correct) inclination to say that the future
does not (now) exist; but such theories can adopt various strategies for
coping with these problems (e.g. the adoption of a platonistic position
according to which the future does now exist, or the allowance for certain
sorts of relations between existents at different times), although the satisfactoriness of these strategies is open to question (cf. [4]). Thus whether or
not the Ontological Assumption is assumed and however it is applied, it
will be allowed that future items will have properties even if they do not
have them now, and that is enough to provide the basis for moral concern
about the future. Thus the thesis of obligations to the future does not
presuppose any special metaphysical position on the existence of the
future.
If the non-existence of future items creates no special problems for
obligations to the future, the same is not true of their indeterminacy.
Whether the indeterminacy of future items is seen as a logical feature of
the future which results from the non-existence of purely future items or
whether one adopts a (mistaken) platonistic view of the future as existing
and sees the indeterminacy as an epistemological one resulting from our
inability to know the character of these entities - that is, we cannot
completely know the future .though it exists and has a definite characterwhichever view we take indeterminacy still creates major difficulties for
certain ethical theories and their treatment of the future.
The difficulties arise for theories which appear to require a high level of
determinacy with respect to the number and character of future items, in
particular calculus-type theories such as utilitarianism in its usual forms,
where the calculations are critically dependent on such information as
numbers, totals, and averages, information which so far as the future is
concerned is generally indeterminate. The fact that this numerical information is typically indeterminate means that insofar as head-count utilitarianism requires determinate information on numbers, it is in a similar
position to theories discussed earlier; it may apply theoretically to future
people, but since the calculations cannot be applied to them their interests
will be left out of account. And, in fact, utilitarianism for the most part
does not, and perhaps cannot, take future creatures and their interests
seriously; there is little discussion as to how the difficulties or impossibility of calculations regarding the open future are to be obtained. Non-platonistic utilitarianism is in logical difficulty on this matter, while platonis-

Obligations to the Future 159
tic utilitarianism - which faces a range of other objections - is inapplicable
because of epistemic indeterminacy. We have yet another case of a theory
of the sort that applies theoretically but in practice doesn't take the future
seriously. But far from this showing that future people's interests should
be left out of account, what these considerations show are deficiencies in
these sorts of theories, which require excessive determinacy of information. This kind of information is commonly equally unavailable for the
accepted areas of moral constraint, the present and immediate future; and
the resolution of moral issues is often not heavily dependent on knowledge
of such specific determinate features as numbers or other determinate
features. For example, we do not need to know how many people there
will be on the bus, how intelligent they are, what their preferences are or
how badly they will be injured, in order to reach the conclusion that the
consigner's action in despatching his parcel is a bad one. Furthermore, it is
only the ability of moral considerations to continue to apply in the absence
of determinate information about such things as numbers that makes it
possible to take account of the possible effects of action, as the risks
associated with action - something which is quite essential even for the
present if moral considerations are to apply in the normal and accepted
way. For it is essential in order to apply moral considerations in the
accepted way that we consider alternative worlds, in order to take account
of options, risks, and alternative outcomes; but these alternative or counterfactual worlds are not in so different a position from the future with
respect to determinacy; for example, there is indeterminacy with respect
to the number of people who may be harmed in the bus case or in apossible
nuclear reactor melt-down. These alternative worlds, like the distant
future, are indeterminate in some respects, but not totally indeterminate.
It might still be thought that the indeterminacy of the future, for example
with respect to number and exact character, would at least prevent the
interest of future people being taken into account where there is a conflict
with the present. Since their numbers are indeterminate and their interests
unknown, how can we weigh their competing claims against those of the
present and immediate future where this information is available in a more
or less accurate form? The question is raised particularly by problems of
sharing fixed quantities of resources among present and future people,
when the numbers of the latter are indeterminate. Such problems are
indeed difficult, but they are not resolved by ignoring the claims of the
future, any more than the problems raised by the need to take account in
decision-making of factors difficult to quantify are resolved by ignoring

160 R. and V. Routley
such factors. Nor are such distributional problems as large and representative a class of moral problems concerning the future as the tendency to
focus on them would suggest. It should be conceded then that there will be
cases where the indeterminacy of aspects of the future will make conflicts
very difficult or indeed impossible to resolve - a realistic ethical theory
will not deliver a decision procedure - but there will equally be other
conflict cases where the level of indeterminacy does not hinder resolution
of the issue, e.g. the bus example which is a conflict case of a type. In
particular, there will be many cases which are not solved by weighing
numbers, numbers of interests, or whatever, cases for which one needs to
know only the most general probable characteristics of future people.
Moreover, even where numbers are relevant often only bounds will be
required, exact numerical counts only being required where, for instance,
margins are narrow; e.g. issues may be resolved as in parliament where a
detailed vote (or division) is only required when the issue is close. It is
certainly not necessary then to have complete determinacy to resolve all
cases of conflict.
The question we must ask then is what features of future people could
disqualify them from moral consideration or reduce their claims to it to
below those of present people? The answer is: in principle None. Prima
facie moral principles are universalizable, and lawlike, in that they apply
independently of position in space or in time, for example.24 But universalizability of principles is an outcome of those ethical theories which are
capable of dealing satisfactorily with the present; in other words, a theory
that did not allow properly for the future would be found to have defects as
regards the present, to deal unjustly or unfairly with some present people,
e.g. those remotely located, those outside some select subgroup such as
(white-skinned) humans, etc. The only candidates for characteristics that
would fairly rule out future people are the logical features we have been
looking at, uncertainty and indeterminacy; what we have argued is that it
would be far too sweeping to see these features as affecting the moral
claims of future people in a general way. These special features only affect
certain sorts of cases (e.g. the determination of best probable or practical
course of action given only present information). In particular they do not
affect cases of the sort being considered, the nuclear one, where highly
determinate or certain information about the numbers and characteristics
of the class likely to be harmed or certainty of damage are not required.
To establish obligations to the future a full universalizability principle is
not needed: it is enough to require that the temporal position of a person

Obligations to the Future 161
cannot affect his entitlement to just and fair treatment, to full moral
consideration;25 inversely that it is without basis to discriminate morally
against a person in virtue of his temporal position. As a result of this
universalizability, there is the same obligation to future people as to the
present; and thus there is the same obligation to take account of them and
their interests in what we do, to be careful in our actions, to take account of
the probability (and not just the certainty) of our actions' causing harm or
damage, and to see, other things being equal, that we do not act so as to rob
future people of what is necessary for the chance of a good life. Uncertainty and indeterminacy do not free us of these obligations. If, in a closely
comparable case concerning the present, the creation of a significant risk
is enough to rule out an action as immoral, and there are no independent
grounds for requiring greater certainty of harm in the future case under
consideration, then futurity alone will not provide adequate grounds for
proceeding with the action, thus discriminating against future people.
Accordingly we cannot escape, through appeal to futurity, the conclusion
tentatively reached in our first section, that proposals for nuclear development in the present state of technology for future waste disposal are
immoral.

IV. Overriding Consideration Arguments
In the first part we noticed that the consigner's action could not be justified
by purely economistic arguments, such as that his profits would rise, the
firm or the village would be more prosperous, or by appealing to the fact
that some possibly uncomfortable changes would otherwise be needed.
We also observed that the principle on which this assessment was based,
that one was not usually entitled to create a serious risk to others for these
sorts of reasons, applied more generally and, in particular, applied to the
nuclear case. For this reason the economistic arguments which are thus
most commonly advanced to promote nuclear development - e.g. cheapness, efficiency, profitability for electricity utilities, and the need otherwise for uncomfortable changes such as restructuring of employment,
investment, and consumption-do not even begin to show that the nuclear
alternative is an acceptable one. Even if these economistic assumptions
about benefits to present people were correct (and there is reason to doubt
that most of them are),26 the arguments would fail because economics
must operate within the framework of moral constraints, and not vice
versa.

162 R. and V. Routley
What one does have to consider, however, are moral conflict arguments, that is arguments to the effect that, unless the prima facie unacceptable alternative is taken, some even more unacceptable alternative is
the only possible outcome, and will ensue. For example, in the bus case,
the consigner may argue that his action is justified because unless it is
taken the village will starve. It is by no means clear that even such a
justification as this would be sufficient, especially where the risk to the
passengers is high, as the case seems to become one of transfer of costs
and risks onto others; but such a moral situation would no longer be so
clearcut, and one would perhaps hesitate to condemn any action taken in
such circumstances.
Some of the arguments advanced to show moral conflict are based on
competing duties to present people, and others on competing obligations
to future people, both of which are taken to override the obligations not to
impose on the future significant risk of serious harm. The structure of such
moral conflict arguments is based crucially on the presentation of a genuine and exhaustive set of alternatives (or at least practical alternatives),
and upon showing that the only alternatives to admittedly morally undesirable actions are even more undesirable ones. If some practical alternative which is not morally worse than the action to be justified is overlooked, suppressed, or neglected in the argument-for example, if in the bus
case it turns out that the villagers have another option to starving or to the
sending off of the parcel, namely earning a living in some other way - then
the argument is defective and cannot readily be patched. We want to argue
that suppression of practicable alternatives has occurred in the argument,
designed to show that the alternatives to the nuclear option are even worse
than the option itself, and that there are other factual defects in these
arguments as well. In short, the arguments depend essentially on the
presentation of false dichotomies.
The first argument, the poverty argument, is that there is an overriding
obligation to the poor, both the poor of the third world and the poor of
industrialized countries. Failure to develop nuclear energy, it is often
claimed, would amount to denying them the opportunity to reach the
standard of affluence we currently enjoy and would create unemployment
and poverty in the industrialized nations.
The unemployment and poverty argument does not stand up to examination either for the poor of the industrial countries or for those of the third
world. There is good evidence that large-scale nuclear energy will help to
increase unemployment and poverty in the industrial world, through the

Obligations to the Future 163
diversion of great amounts of available capital into an industry which is not
only an exceptionally poor provider of direct employment, but also helps
to reduce available jobs through encouraging substitution of energy use for
labour use. 27 The argument that nuclear energy is needed for the third
world is even less convincing. Nuclear energy is both politically and
economically inappropriate for the third world, since it requires massive
amounts of capital, requires numbers of imported scientists and engineers,
and creates negligible employment, while politically it increases foreign
dependence, adds to centralized entrenched power and reduces the
chance for change in the oppressive political structures which are a large
part of the problem.28 The fact that nuclear energy is not in the interests of
people of the third world does not, of course, mean that it is not in the
interests of, and wanted by, their rulers, the westernized and often military elites in whose interests the economies of these countries are usually
organized; but it is not paternalistic to examine critically the demands
these ruling elites may make in the name of the poor.
The poverty argument then is a fraud. Nuclear energy will not be used to
help the poor.29 Both for the third world and for the industrialized countries there are well-known energy-conserving alternatives and the practical option of developing other energy sources,30 alternatives which are
morally acceptable and socially preferable to nuclear development, and
which have far better prospects for helping the poor.31
The second major argument advanced to show moral conflict appeals to
a set of supposedly overriding and competing obligations to future people.
We have, it is said, a duty to pass on the immensely valuable things and
institutions which our culture has developed. Unless our high-technological, high-energy industrial society is continued and fostered, our valuable
institutions and traditions will fall into decay or be swept away. The
argument is essentially that without nuclear power, without the continued
level of material wealth it alone is assumed to make possible, the lights of
our civilization will go out.32 .
The lights-going-out argument raises rather sharply questions as to
what is valuable in our society, and of what characteristics are necessary
for a good society. These are questions which deserve much fuller treatment than we can allot them here, but a few brief points should be made.
The argument adopts an extremely uncritical position with respect to
existing high-technology societies, apparently assuming that they are
uniformly and uniquely valuable; it also assumes that technological society is unmodifiable, that it can't be changed in the direction of energy

164 R. and V. Routley
conservation or alternative energy sources without collapse. Such a society has to be accepted and assessed as a whole, and virtually unlimited
supplies of energy are essential to maintain this whole.
These assumptions are hard to accept. The assumption that technological society's energy patterns are unmodifiable is especially so - after all, it
has survived events such as world wars which have required major social
and technological restructuring and consumption modification. If western
society's demands for energy are totally unmodifiable without collapse,
not only would it be committed to a programme of increasing destruction,
but one might ask what use its culture could be to future people who would
very likely, as a consequence of this destruction, lack the resource base
which the argument assumes to be essential in the case of contemporary
society.
There is also difficulty with the assumption of uniform valuableness; but
if this is rejected the question becomes not: what is necessary to maintain
existing high-technological society and its political institutions? but rather: what is necessary to maintain what is valuable in that society and the
political institutions which are needed to maintain those valuable things?
While it may be easy to argue that high energy consumption is necessary to
maintain the political and economic status quo, it is not so easy to argue
that it is essential to maintain what is valuable, and it is what is valuable,
presumably, that we have a duty to pass on to the future.
The evidence, e.g. from history, is that no very high level of material
affluence or energy consumption is needed to maintain what is valuable.
There is good reason in fact to believe that a society with much lower
energy and resource consumption would better foster what is valuable
than our own. But even if a radical change in these directions is independently desirable, as we believe it is, it is not necessary to presuppose such
a change, in the short term at least, in order to see that the assumptions of
the lights-going-out argument are wrong. No enormous reduction of wellbeing is required to consume less energy than at present, and certainly far
less than the large increase over present levels of consumption which is
assumed in the usual economic case for nuclear energy.33 What the nuclear strategy is really designed to do then is not to prevent the lights going
out in western civilization, but to enable the lights to go on burning all the
time - to maintain and even increase the wattage output of the Energy
Extravaganza.
In fact there is good reason to think that, far from the high energy
consumption society fostering what is valuable, it will, especially if energy

Obligations to the Future 165
is obtained by nuclear-fission means, be positively inimical to it. A society
which has become heavily dependent upon an extremely high centralized,
controlled, and garrisoned, capital- and expertise-intensive energy
source, must be one which is highly susceptible to entrenchment of power,
and one in which the forces which control this energy source, whether
capitalist or bureaucratic, can exert enormous power over the political
system and over people's lives, even more than they do at present. Very
persuasive arguments have been advanced by civil liberties groups and
others in a number of countries to suggest that such a society would tend to
become authoritarian, if only as an outcome of its response to the threat
posed by dissident groups in the nuclear situation.34
There are reasons to believe then that with nuclear development what
we would be passing on to future generations would be some of the worst
aspects of our society (e.g. the consumerism, growing concentration of
power, destruction of the natural environment, and latent authoritarianism), while certain valuable aspects would be lost or threatened. Political
freedom is a high price to pay for consumerism and energy extravagance.
Again, as in the case of the poverty arguments, clear alternatives which
do not involve such unacceptable consequences are available. The alternative to the high technology-nuclear option is not a return to the cave, the
loss of all that is valuable, but the development of alternative technologies
and life-styles which offer far greater scope for the maintenance and
further development of what is valuable in our society than the highly
centralized nuclear option.35 The lights-going-out argument, as a moral
conflict argument, accordingly fails, because it also is based on a false
dichotomy. Thus both the escape routes, the appeal to moral conflict and
to the appeal to futurity, are closed.
If then we apply the same standards of morality to the future as we
acknowledge for the present - as we have argued we should - the conclusion that the proposal to develop nuclear energy on a large scale is a crime
against the future is inevitable, since both the escape routes are closed.
There are, of course, also many other grounds for ruling it out as morally
unacceptable, for saying that it-is not only a crime against the distant future
but also a crime against the present and immediate future. These other
grounds for moral concern about nuclear energy, as it affects the present
and immediate future, include problems arising from the possibility of
catastrophic releases of radioactive fuel into the environment or of waste
material following an accident such as reactor melt-down, of unscheduled
discharges of radiation into the environment from a plant fault, of proli-

166 R. and V. Routley
feration of nuclear weapons, and of deliberate release or threat of release
of radioactive materials as a measure of terrorism or of extortion. All these
are important issues, of much moral interest. What we want to claim,
however, is that on the basis of its effects on the future alone, the nuclear
option is morally unacceptable.

Appendix
Passmore's Treatment ofRawls,
and What Really Happens on Rawls's Theory
Passmore takes it that Rawls's theory yields an unconstrained position
but, according to Rawls, the theory leads to quite the opposite result;
namely,
persons in different generations [and not merely neighbouring generations] have duties and obligations to one another just as contemporaries do. The present generation cannot do as it pleases but is bound
by the principles that would be chosen in the original position to
define justice between persons at different moments of time.. . . The
derivation of these duties and obligations may seem at first a somewhat far-fetched application of the central doctrine. Nevertheless
these requirements would be acknowledged in the original position
[where the parties do not know to which generation they belong], and
so the conception of justice as fairness covers these matters without
any change in its basic idea. ([5], p. 293; the second insert is drawn
from p. 287)
Through judicious use of the veil of ignorance and the time of entry of
parties to the original contract position, Rawls's contract theory, unlike
simpler explicit contract theories, can yield definite obligations to distant
future people,36 for example, we ought to save at a just rate for future
people.
But, as Rawls remarks (p. 284), 'the question of justice between generations . . . subjects any ethical theory to severe if not impossible tests'. It is
doubtful that Rawls's theory as formulated passes the tests; for the theory
as formulated does not yield the stated conclusion, but a conclusion
inconsistent with the thesis that there are the same obligations to future
people as to contemporaries. Exactly how these obligations arise from the
initial agreement depends critically on the interpretation of the time of

Obligations to the Future 167
entry of the parties into the agreement. Insofar as Rawls insists upon the
present-time-of-entry interpretation (p. 139), he has to introduce supplementary motivational assumptions in order to (try to) secure the desired
bondings between generations, in particular to ensure that the generation
of the original position saves for any later generation, even their immediate successors ([5], p. 140 and p. 292). Rawls falls back on-what is as we
have seen inadequate to the task, since it does not exclude one generation
damaging another remote generation in a way that bypasses mutually
successive generations - 'ties of sentiment between successive generations' (p. 292): to this limited extent Passmore has a point, for such a social
contract on its own (without additional assumptions about the motives of
the parties to the agreement) does not furnish obligations even to our
immediate successors. This is indicative also of the unsatisfactory instability of Rawls's theory under changes, its sensitivity to the way the original
agreement is set up, to the motivation of parties, their time of entry, what
they can know, etc.
To arrive at a more adequate account of obligations to the distant future
under Rawls's theory, let us adopt, to avoid the additional, dubious and
unsatisfactory, motivational assumptions Rawls invokes, one of the alternative - and non -equivalent - time-of-entry interpretations that Rawls lists
(p. 146), that of persons alive at some time in simultaneous agreement. Let
us call this, following Rawls's notation (on p. 140), interpretation 4b (it is
perhaps unnecessary to assume for 4b any more than 4a that all people
need be involved: it may be enough given the equivalencizing effect of the
veil of ignorance that some are, and as with the particular quantifier it is
quite unnecessary to be specific about numbers). Then of course the
parties, since they are, for all they know, of different generations, will
presumably agree on a just savings rate, and also to other just distribution
principles, simply on the basis of Rawlsian rationality, i.e. advancing their
own interests, without additional motivation assumptions. This more
appealing omnitemporal interpretation of time of entry into the agreement,
which gives a superior account of obligation to the future consistent with
Rawls's claim, Rawls in some places puts down as less than best (p. 292)
but in his most detailed account of the original position simply dismisses
(p. 139):
To conceive of the original position [as a gathering of people living at
different times] would be to stretch fantasy too far; the conception
would cease to be a natural guide to intuition.

168 R. and V. Rout ley
This we question: it would be a better guide to intuition than a position
(like 4a) which brings out intuitively wrong results; it is a more satisfactory
guide, for example, to justice between generations than the present-timeof-entry interpretation, which fails conspicuously to allow for the range of
potential persons (all of whom are supposed to qualify on Rawls's account
for just treatment, cf. § 77). Moreover, it stretches fantasy no further than
science fiction or than some earlier contract accounts.36 But it does
require changes in the way the original position is conceived, and it does
generate metaphysical difficulties for orthodox ontological views (though
not to the same extent for the Meinongian view we prefer); for, to consider
the latter, either time travel is possible or the original hypothetical position
is an impossible situation, with people who live at different times assembled at the same time. The difficulties - of such an impossible meeting help to reveal that what Rawls's theory offers is but a colourful representation of obligations in terms of a contract agreed upon at a meeting.
The metaphysical difficulties do not concern merely possible people,
because all those involved are sometime-actual people; nor are there
really serious difficulties generated by the fact that very many of these
people do not exist, i.e. exist now. The more serious difficulties are either
those of time travel, e.g. that future parties relocated into the present may
be able to interfere with their own history, or, if time travel is ruled out
logically or otherwise, that future parties may be advantaged (or disadvantaged) by their knowledge of history and technology, and that accordingly fairness is lost. As there is considerable freedom in how we choose to
(re)arrange the original position, we shall suppose that time travel is
rejected as a means of entering the original position. For much less than
travel is required; some sort of limited communicational network which
filters out, for example, all historical data (and all cultural or species
dependent material) would suffice; and in any case if time travel were not
excluded essentially the present-time-of-entry interpretation would serve,
though fairness would again be put in doubt. The filtered communicational
hook-up by which the omnitemporal position is engineered still has - if
fairness is to be seen to be built into the decision making - to be combined
with a reinterpreted veil of ignorance, so that parties do not know where
they are located temporally any more than they know who they are
characterwise. This implies, among other things, limitations on the parties' knowledge of factual matters, such as available technology and world
and local history; for otherwise parties could work out their location,
temporal or spatial. For example, if some party knew, as Rawls supposes,

Obligations to the Future 169
the general social facts, then he would presumably be aware of the history
of his time and so of where history ends, that is of the date of his
generation, his time (his present), and so be aware of his temporal location. These are already problems for Rawls's so-called 'present-time-ofentry interpretation' - it is, rather, a variable-time-of-entry interpretation
- given that the parties may be, as Rawls occasionally admits (e.g. p. 287),
of any one generation, not necessarily the present: either they really do
have to be ofthepresent time or they cannot be assumed to know as much
as Rawls supposes.37 There is, however, no reason why the veil of ignorance should not be extended so as to avoid this problem; and virtually any
extension that solves the problem for the variable-time-of-entry interpretation should serve, so it seems, for the omnitemporal one. We shall
assume then that the parties know nothing which discloses their respective
locations (i.e. in effect we write in conditions for universalizability of
principles decided upon). There are still gaps between the assumptions of
the omnitemporal position as roughly sketched and the desired conclusion
concerning obligations to the future, but (the matter is beginning to look
non-trivially provable given not widely implausible assumptions and) the
intuitive arguments are as clear as those in [5], indeed they simply restate
arguments to obligations given by Rawls.
Rawls's theory, under interpretation 4b, admits of nice application to
the problems of just distribution of material resources and of nuclear
power. The just distribution, or rate of usage, of material resources38 over
time is an important conservation issue to which Rawls's theory seems to
apply, just as readily, and in a similar fashion, to that in which it applies to
the issue of a just rate of savings. In fact the argument from the original
position for a just rate of saving - whatever its adequacy - can by simply
mimicked to yield an argument for just distribution of resources over
generations. Thus, for example:
persons in the original position are to ask themselves how much they
would be willing to save [i.e. conserve] at each stage of advance on
the assumption that all other generations are to save at the same rate
[conserve resources to the same extent]. . . . In effect, then, they
must choose a just savings principle [resources distribution principle]
that assigns an appropriate rate of accumulation to [degree of resource conservation at] each level of advance. ([5], p. 287; our
bracketed options give the alternative argument)

170 R. and V. Routley
Just as 'they try to piece together a just savings schedule' (p. 289), so they
can try to piece together a just resource distribution policy. Just as a case
for resource conservation can be made out by appeal to the original
position, since it is going to be against the interests of, to the disadvantage
of, later parties to find themselves in a resource depleted situation (thus,
on Rawlsian assumptions, they will bargain hard for a share of resources),
so, interestingly, a case against a rapid programme of nuclear power
development can be devised. The basis of a case against large-scale
nuclear development is implicit in Rawls's contract theory under interpretation 4b, though naturally the theory is not applied in this sort of way
by Rawls. To state the case in its crude but powerful form: people from
later generations in the original position are bound to take it as against their
interests to simply carry the waste can for energy consumed by an earlier
generation. (We have already argued that they will find no convincing
overriding considerations that make it worth their while to carry the waste
can.) Thus not only has Passmore misrepresented the obligations to the
future that Rawls's theory admits; he is also wrong in suggesting (p. 87 and
p. 91) that Rawls's theory cannot justify a policy of resource conservation
which includes reductions in present consumption.
There is, in this connection, an accumulation of errors in Passmore,
some of which spill over to Rawls, which it is worth trying to set out. First,
Passmore claims ([1], p. 86; cf. also p. 90) that 'Rawls does not so much
mention the saving of natural resources'. In fact the 'husbanding of natural
resources' is very briefly considered ([5], p. 271). It is true, however, that
Rawls does not reveal any of the considerable power that his theory,
properly interpreted, has for natural resource conservation, as implying a
just distribution of natural resources over time. Secondly, Passmore attempts ([1], pp. 87 ff.) to represent the calls of conservationists for a
reduction in present resource usage and for a more just distribution as a
call for heroic self-sacrifices; this is part of his more general attempt to
represent every moral constraint with respect to the non-immediate future
as a matter of self-sacrifice. 'Rawls's theory', Passmore says (on p. 87),
'leaves no room for heroic sacrifice', and so, he infers, leaves no room for
conservation. Not only is the conclusion false, but the premiss also:
Rawls's theory allows for supererogation, as Rawls explains ([5], p. 117).
But resource conservation is, like refraining from nuclear development,
not a question of heroic self-sacrifice; it is in part a question of obligations
or duties to the distant future. And Rawls's theory allows not only for
obligations as well as supererogation, but also for natural duties. Rawls's

Obligations to the Future 171
contract, unlike the contracts of what is usually meant by a 'contract
theory', is by no means exhaustive of the moral sphere:
But even this wider [contract] theory fails to embrace all moral
relationships, since it would seem to include only our relations with
other persons and to leave out of account how we are to conduct
ourselves towards,animals and the rest of nature. I do not contend
that the contract notion offers a way to approach these questions
which are certainly of the first importance; and I shall have to put
them aside, (p. 17)
The important class of obligations beyond the scope of the contract theory
surely generates obligations between persons which even the wider contract theory likewise cannot explain. The upshot is that such a contract
account, even if sufficient for the determination of obligations, is not
necessary. To this extent Rawls' s theory is not a full social contract theory
at all. However, Rawls appears to lose sight of the fact that his contract
theory delivers only a sufficient condition when he claims, for example (p.
298), that 'one feature of the contract doctrine is that it places an upper
bound on how much a generation can be asked to save for the welfare of
later generations'. For greater savings may sometimes be required to meet
obligations beyond those that the contract doctrine delivers. In short,
Rawls appears to have slipped into assuming, inconsistently, that his
contract theory is a necessary condition.
Although Rawls's theory caters for justice between generations and
allows the derivation of important obligations to people in the distant
future, the full theory is far from consistent on these matters and there are
significant respects in which Rawls does not take justice to the future
seriously. The most conspicuous symptoms of this are that justice to the
future is reduced to a special case, justice between generations, and that
the only aspect of justice between generations that Rawls actually considers is a just savings rate; there is, for example, no proper examination of
the just distribution of resources among generations, though these resources, Rawls believes, provide the material base of the just institutions that
he wants to see maintained. In fact Rawls strongly recommends a system
of markets as a just means for the allocation of most goods and services,
recognizing their well-known limitations only in the usual perfunctory
fashion ([5], pp. 270 ff.). Yet market systems are limited by a narrow time
horizon, and are quite ill-equipped to allocate resources in a just fashion

172 R. and V. Rout ley
over a time span of several generations. Similarly Rawls's endorsement of
democratic voting procedures as in many cases a just method of determining procedures depends upon the assumptions that everyone with ah
interest is represented. But given his own assumptions about obligations
to the future and in respect of potential persons this is evidently not the
case. Catering in a just fashion for the interests of future people poses
serious problems for any method of decision that depends upon people
being present to represent their own interests.
Some of the more conservative, indeed reactionary, economic assumptions in Rawls emerge with the assumption that all that is required for
justice between generations is a just savings rate, that all we need to pass
on to the future are the things that guarantee appropriate savings such as
capital, factories, and machines. But the transmission of these things is
quite insufficient for justice to the future, and neither necessary nor
sufficient as a foundation for a good life for future generations. What is
required for justice is the transmission in due measure of what is valuable.
Rawls has, however, taken value accumulation as capital accumulation,
thereby importing one of the grossest economic assumptions, that capital
reflects value. But of course the accumulation of capital may conflict with
the preservation of what is valuable. It is for this sort of reason (and thus,
in essence, because of the introduction of supplementary economistic
theses which are not part of the pure contract theory) that Rawls's theory
is a reactionary one from an environmental point of view; on the theory as
presented (i.e. the contract theory plus all the supplementary assumptions) there is no need to preserve such things as wilderness or natural
beauty. The savings doctrine supposes that everything of value for transmission to the future is negotiable in the market or tradeable; but then
transmission of savings can by no means guarantee that some valuable
things, not properly represented in market systems, are not eliminated or
not passed on, thereby making future people worse off. It becomes evident
in this way, too, how culturally-bound Rawls's idea of ensuring justice to
future generations through savings is. It is not just that the idea does not
apply, without a complete overhaul, to non-industrial societies such as
those of hunter-gatherers; it does not apply to genuinely post-industrial
societies either. Consideration of such alternative societies suggests that
whafis required, in place of capital accumulation, is that we pass on what
is necessary for a good life, that we ensure that the basics are fairly
distributed over time and not eroded, e.g. that in the case of the forest
people that the forest is maintained. The narrowness of Rawls's picture,

Obligations to the Future 173
which makes no due allowance for social or cultural diversity (from the
original contractual position on) or for individual diversity arises in part
from his underlying and especially narrow socio-economic assumption as
to what people want:
What men want is meaningful work in free association with others,
these associations regulating their relations to one another within a
framework of just basic institutions. ([5], p. 290)
This may be what many Harvard men want; but as a statement of what
men want it supplies neither sufficient nor even necessary conditions.39

NOTES
1 Thus according to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110; our italics).
There is at present no generally accepted means by which high level waste can be
permanently isolated from the environment and remain safe for very long periods.
. . . Permanent disposal of high-level solid wastes in stable geological formations is
regarded as the most likely solution, but has yet to be demonstrated as feasible. It is
not certain that such methods and disposal sites will entirely prevent radioactive
releases following disturbances caused by natural processes or human activity.
The Fox Report also quoted approvingly ([2], p. 187; our italics) the conclusion of the
British (Flowers) Report [6]:
There should be no commitment to a large programme of nuclear fission power until
it has been demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that a method exist s to ensure the
safe containment of long-lived, highly radioactive waste for the indefinite future.
Although the absence of a satisfactory storage method has been conceded by some
leading proponents of nuclear development, e.g. Weinberg ([3], pp. 32-33), it is now
disputed by others. In particular, the headline for Cohen [15], which reads 'A substantial
body of evidence indicates that the high level radioactive wastes generated by U.S.
nuclear power plants can be stored satisfactorily in deep geological formations', has
suggested to many readers - what it was no doubt intended to suggest- that there is really
no problem about the disposal of radioactive wastes after all. Cohen presents, however,
no new hard evidence, no evidence not already available to the British and Australian
Commissions ([2] and [6]). Moreover the evidence Cohen does outline fails conspicuously
to measure up to the standards rightly required by the Flowers and Fox Reports. Does
Cohen offer a commercial-scale procedure for waste disposal which can be demonstrated
as safe? Far from it:

174 R. and V. Routley
The detailed procedures for handling the high-level wastes are not yet definite, but
present indications are that. . . . (Cohen [1], p. 24; our italics)
Does Cohen 'demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt' the long-term safety of burial of
wastes, deep underground? Again, far from it:
On the face of it such an approach appears to be reasonably safe. . . . (p. 24; our
italics)
Cohen has apparently not realized what is required.
At issue here are not so much scientific or empirical issues as questions of methodology, of standards of evidence required for claims of safety, and above all, of values, since
claims of safety, for example, involve implicit evaluations concerning what counts as an
acceptable risk, an admissible cost, etc. In the headline 'a substantial body of evidence
. . . indicates that. . . wastes . . . can be stored satisfactorily' the key words (italicized)
are evaluative or elastic, and the strategy of Cohen's case is to adopt very low standards
for their application. But in view of what is at stake it is hardly acceptable to do this, to
dress up in this way what are essentially optimistic assurances and untested speculations
about storage, which in any case do little to meet the difficulties and uncertainties that
have been widely pointed out as regards precisely the storage proposals Cohen outlines,
namely human or natural interference or disturbance.
2 See [18], pp. 24-25.
3 On all these points, see [14], esp. p. 141. According to the Fox Report ([2], p. 110):
Parts of the reactor structure will be highly radioactive and their disposal could be
very difficult. There is at present no experience of dismantling a full size reactor.
4 See, in particular, The Union of Concerned Scientists, The Nuclear Fuel Cycle, Friends
of the Earth Energy Paper, San Francisco 1973, p. 47; also [3], p. 32 and [14], p. 149.
5 As the discussion in [14], pp. 153-7, explains.
6 Cf. [17], pp. 35-36, [18] and, for much detail, J. R. Goffman and A. R. Tamplin, Poisoned
Power, Rodale Press, Emmau Pa. 1971.
7 On the pollution and waste disposal record of the infant nuclear industry, see [14] and
[17].
The record of many countries on pollution control, where in many cases available
technologies for reducing or removing pollution are not applied because they are considered too expensive or because they adversely affect the interests of some powerful group,
provides clear historical evidence that the problem of nuclear waste disposal would not
end simply with the devising of a 'safe' technology for disposal, even if one could be
devised which provided a sufficient guarantee of safety and was commercially feasible.
The fact that present economic and political arrangements are overwhelmingly weighted
in favour of the interests and concerns of (some) contemporary humans makes it not
unrealistic to expect the long-term nuclear waste disposal, if it involved any significant
cost at all, when public concern about the issue died down, would be seen to conflict with
the interests of contemporary groups, and that these latter interests would in many cases
be favoured. Nor, as the history of movements such as the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament shows, could generalized public concern in the absence of direct personal
interest, be relied upon to be sustained for long enough to ensure implementation of costly
or troublesome long-term disposal methods - even in those places where public concern
exists and is a politically significant force.
It must be stressed then that the problem is not merely one of disposal technique.
Historical and other evidence points to the conclusion that many of the most important
risks associated with nuclear waste disposal are not of the kind which might be amenable

Obligations to the Future

175

to technical solutions in the laboratory. A realistic assessment of potential costs to the
future from nuclear development cannot overlook these important non-technical risk
factors.
8 Of course the effect on people is not the only factor which has to be taken into consideration in arriving at a moral judgment. Nuclear radiation, unlike most ethical theories, does
not confine its scope to human life. But since the harm nuclear development is likely to
cause to non-human life can hardly improve its case, it suffices if the case against it can be
made out solely in terms of its effects on human life in the conventional way.
9 Proponents of nuclear power often try to give the impression that future people will not
just bear costs from nuclear development but will also be beneficiaries, because nuclear
powerprovides an 'abundant' or even 'unlimited' source of energy; thus Weinberg ([3], p.
34): 'an all but infinite source of relatively cheap and clean energy'. A good example of an
attempt to create the impression that 'abundant' and 'cheap' energy from nuclear fission
will be available to 'our descendants', i.e. all future people, is found in the last paragraph
of Cohen [15]. Such claims are most misleading, since fission power even with the breeder
reactor has only about the same prospective lifetime as coal-produced electricity (a point
that can be derived using data in A. Parker, 'World Energy Resources: A Survey', Energy
Policy, Vol. 3 [1975], pp. 58-66), and it is quite illegitimate to assume that nuclear fusion,
for which there are still major unsolved problems, will have a viable, clean technology by
the time fission runs out, or, for that matter, that it ever will. Thus while some few
generations of the immediate future may obtain some benefits as well as costs, there is a
very substantial chance that tho se of the more distant future will obtain nothing but costs.
10 These feelings, of which Smith's and Hume's sympathy is representative, are but the
feeling echoes of obligation. At most, sympathy explains the feeling of obligation or lack
of it, and this provides little guide as to whether there is an obligation or not - unless one
interprets moral sympathy, the feeling of having a obligation, or being obligated, itself as
a sufficient indication of obligation, in which case moral sympathy is a non-explanatory
correlate in the feelings department of obligation itself and cannot be truly explanatory of
the ground of it; unless, in short, moral sympathy reduces to an emotive rewrite of moral
obligation.
11 Elsewhere in [1] Passmore is especially exercised that our institutions and intellectual
traditions - presumably only the better ones - should be passed on to posterity, and that
we should strive to make the world a better place, if not eventually an ideal one.
12 This is not the only philosophically important issue in environmental ethics on which
Passmore is inconsistent. Consider his: 'over-arching intention: to consider whether the
solution of ecological problems demands a moral or metaphysical revolution' (p. x),
whether the West needs a new ethic and a new metaphysics. Passmore's answer in [1] is
an emphatic No.
Only insofar as Western moralists have [made various erroneous suggestions] can
the West plausibly be said to need a 'new ethic'. What it needs, for the most part, is
not so much a 'new ethic' as adherence to a perfectly familiar ethic.
For the major sources of our ecological disasters - apart from ignorance - are
greed and shortsightedness, which amount to much the same thing. . . There is no
novelty in the view that greed is evil; no need of a new ethic to tell us as much. (p. 187)
'The view that the West now needs. . . a new concept of nature' is similarly dismissed (p.
186, cf. p. 72). But in his paper [1*] (i.e. 'Attitudes to Nature', Royal Institute of
Philosophy Lectures, Vol. 8, Macmillan, London 1975), which is said to be an attempt to
bring together and to reformulate some of the basic philosophical themes of [1], Passmore's answer is Yes, and quite different themes, inconsistent with those of [1], are
advanced:

176 R. and V. Routley
[T]he general conditions I have laid down . . . have not been satisfied in most of the
traditional philosophies of nature. To that degree it is true, I think, that we do need a
'new metaphysics' which is genuinely not anthropocentric. . . . A 'new metaphysics', if it is not to falsify the facts, will have to be naturalistic, but not reductionist.
The working out of such a metaphysics is, in my judgement, the most important task
which lies ahead of philosophy. ([1*], pp. 260-1)
A new ethic accompanies this new metaphysics.
The emergence of new moral attitudes to nature is bound up, then, with the emergence of a more realistic philosophy of nature. That is the only adequate foundation
for effective ecological concern. ([1*], p. 264)
This is a far cry from the theme of [1] that ecological problems can be solved within the
traditions of the West.
13 Put differently, the causal linkage can bypass intermediate generations, especially given
action at a temporal distance: the chain account implies that there are no moral constraints in initiating such causal linkages. The chain picture accordingly seems to presuppose an unsatisfactory Humean model of causation, demanding contiguity and excluding
action at a distance.
14 Golding we shall concede to Passmore, though even here the case is not clearcut. For
Golding writes towards the end of his article ([12], p. 96):
My discussion, until this point, has proceeded on the view that we have obligations
to future generations. But do we? I am not sure that the question can be answered in
the affirmative with any certainty. I shall conclude this note with a very brief
discussion of some of the difficulties.
All of Passmore's material on Golding is drawn from this latter and, as Golding says,
'speculative' discussion.
15 There is no textual citation for Bentham at all for the chapter of [1] concerned, viz. Ch. 4,
'Conservation'.
16 As Passmore himself at first concedes ([1], p. 84):
If, as Bentham tells us, in deciding how to act men ought to take account of the
effects of their actions on every sentient being, they obviously ought to take account
of the pleasure and pains of the as yet unborn.
17 Neither rightness nor probable lightness in the hedonistic senses correspond to these
notions in the ordinary sense; so at least [13] argues, following much anti-utilitarian
literature.
18 On this irrationality different theories agree: the rational procedure, for example according to the minimax rule for decision-making under uncertainty, is to minimize that
outcome which maximizes harm.
19 Discount, or bank, rates in the economists' sense are usually set to follow the market (cf.
P. A. Samuelson, Economics, 7th ed., McGraw-Hill, New York 1967, p. 351). Thus the
rates have little moral relevance.
20 Cf. Rawls [5], p. 287: 'From a moral point of view there are no grounds for discounting
future well-being on the basis of pure time preference.'
21 What the probabilities would be depends on the theory of probability adopted: a Carnapian theory, e.g., would lead back to the unconstrained position.

Obligations to the Future 177
22 A real possibility is one which there is evidence for believing could eventuate. A real
possibility requires producible evidence for its consideration. The contrast is with mere
logical possibility.
23 Thus, to take a simple special case, economists dismiss distant future people from their
assessments of utility, welfare, etc., on the basis of their non-existence; cf. Ng ('the utility
of a non-existent person is zero') and Harsanyi ('only existing people [not even "nonexisting potential individuals"] can have real utility levels since they are the only ones
able to enjoy objects with a positive utility, suffer from objects with a negative utility, and
feel indifferent to objects with zero utility') (see Appendix B of Y. K. Ng, 'Preference,
Welfare, and Social Welfare', paper presented at the Colloquium on Preference, Choice
and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National University, August 1977, pp. 24, 26-27).
Non-existent people have no experiences, no preferences; distant future people do not
exist; therefore distant future people have no utility assignments - so the sorites goes. But
future people at least will have wants, preferences, and so on, and these have to be taken
into account in adequate utility assessments (which should be assessed over afuture time
horizon), no matter how much it may complicate or defeat calculations.
24 There are problems about formulating universalizability satisfactorily, but they hardly
affect the point. The requisite universalizability can in fact be satisfactorily brought out
from the semantical analysis of deontic notions such as obligation, and indeed argued for
on the basis of such an analysis which is universal in form. The lawlikeness requirement,
which can be similarly defended, is essentially that imposed on genuine scientific laws by
logical empiricists (e.g. Carnap and Hempel), that such laws should contain no proper
names or the like, no reference to specific locations or times.
25 Such a principle is explicit both in classical utilitarianism (e.g. Sidgwick [11], p. 414), and
in a range of contract and other theories from Kant and Rousseau toRawls ([5], p. 293).
How the principle is argued for will depend heavily, however, on the underlying theory;
and we do not want to make our use depend heavily on particular ethical theories.
26 See esp. R. Lanoue, NuclearPlants:The MoreTheyBuild, The More You Pay, Centerfor
Study of Responsive Law, Washington DC 1976; also [14], pp. 212 ff.
27 On all these points see R. Grossman and G. Daneker, Guide to Jobs and Energy,
Environmentalists for Full Employment, Washington DC 1977, pp. 1-7, and also the
details supplied in substantiating the interesting case of Commoner [7]. On the absorption
of available capital by the nuclear industry, see as well [18], p. 23. On the employment
issues, see too H. E. Daly in [9], p. 149. A more fundamental challenge to the poverty
argument appears in I. Illich, Energy and Equality, Calder &amp; Boyars, London 1974,
where it is argued that the sort of development nuclear energy represents is exactly the
opposite of what the poor need.
28 For much more detail on the inappropriateness see E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful,
Blond &amp; Briggs, London 1973. As to the capital and other requirements, see [2], p. 48, and
also [7] and [9].
For an illuminating look at the sort of development high-energy technology will tend to
promote in the so-called underdeveloped countries, see the paper of Waiko and other
papers in the Melanesian Environment (ed. by J. H. Winslow), Australian National
University Press, Canberra 1977.
29 This fact is implicitly recognized in [2], p. 56.
30 A useful survey is given in A. Lovins, Energy Strategy: The Road Not Taken, Friends of
the Earth Australia, 1977 (reprinted from Foreign Affairs, October 1976); see also [17],
[6], [7], [14], pp. 233 ff., and Schumacher, op. cit.
31 This is also explained in [2], p. 56.
32 An argument like this is suggested in Passmore [1], Chs. 4 and 7, with respect to the
question of saving resources. In Passmore this argument for the overriding importance
of passing on contemporary culture is underpinned by what appears to be a future-

178 R. and V. Routley
directed ethical version of the Hidden Hand argument of economics - that, by a coincidence which if correct would indeed be fortunate, the best way to take care of the future
(and perhaps even the only way to do so, since do-good intervention is almost certain to
go wrong) is to take proper care of the present and immediate future. The argument has
all the defects of the related Chain Argument discussed above and others.
33 See [14], p. 66, p. 191, and also [7].
34 For such arguments see esp. M. Flood and R. Grove-White, Nuclear Prospects. A
Comment on the Individual, the State and Nuclear Power, Friends of the Earth, Council
for the Protection of Rural England and National Council for Civil Liberties, London
1976.
35 For a recent sketch of one such alternative which is outside the framework of the
conventional option of centralized bureaucratic socialism, see E. Callenbach's novel,
Ecotopia, Banyan Tree Books, Berkeley, California 1975. For the outline of a liberation
socialist alternative see Radical Technology (ed. by G. Boyle and P. Harper), Undercurrents Limited, London 1976, and references therein.
36 Some earlier contract theories also did. Burke's contract (in E. Burke, Reflections on the
Revolution in France, Dent, London 1910, pp. 93-94) 'becomes a partnership not only
between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead and
those who are not yet born'. Thus Burke's contract certainly appears to lead to obligations to distant future generations. Needless to say, there are metaphysical difficulties,
which however Burke never considers, about contracts between parties at widely separated temporal locations.
37 Several of the preceding points we owe to M. W. Jackson.
38 Resources such as soil fertility and petroleum could even be a primary social goods on
Rawls's very hazy general account of these goods ([5], pp. 62, 97): are these 'something a
rational man wants whatever else he wants'? The primary social goods should presumably be those which are necessary for the good and just life -which will however vary with
culture.
39 We have benefited from discussion with Ian Hughes and Frank Muller and useful
comments on the paper from Brian Martin and Derek Browne.

REFERENCES
[1] J. Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature, Duckworth, London 1974.
[2] Ranger Uranium Environmental Inquiry First Report, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1977.
[3] A. M. Weinberg, 'Social Institutions and Nuclear Energy", Science, Vol. 177 (July 1972),
pp. 27-34.
•
[4] R. Routley, 'Exploring Meinong's Jungle II. Existence is Existence Now', Notre Dame
Journal of Formal Logic (to appear).
[5] J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1971.
[6] Nuclear Power and the Environment. Sixth Report of the British Royal Commission on
Environmental Pollution, London 1976.
[7] B. Commoner, The Poverty of Power, Knopf, New York 1976.
[8] G. E. Moore, Principia Ethica, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1903.
[9] B. Commoner, H. Boksenbaum and M. Corr (Eds.), Energy and Human Welfare - A
Critical Analysis, Vol. III, Macmillan, New York 1975.

Obligations to the Future 179
[10] J. Bentham, The Works of Jeremy Bentham, Vol. 1, published under the superintendence of J. Bowring, with an intro. by J. H. Burton; William Tait, Edinburgh 1843.
[11] H. Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, Macmillan, London 1962 (reissue).
[12] M. P. Golding, 'Obligations to Future Generations', Monist, Vol. 56 (1972), pp. 85-99.
[13] R. and V. Routley, 'An Expensive Repair Kit for Utilitarianism', presented at the
Colloquium on Preference, Choice and Value Theory, RSSS, Australian National
University, August 1977.
[14] R. Nader and J. Abbotts, The Menace of Atomic Energy, Outback Press, Melbourne
1977.
[15] B. L. Cohen, 'The Disposal of Radioactive Wastes from Fission Reactors', Scientific
American, Vol. 236 (June 1977), pp. 22-31.
[16] S. McCracken, 'The Waragainst the Atom' .Commentary (September 1977), pp. 33-47.
[17] A. B. Lovins and J. H. Price, Non-Nuclear Futures: The Case for an Ethical Energy
Strategy, Friends of the Earth International, San Francisco 1975.
[18] A. Roberts, "The Politics of Nuclear Power', Arena, No. 41 (1976), pp. 22-47.

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                    <text>RICHARD ROUTLEY
metaphysical fallout from
nuclear predicament

the

string of nuclear prophets has produced a series of philosophically oriented works on nuclear war ’ The series is
important for its deeper penetration mto the main nuclear predicament, down to metaphysical levels; m this, the series contrasts with the superficialities of much of the political commentary. The most widely circulated and influential text of the
series is undoudbtedly that of the slightest of the ’prophets&amp;dquo;,
A

Schell’s The Fate of the Earth. This skillful piece of mediasome of the apparently
Anders So, conveniently,
main assumptions of Schell and Anders can often be considered together. To criticize their assumptions is not of course
to belittle their work. In particular, Schell’s little book, for all its
political shortcomings, is having a significant and much
needed effect m shifting attitudes towards nuclear arrangements. It is especially valuable for its vivid and horrifying scenarios of the aftermath of nuclear attack Unfortunately it also
exhibits, both philosophically and factually, severe defects.

philosophy unncannily redeploys
deep phenomenological themes of

Some of it is simply rubbish- to take one example, consider
the claim that &amp;dquo;without ... a worldwide program of action
for preserving the [human] species, .. nothing else that
we undertake together can make any practical or moral
sense ...&amp;dquo; (p.173, rearranged). This should certainly be rejected philosophically; for there is no separate moral issue of
such overwhelming importance that all other issues become
morally neutral. Moral issues remain moral issues they do
not cease to be so when compared with more important moral
issues (as Schell effectively acknowledges elsewhere, e g

�p.130). And the claim should be questioned on more factual
grounds. Humans form a highly resilient species, like rats a
survivor species, unlikely to be entirely exterminated under
presently arranged nuclear holocausts.
The example was selected, however, because it leads into,
indeed presupposes, two of the major defective assumptions
in the work of Schell and Anders:
S 1. Nuclear war will eliminate I~fe, human life at least,
(the extinction assumption) and

on

earth

S2. In the absence of humans, very many notions, not only
those of mortality and values, but those of time and space for
example, make no sense: or, to put it mto a more sympathefic
philosophical form, these notions depend for their sense on
an actual human context (the extravagant anthropocentric

assumption).22
of S2 which gave Anders’ and Schell’s works
of their apparent philosophical depth, and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement through the paradoxical
propositions generated. But the frequent applications of S2
It

is

applications

some

S1.3

For without total extinction there
will be humans about, to make past and future, to do good
end evil, and to go on making sense!

depend essentially

on

Granted, assumption S1

by no means ruled out as a real
possibility, as the technological means appear available to
make it true (to render Homo Sapiens extinct).4 Granted, the
prospect of large-scale nuclear war does threaten leading
is

centers of Western civilization with obliteration. Even so, S1

unlikely m the light of present-admittedly inadequate-information Even m Canada, which lies on the polar
appears

route of Soviet missiles, human life should be able to continue
in certain northern areas (according to Canadian medical
studies). Schell’s argument to S1 is extremely flimsy. It de-

pends, for example,

20

on an unjustified extrapolation from the
Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, but for the most part it
does that very North American thing of contracting the world
to North America. (All that matters, all worthwhile civilization,
is in the USA, or at least, to be more char~table, in North
America and Europe, which will also be wiped out, e , its
entire human population will be eliminated in a nuclear holocaust.) Some of the data Schell relies upon, for example the
effect of nuclear explosions on the ozone layer, was significantly out of date even when he wrote Other effects than
ozone destruction, such as variations in the ultraviolet radiation and temperature levels, apparently extrapolate even less
well from North to South A factually superior study of nuclear

�produced at about the same time as Schell’s, by
and others, indicates that part of the Southern Hemisphere, such as New Zealand and southern latitudes of Latin
Amenca, could escape relatively unscathed from even the
most massive northern exchanges.
disaster

Preddy

Doomsday prophets may appear to have gained new purchase through recent (if belated) scientific forecasts of a nuclear winter following upon nuclear war But although these
forecasts certainly add a new, and alarming, ecological dimension to the very damaging consequences of large-scale
nuclear war, they do not sustain the extinction assumpt~on.55
On the available evidence, human life will continue, though no
doubt with new complications and simplifications, for example
in many southern mid-latitude coastal regions outside zones
of radiation fallout More generally, life will go on, though likely
seriously and irreversibly impoverished through loss of valuable nonhuman systems and creatures.
Nuclear prophets usually see the world (though with most of it
carried along) as already set, in crucial respects, on the route
to nuclear catastrophe. Much of the way taken is seen as both
inevitable and irreversible Thus both Anders and Schell insist
upon the &amp;dquo;impossibility of unlearning&amp;dquo; the means of manufacturing nuclear bombs. It would seem that extinction,
which they both foresee, would furnish a good medium for
unlearning nuclear technology (something very like this
emerges from van Damken’s theory of an earlier &amp;dquo;h~gh&amp;dquo; technology). In virtue of S2, they would, however, exclude such a
possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly that
the notion no longer made sense. But what they again want to
suggest with the i m possibility-of -u n learning message is the
inevitability of the development and eventual use of the
technology-as if having learned the means all else was determined, and manufacture and use ceased to be a matter of
choice. Certainly such views have been advanced6, but they
are not tenable There are many examples of technological
advances that have not been taken advantage of, and there
are even cases of technological developments that have
been manufactured but not marketed or used. There is not
something very special about nuclear apparatus that puts it
beyond the scope of such generalizations.

Both Schell and Anders do claim that there are very special
things about nuclear weapons, notably that they do not allow
Even if this were true just of nuclear
11 experiment
it
is certainly not of smaller weapons-it
weapons-and
would not rebut the previous argument against the inevitability of nuclear weapons. And in fact Anders and (even) Schell
&amp;dquo;

21

�hedge their claims about testing, and the limits to nuclear
scientific work, to large-scale weapons and independent experiments which do not interfere with observers and those
outside the &amp;dquo;laboratories.&amp;dquo; Again they have latched onto major prints, m particular, we have at present no way of testing
the cumulative effects of large-scale nuclear weapons in concert, e.g. for more holistic effects, such as fireballs or firestorms, or changes m coupled atmospheric circulation and
radiation fields. Short of a large-scale nuclear war, and likely
enough with it, these crucial effects must remain largely untested and hypothetical in character. Nontheless enough data
can be assembled to carry through informative modellings,
which point to the improbability of S1, and so undermine applications of S2.
The penetration of human chauvinism, as
thing peculiar to Schell and Anders, but is

m

S2,

a

product of West-

is

not some-

philosophy, European philosophy especially. This
chauvinism is unfortunately alive and still well, Anders version of S2 being just one striking illustration (cf. AA p. 252ff.).
It has also deeply penetrated Anglo-American philosophy,
and has been extended under the influence of Wittgenstein’s
ern

work, where

even the necessary truths of mathematics are
taken to be a product of human conventions, and would vanish with humans! Such are the alleged implications of extinction : but the fact is that the truths of arithmetic are m no way
dependent on the existence of humans or humanoids or of
gods or giraffes. As with necessary truths and falsehoods so
with contingents ones: very many propositions about the
world do not depend upon in any way for their truth-value or
content on humans or their communities.
_

22

In Schell, human chauvinism is dished up in a particularly
powerful and obnoxious Kantian form. Thoughts and propositions, time and tenses, history and memories, values and
morality all depend on the life-giving presence of human
beings-past or future or merely potential humans are not
enough. Thus, according to Schell (p 140, e.g), &amp;dquo; . the
thought ’Humanity is now extinct’ is an impossible one for a
rational person, because as soon as it is, we are not In
imagining any other event, we look ahead to a moment that is
still within the stream of human tame....&amp;dquo; The thought is however perfectly possible for humans; we can have it right now.
Though we no doubt have it falsely, a later rational creature
may well be able to have it truly. Schell erroneously denies
that: there is no &amp;dquo;later&amp;dquo; &amp;dquo;outside the human tenses of past,
present, and future ... &amp;dquo; (p 140) .7 Human extinction eliminates &amp;dquo;the creature that divides time into past, present and

�future&amp;dquo;

annihilation cannot &amp;dquo;come to pass&amp;dquo; (p.143). But it
false
that the tenses are human: the tenses depend
simply
on a local time ordering (perceptible to many creatures other
than humans, but not depending at all on that perceptibility for
its viability) relating other times to the present, to now (also a
human-independent location, evident to other creatures, and
borne witness to by such sequences as the passing seasons). Annihilation may also too easily come to pass, for
many humans m the North at least, as it came to pass in
recent geological times that humans began to exist upon
earth Before that there was a time before there were any
human beings.
so

is

Anders’ argument for the demise of time, that &amp;dquo;what has been
will no longer be even what has been,&amp;dquo; is also explicitly (and
narrowly) verificatiomst: &amp;dquo;for what would the difference be between what has only been and what has never been, if there
is no one to remember the things that have been (AA p.245).
There would still remain many sorts of differences; for one,
the history recorded m many other organisms would be different Temporal themes do not lack wlegitimacy because not
registered [or verified] by anyone&amp;dquo;; truth, significance, still
less meaning, are not matters of human verification.
elsewhere, the human chauvinism is mixed with
distorting metaphysical assumptions of our Western
heritage, m particular, verificationism and ontological
assumptions (to the effect that there are severe difficulties m
talking about what does not exist Thus, for example, Schell
takes over dubious metaphysics from Freud, according to
whom ’nt is mdeed impossible to imagine our own death: and
whenever we attempt to do so, we can perceive that we are m
fact still present as spectators&amp;dquo; (p 138) The second clause
goes a good distance towards refuting the first In fact there is
no great difficulty in describing counterfactual situations
which undermine both of Freud’s claims. The same goes for
Schell’s extensions of human chauvinism into one of its main
traditional strongholds, value theory: &amp;dquo; . the simple and
basic fact (sic!) that before there can be good or evil, service
or harm, lamenting or rejoicing, there must be life.&amp;dquo; human
life (p.171 ) These are no facts, but deeply entrenched philosophical dogmas (which have been exposed and criticized
elsewhere, e.g , HC).

Here,

as

other

will disappear with the extinction of
humans: trivially there will be no more humans (unless humans re-evolve or are recreated), and thus no more human
communities, human institutions, human activities, human
emotions, and so forth But it is already gomg too far to sug-

Naturally

23

many

things

�gest,

as

no

Anders does, that there will

accordingly

be &amp;dquo;no

love, no struggle, no pain, no hope, no comfort,
sacrifice, no image, no song...&amp;dquo; For there are, and may

thought,

no

continue to exist, other creatures than humans with emotion,
struggles, songs... Nor will the ending of all such human
ventures, if it comes to pass, show that all past human ventures have been &amp;dquo;all in vain,&amp;dquo; meaningless, and already so to
say dead The decay of the solar system, or the heat-death of
the universe even, will not show that worthwhile human activities were not worthwhile.9 Several of the other notions and
themes common to Schell and Anders derive from their
shared assumptions S1 and S2. It is these that underlie the
biblical notion (in Revelations) of a Second Death, redeployed
by both. &amp;dquo;The death of mankind,&amp;dquo; under S1 , is reckoned a
&amp;dquo;second death,&amp;dquo; because by S2 and S1 remamng life is rendered meaningless and already ’ seems to be dead (AA
p.244, S p 166) and is already overhung with death&amp;dquo; (S
p.166). Thus, too, more trivially, a person faces &amp;dquo;a second
death,&amp;dquo; not merely one’s own but m addition that greater
death of the species and all future generations (S p 166.
p.1 15). However, even if nuclear extinction came to pass, the
stronger notion would not be vindicated, because it depends
on the fallacious inference to the meaninglessness of preceding life and on the very questionable representation of this
meaninglessness as a sort of death. There is no such Second
Death: creatures die just once, perhaps all at about the same
time. The idea of a Second Death lacks even a solid metaphysical base.
From S1 ,

together with the minor principle that the extinction
absolute
does not differ m degree, comes the unibeing
versality of peril theme that &amp;dquo;we are all exposed to peril m
the same degree,&amp;dquo; which is accordingly &amp;dquo;d~sgmsed~ and &amp;dquo;difficult to recognize,&amp;dquo; because there is no contrast (AE p 64;
S p.150). This theme falls with S1. In any event, not all peoples are equally imperilled by the nuclear situation, the Indians of southern Patagonia being rather better placed than
the Germans of northern Europe Nor are all people equally
locked into the situation or incapacitated by it; the prospects
are different in different countries and places.
an

Nor, likewise,

are

all

people equally responsible,

a

pernicious

theme which Schell (m contrast to Anders) repeatedly
filtrates. This is the Pogo theme, according to whichS3.
co,

24

in-

Responsibility for the present nuclear predIcament (flasreally) dlstnbutes onto everybody, It belongs to every hu-

man lií

the world

’o

...i

�But there is also, mixed in, a weaker, more plausible claim
that gives the lie to the stronger one, namely, that we have
some responsibility (the Nazi situation is compared) An especially blatant example of the Pogo theme’ runs as follows:
&amp;dquo;... the world’s political leaders
though they now menace
the earth with nuclear weapons, do so only with our permission, and even at our bidding. At least, this is true for democracies&amp;dquo; (pp.229-30). The theme is elaborated elsewhere:
&amp;dquo;... we are the authors of that distinction (For the populations of the superpowers this is true in a positive sense,
since we pay for extinction and support the governments that
pose the threat of it, while for the peoples of the non-nucleararmed world it is true only m the negative sense that they fail
to try to do anything about the danger)&amp;dquo; (p.152). But this is
...

of an argument indicting representative government, by
revealing its insensitivity and unresponsiveness to many of
the populace they allegedly govern, not to mention those
affected by its activities who are not represented at all (namely foreigners). But Schell conveniently neglects all such
points: &amp;dquo;... we are all potential mass killers. The moral cost of
more

nuclear armaments is that it makes all of us underwriters of
the slaughter of hundreds of millions&amp;dquo; (p 152) And again [at]
perpetrators ... we convey the steady message .. that life
not only is not sacred but it is worthless; that ... it had been
judged acceptable for everyone to be killed&amp;dquo; (p 153) Little of
this is true. Those who campaign against nuclear arrangements, vote against nuclear-committed parties so far as is
possible, and the like, are certainly not the authors of potential
destruction, and responsibility for the nuclear situation does
not simply distribute onto them. Nor does the responsibilityor the unlikely opinions as to worth Schell illegitimately attributes to everyone-fall on those who have done less.
Responsibility for decisions taken in &amp;dquo;literal democracies&amp;dquo;
even by representatives (m the unlikely event of this happening m the case of anything as important as defense) cannot
be traced back to those represented, since among many
other things, a representative is only representative of a party
which offers a complex and often ill-characterized package of
policies, and a voter may vote for zero or more policies of this
package. Only m the (uncommon) event of a clear single
issue referendum, which is adopted, can responsibility, still of
a qualified sort, be sheeted home, to those who voted for it,
not to everyone in the community. While S3 is false, there is
an important related theme that is much more plausible,
namely, that the present nuclear situation generates
responsibilities for every socially involved person.

25

When

moreover

the

Pogo assumption

is

disentangled

from

�the accompanyng themes, part of what results
along the right lines: namely,

is

decidedly

S4 The controllers [not to be confused, in Schell’s fashion,
with all of us] have failed to change our pre-nuclear mstltutlons. The sovereign system Is out of step with the nuclear age, the one-earth system, etc. (the whole earth

theme).

Though Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the state and the frequently immoral purposes for
which the state is used, unfortunately he often loses sight of
this important theme (indicated pp.187-8) Yet S4 forms part
of Schell’s critique of the state which is, by and large, scattered and fragmentary. Schell arrives at the conclusion that
the nation-state has outlasted its usefulness, and that new
political institutions more &amp;dquo;consonant with the global reality&amp;dquo;
are required as a matter of urgency. But he evades what he
admits is the major task, making out viable alternatives. 12 At
most he makes some passing gestures, some pointing
towards the Way Up to world political control
Solutions to the nuclear arms dilemma come, if not easily, m a
similar simplistic way, from Top Down: those who can must
appeal to the Top, to those who govern (cf. p.230). Schell
places his hope m treaties for arms reduction and limitations,
such as SALT, and m world government, through the United
Nations (see p.225ff. and especially p 227, bottom paragraph) Given the record of these organizations and treaties,
the negotiations and regulators, it is by now a pathetic faith.
Nor is a serious need felt for further analysis of the nuclear
situation, to investigate the origins of nuclear technology, to
explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider effective
changes to military-mdustrial organization and ways of life.

26

But some of the requisite deeper analysis of the nuclear situation and, more generally, of the roots of war can be found in
Anders and elsewhere. 13 The roots of the nuclear predicament are not confined to the ideologically-aligned arrangements of nation-states, but penetrate also into key components of those states, their military, their controlling
classes, and their supporting bureaucracies Both within the
arrangements of states, what accounts in part for the arrangements, and in key components of the states, a conspicuous
and crucial feature is the drive for power and domination (and,
often, the accompanyng privilege). 14 Thus the push for [nuclear] superiority by the super-states, to be achieved through
military-oriented science and technology, which involves and
enables domination,in several interrelated forms The main

�the large nation-state, where enough surplus
be accumulated (from at home and from abroad,
and bled from nature) to proceed with military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found the high-technology research
and development means to ever more expendable power and

power-base
product can

is

energy. 15
In

changing the

structural arrangements to eliminate the proof
nuclear
war, it is not ultimately enough just to downspect
the
main
power-base, the nation-state: it is also imporgrade
tant to alter key components of the state, and, more
sweepingly, to remove trouble-making patterns embedded m
all these social and political arrangements, namely, patterns
of domination-patterns manifested not only in state political
organization, but in white-coloured relations, male-female relations, human-animal relations, human-nature relations-to
remove, m short, chauvinistic relations. However, not everything needs to be accomplished at once: the cluster of
damaging power and domination relations tied into war can
be tackled separately There the problems can largely be
narrowed to certain problems of states and certain key components of states
In what analysis he does offer of the problem with states,
Schell repeats the familiar false contrast of state expediency
with morality, as a contrast between &amp;dquo;raison d’etat&amp;dquo; and the
Socratic-Christian ethics The teaching that &amp;dquo;the end justifies
the means is the basis on which governments, in all times,
have licensed themselves to commit crimes of every sort&amp;dquo;
(p 134). So &amp;dquo;states may do virtually anything whatever m the
name of [their] survival.&amp;dquo; Schell then argues, however, that
extinction nullifies end-means justification by destroying
every end; but again the argument is far from sound, and
depends on human chauvinism (as under S2) combined with
ontological assumptions. Even if all humans were extinguished (as under S1 ) ends could remain, for instance, for
nonhumans such as animals and extraterrestrials, actual or
not. The end-means argument can, however, be repaired to
remove such objections: instead it is claimed that extinction

27

nullifies end-means justification by frustrating the realization
of every relevant end-meaning by &amp;dquo;relevant,&amp;dquo; in this context, those ends the realization of which the state appeals to
m justification of its nuclear policies. 16 A nuclear war, even
without human extinction but with severe enough losses,
would undoubtedly frustrate the realization of relevant state
ends So even from an expediency perspective, super-state
policies are open to severe criticism, for example, as motivationally irrational in the nuclear risks taken.

�As to the part of the state and (state) sovereignty m war,
Schell leaves us in no doubt. A sovereign state is virtually
defined as one that enjoys the right and power to go to war m
defense or pursuit of its interests (p 187) War arises from
how things are, from the arrangement of political affairs via
jealous nation-states (p.188). Indeed there is a two-way linkage between having sovereignty and capacity to wage
war. On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell contends, necessary for people to organize for war. On the other side, without
war it is impossible to preserve sovereignty Neither of these
contentions is transparently clear as it stands. The first is
damaged by civil war and the like, the second by the persistence of small nonmilitary states. Now that the macro-state
system is entrenched, it is, however, easy for conservatives
(m particular) to argue from the &amp;dquo;realties&amp;dquo; of international life,
which includes self-interest, aggression, fear, hatred. It is on
this basis that peace arrangements are readily dismissed as
unrealistic, utopian, even (amusingly) as extremist (cf. p.185).

Schell’s further theme that nuclear war is not war threatens,
however, to undermine his case against the sovereign state:
for example, his ends-means argument and the argument
based on its nuclear-war making capacity. Fortunately the
not-war theme needs much qualification, and starts out from
an erroneous characterization of war as &amp;dquo;a violent means
employed by a nation to achieve an end&amp;dquo; (p.189): but this is
neither necessary nor sufficient for war. What is correct is that
nuclear wars are very different from previous conventional

(cf. WP). Schell goes on to claim that war requires an
end which nuclear &amp;dquo;war&amp;dquo; does not have. But nuclear attacks
can certainly have ends (even if large nuclear wars cannot be
won in the older sense: but not all wars or games are won). It
is also claimed that war depends on weakness, on one side
being defeated on a decision by arms. But in a nuclear &amp;dquo;war&amp;dquo;
this doesn’t happen, &amp;dquo;no one’s strength fails until both sides
have been annihilated&amp;dquo; (p.190). But what these sorts of considerations contribute to showing is again not that nuclear
wars are not wars, but that they are not wars of certain sorts,
e.g., not just wars (because they fail on such criteria as reasonable prospect of success and improvement), not rational
wars (in a good sense), and so on. That conventional wars
have persisted into nuclear times does damage to Schell’s
argument that nuclear weapons have also ruined &amp;dquo;conventional&amp;dquo; wars, and his connected theme that the demise of
war has left no means to finally settle disputes between nations, for the final court has been removed (pp 192-193). The
theme depends on a pair of mistaken propositions: that conwars

28

�cerning the demise of conventional war, and the idea that war
of some sort has to be the final &amp;dquo;court of appeal&amp;dquo; between
nations (for there are other types of contests that could serve,
and there is also the possibility of more cooperative behaviour, e.g. joint referenda) The theme also imports the
social-Darwinian assumption of Clausewicz (the &amp;dquo;log~c of
war&amp;dquo; theme) that war has to proceed to the technological
limit-as if war and violence were thoroughly natural activities, independent of recognized social settings (for winning,
surrender, etc.), and ruleless activities. On the contrary, wars
are parasitic on social organizations such as states and are
governed by a range of understandings, conventions and
rules. They are a social phenomenon, with a rule structure, if
not a

29

logic.

Much capital has been made not merely from the logic of
war&amp;dquo; but from what is now called &amp;dquo;the logic of deterrence&amp;dquo; and
the &amp;dquo;logic of nuclear [strategic] planning.&amp;dquo; The message that
is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive arrangements the world is now entangled in are perfectly logical,
sound, rational. However, this represents little more than a
cheap semantical trick. Logic in no way justifies the present
arrangements, or anything like them, or renders them reasonable. There are logics of decision (as presented, e.g., for the
classical case in Jeffrey) which can be applied in strategic
planting; but they do not yeld specific results without desirability measures being assigned to alternative outcomes,
that is without values being pumped in, extralogically. There
are various ways these value assignments may be determined, to meet moral requirements or not: but in nuclear
strategic planning they have invariably been settled on the
basis of expediency 17 . For the most part, however, &amp;dquo;logic of&amp;dquo;
tends to be used very loosely, as a word of general commendation, to cover something like &amp;dquo;reasomng and rational
considerations entering into the policy or strategy of.&amp;dquo; In these
terms, Schell, who like others enjoys playing with the term
&amp;dquo;logic of,&amp;dquo; should write of &amp;dquo;the illogic of deterrence,&amp;dquo; for he
emphasizes its unreasonableness. For instance, he stresses
(p.213) the disparity between the supposed rationality of
threatening use of nuclear weapons and the irrationality
(even from a national interest viewpoint) of actually using
them should the threat fail- 18 yet the success of deterrence
doctrine depends on the credibility of the threat of this unjustifiable and irrational use. Indeed Schell wants to go still
further and locate a contradiction in deterrence (e g. pp.2012) ; but the argument depends on an interesting confusion of
contradiction with cancellation,’9 along with the assumption

�that deterrence involves cancellation. Nuclear deterrence
may well be irrational, it is immoral, but it is not inconsistent.

The Australian National University

NOTES
*This is a revised version of "Appendix 1 On the fate of mankind and the
earth, according to Schell, and to Anders" of my monograph referred to as
WP, where several points, only touched upon in this review, are further
developed References are by way of authors names or else through
obvious acronyms, given in the list of references which follows
1 The distinguishing term is from Foley’s Nuclear Prophets. where many
leading anti-nuclear prophets are assessed One well-known prophet not so
considered there is Jaspers, presumably because his main work comes out
in entirely the wrong direction It gives heavy philosophical attire to the

better-dead-than-red abomination A main argument against Jaspers so
presented is simple However bad being red might become (at present it is
debatably worse than living under some of the totalitarian regimes the free
West props up), it still gives humans a further chance for good lives, since
regimes fall or can be toppled but the total annihilation removes that all-

important opportunity
2 A detailed comparison of Schell and Anders’
of S2 is made in Foley JS

remarkably

similar

versions

3 Should S2 appeal, as it may. to suitable communities of humans. S1 will
require reformulation in similar terms, and the argument that follows needs
minor adjustment, with appropriate groups replacing individuals
4. Thus the Last Person

environmental ethics (as HC
for instance, the remote death of the Sun, but assumes new urgency It is this sort of argument
that connects environmental ethics and nuclear ethics. at a deeper
metaphysical level The Bomb and Bulldozer are out of the same technological Pandora’s box.

explams),

is no

argument, important

in

longer merely hypothetical, awaiting,

Nuclear

technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pandora’s box. Biological and chemical means are perhaps even more
effective, and certainly can be more selective in what gets extinguished.
Nuclear extinction would presumably require a different and more massive

30

exchange than is usually assumed in nuclear war scenarios. with heavy
targeting in particular of Southern Hemisphere sites (including
internationally-recognized nuclear-free zones).

�5 Nor do recent scientific studies claim

as much The most intrepid of these
studies, Erlich and others, only contends that in certain worst-case circumstances, "the possibility of the extinction of Homo sapiens cannot be excluded" (p 1299). The study admits that, in the scenario described, "it
seems unlikely
Homo sapiens would be forced to extinction immediately," and the difficulties indicated in the way of long-term human
survival are exaggerated

In

many of the drastic effects predicted for Northern midlatitudes
very much milder forms in equivalent Southern latitudes For
example, temperatures for regions with maritime climates appear likely to
vary by only a few degrees and perhaps negligibly for many agricultural
purposes after 100 days (cf. Turco and others, p 1287 case 29, and p 1286)
Similarly the extent of nuclear darkness and of surface ultraviolet radiation
will be appreciably less in the South and perhaps minor for many crucial
purposes. such as photosynthesis and human outdoor activity. after 100
days (cf the data in Benton and Partridge)

particular,

are

reflected

in

No doubt

some scientifically respectable sections of the environmental and
peace movements have an interest in exaggerating the probable effects of
nuclear holocaust for life on earth, much as many heads of states and
strategists have an interest in minimizing them And there is certainly substantial margin for error and for variation in conclusions drawn For Crutzen
(p 59) is right that "analysis of the environmental effects of a global thermonuclear war remain
uncertain
because of a lack of information on
various important processes [among other things]
The environment
might become extremely hostile, because of hitherto overlooked changes in
the composition of the atmosphere," again among other things Such uncertainty bodes considerable caution as rational The way to err is clear

6 Not

worth,

military

merely by technological determinists of Marxist persuasion Hackformer US general, argues by straight induction that if the US

a

has

a

weapon it will

use it

appalling theme that humans create past, present and
repeated elsewhere, e.g . p 173.
7 The

8 For

a

detailed refutation of these assumptions,

is here (AA pp
perseverance, criticized

9 Anders

see

future (etc )

is

JB

244-5) relying upon a version of the argument from
in detail in Routley and Griffin

interesting converse of this theme is sometimes advanced, that no
responsible. the whole thing is out of control The technological
version of this no-responsibility theme is discussed below (fn 15) More
satisfactory is the theme that nuclear arrangements are out of political
10 An

one is

in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclear
going, which enable responsibility to be distributed The vested interests, which bear considerable responsibility. include the military weapons
industry, and research and academic communities (cf Barnaby) Under
pressures for re-election especially, politicians give in to these powerful
groups, so losing control of political processes The argument is flawed at its
final stage For many influential politicians either belong to or represent
vested interests Thus. though there is no doubt some "lack of control,"
political processes tend rather to reflect vested interests than to run out of
political control

control, but for reasons,

things

31

11 Another example of spreading the responsibility runs as follows "The
self-extinction of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sane or

�sensible, nevertheless, it is an act that, without quite admitting it to ourselves, we plan In certain circumstances to commit (p 185) Even for most
of the planners, extinction is presumably not part of "the plan," but an
unintended consequence, and most of us have little or no role in the planning : enough of us even campaign against the planning. Further "the world
chose the course of attempting to refashion the system of sovereignty to
accommodate nuclear weapons" (p 194) the world? This connects the
course with the faulty ideological argument from defence of fundamentals,
e g , for liberty, for the "free enterprise" (USA) nation, and against socialism
12. A more detailed discussion is given in WP8, where too the
the state from nuclear dilemmas is elaborated

case

against

explanation is elaborated in Foley, some of the themes are
straightforwardly in Martin The incomplete list of items
given, to be investigated in a deeper analysis of the nuclear situation, paraphrases Foley JS p.164
13 Anders’

presented

more

These motivating drives form a part of a larger integrated package.
comprising maximization drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth, enfor the "newer" Enlightenment (but Faustian)
ergy, speed, satisfaction,
virtues. Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for excessive neatness and simplicity manifested) to reduce the package to one main component, preference-satisfaction. for instance, or utility And the type of drive
is justified (especially for those who have it, but also as rational, which again
it is not) Rationality, the deeply entrenched myth has it, consists in
maximization of a suitable mix of these virtues
14

Maximization of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
theorems and associated paradoxes The maximization of self-interest (individual or national) runs into Newcomb’s paradox and special cases of it
such as Prisoner’s Dilemma situations The maximization of power, as symbolized in the Christian-Islamic God. encounters the paradox of omnipotence, the parallel maximization of knowledge, paradoxes of omniscience.
There are no consistent objects which are omnipotent or omniscient The
drive for maximum consistency, often taken to be the epitome of rationality.
also leads to inconsistency in the case of more important theories, such as
arithmetic and set theory (by virtue of Godel s theorem and associated
limitative theorems)
15 R &amp; D,
drives the

though directed by military requirements and the arms race, also
arms race Its role is partly disguised by the myth of neutral

science

32

There have been attempts, not only by those committed to technological
determinism, to involve technology more deeply as the main, or single,
source of the nuclear fix (thus especially Mumford, in part thereby anticipating Commoner’sparallel indictment of technology-choice in the ecological
fix) It is technology, the mega-machine, running out of control, that has
brought us to this predicament, the nuclear abyss. Sometimes this serves to
exonerate states and their key components and those who control them, for
they are simply caught up by this out-of-control machine, but sometimes the
state itself is seen as a machine also running out of control But the technological determinism, like other varieties of stronger (nonanalytic) determinism, is false Nuclear technology was selected and proceeded with,
after a well-known political dispute involving distinguished scientists, it was
deliberated, funded and promoted, while other alternatives were not

�of the nuclear age were not inevitable. but dechosen
certain
liberately
by
components of the large nation-states And
much as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be
persisted with The fashionable inevitability determinism themes admit not
only of refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting with
often recalcitrant technologies They also admit of being made to look
ridiculous If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolution, then if it
functions (as it probably will, a matter also determined), it will serve as a
human population control device, a matter also determined That is. the
Bomb has its fixed evolutionary place in human population regulation
1

Damaging technologies

16 This reformulation
main

17

qualification

can

proposed by N Griffin, who suggested that the
be inferred from Schell’s context

was

the usual game theory setting sees to this almost autothen assumed that each player plays to maximize his or her
matically,
own advantage Thus too the presumption in Walzer, p.277, that "the logic
of deterrence" is based on eye-for-eye and tooth-for-tooth assumptions

Selecting

for it

is

18 Even the irrationality of retaliatory (or first-strike) use has been contested, e.g., it has been wishfully thought that America will rise like a phoenix

from the radioactive ashes.
There is moreover a simple solution to Schell’s problem of the "missing
motive" for retaliating to a large strike (p 204), namely, not a future retributive one, but an ideological one eliminate the prospect of the future dominance of the rival ideology. Such a motive has been offered for the conjectured targeting of Latin America
19 An

appears

confusion of negation with cancellation or obliteration
thinking, where US missiles are supposed
incoming USSR missiles

analogous
in

recent US "star-war"

to " negate"

Moral paradoxes of deterrence take a different direction For although inupon perhaps questionable interconnections
of intensional functors. One type of paradox (considered in WP 5, where the
immorality of deterrence is argued) derives from a policy of credibly
threatening war without, however. intending to proceed to war. though credible threats [appear to] imply an intention to proceed Another style derives
from acclaimed intention to reduce the number of nuclear missiles when the
persistent practice, which implies an intention, is to increase the number
This paradox is technically removed&amp;mdash;how satisfactorily is another matter&amp;mdash;
by a distinction between long-term aims and immediate practice, a timehonoured method of removing contradictions by conveniently discerned
temporal distinctions

volving negation, they depend

REFERENCES

33

G Anders, Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen, C H Beck. Munchen, 1956,
referred to as AA.

�G Anders, Endzeit und Zeitenende: Gendanken
tion, C H Beck, Munchen, 1972, referred to as AE
F.

Barnaby,

"Will there be

a

Nuclear War,"

in

zur

atomaren Situa-

Australia and Nuclear War,

(ed M Denborough), Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 2-37.
I J Benton and G W

Partridge,"’Twilight

at Noon

Overstated," Ambio 13

(1984) 49-51
B. Commoner, The
New York, 1972

Closing Circle: Nature,

PJ Crutzen, "Darkness after

a

Man and

Technology, Knopf,

Nuclear War," Ambio 13

(1984)

52-4.

M. Denborough (ed ), Australia and Nuclear War Croom Helm, Australia,
1983.
P R Erlich and others, "Long-term Biological Consequences of Nuclear
War," Science 222 (1983) 1293-1300
Jonathan Schell Genius&amp;mdash;Philosopher&amp;mdash;Rewrite Man," type1982, referred to as JS
Brisbane,
script,

G

Foley,

G Foley, Nuclear Prophets. The True and the False, typescript, Brisbane,
1983
D. Hackworth, "A Soldier’s Report," Australia and Nuclear War, (ed M
Denborough), Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 209-12
K

Jaspers. The Future of Mankind. (trans

Chicago

E B Ashton).

University of

Press, 1961

B Martin, Grass Roots
ham, 1984
L Mumford, The
1970

Myth

Strategy Against War,

Freedom Press,

Notting-

of the Machine, 2 vols., Harcourt Brace. New York,

Preddey and others, Future contingencies 4. Nuclear Disasters. A
Report to the Commission for the Future, Government Printer, Wellington,
G F

New Zealand, 1982

Routley and N. Griffin. ’’Unravelling the Meanings of Life," Discussion
Papers in Environmental Philosophy 3, Australian National University, CanR.

berra, 1982
R Routley, Exploring Meinong’s Jungle and Beyond, Research School
of Social Sciences. Australian National University, 1980, referred to as JB
R Routley. War and Peace I. On the Ethics of Large-Scale Nuclear War
and Nuclear Deterrence and the Political Fall-Out, Discussion Papers in
Environmental Philosophy 5, Australian National University, 1984, referred
to as WP
R and V Routley, "Human Chauvinism and Environmental Ethics," in Environmental Philosophy (ed D Mannison and others), Research School
of Social Science, Australian National University, 1980, referred to as HC

J Schell, The Fate of the

Knopf,
Earth,

New York, 1982, referred to

K P Turco and others, "Nuclear Winter, Global Consequences of
Nuclear Explosions." Science 222 (1983) 1283-92

34

M Walzer, Just and

Unjust

as

S F

Multiple

Wars Basic Books, New York, 1977.

�</text>
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              <text>RICHARD ROUTLEY
metaphysical fallout from
nuclear predicament

the

string of nuclear prophets has produced a series of philosophically oriented works on nuclear war ’ The series is
important for its deeper penetration mto the main nuclear predicament, down to metaphysical levels; m this, the series contrasts with the superficialities of much of the political commentary. The most widely circulated and influential text of the
series is undoudbtedly that of the slightest of the ’prophets&amp;dquo;,
A

Schell’s The Fate of the Earth. This skillful piece of mediasome of the apparently
Anders So, conveniently,
main assumptions of Schell and Anders can often be considered together. To criticize their assumptions is not of course
to belittle their work. In particular, Schell’s little book, for all its
political shortcomings, is having a significant and much
needed effect m shifting attitudes towards nuclear arrangements. It is especially valuable for its vivid and horrifying scenarios of the aftermath of nuclear attack Unfortunately it also
exhibits, both philosophically and factually, severe defects.

philosophy unncannily redeploys
deep phenomenological themes of

Some of it is simply rubbish- to take one example, consider
the claim that &amp;dquo;without ... a worldwide program of action
for preserving the [human] species, .. nothing else that
we undertake together can make any practical or moral
sense ...&amp;dquo; (p.173, rearranged). This should certainly be rejected philosophically; for there is no separate moral issue of
such overwhelming importance that all other issues become
morally neutral. Moral issues remain moral issues they do
not cease to be so when compared with more important moral
issues (as Schell effectively acknowledges elsewhere, e g

p.130). And the claim should be questioned on more factual
grounds. Humans form a highly resilient species, like rats a
survivor species, unlikely to be entirely exterminated under
presently arranged nuclear holocausts.
The example was selected, however, because it leads into,
indeed presupposes, two of the major defective assumptions
in the work of Schell and Anders:
S 1. Nuclear war will eliminate I~fe, human life at least,
(the extinction assumption) and

on

earth

S2. In the absence of humans, very many notions, not only
those of mortality and values, but those of time and space for
example, make no sense: or, to put it mto a more sympathefic
philosophical form, these notions depend for their sense on
an actual human context (the extravagant anthropocentric

assumption).22
of S2 which gave Anders’ and Schell’s works
of their apparent philosophical depth, and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement through the paradoxical
propositions generated. But the frequent applications of S2
It

is

applications

some

S1.3

For without total extinction there
will be humans about, to make past and future, to do good
end evil, and to go on making sense!

depend essentially

on

Granted, assumption S1

by no means ruled out as a real
possibility, as the technological means appear available to
make it true (to render Homo Sapiens extinct).4 Granted, the
prospect of large-scale nuclear war does threaten leading
is

centers of Western civilization with obliteration. Even so, S1

unlikely m the light of present-admittedly inadequate-information Even m Canada, which lies on the polar
appears

route of Soviet missiles, human life should be able to continue
in certain northern areas (according to Canadian medical
studies). Schell’s argument to S1 is extremely flimsy. It de-

pends, for example,

20

on an unjustified extrapolation from the
Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, but for the most part it
does that very North American thing of contracting the world
to North America. (All that matters, all worthwhile civilization,
is in the USA, or at least, to be more char~table, in North
America and Europe, which will also be wiped out, e , its
entire human population will be eliminated in a nuclear holocaust.) Some of the data Schell relies upon, for example the
effect of nuclear explosions on the ozone layer, was significantly out of date even when he wrote Other effects than
ozone destruction, such as variations in the ultraviolet radiation and temperature levels, apparently extrapolate even less
well from North to South A factually superior study of nuclear

produced at about the same time as Schell’s, by
and others, indicates that part of the Southern Hemisphere, such as New Zealand and southern latitudes of Latin
Amenca, could escape relatively unscathed from even the
most massive northern exchanges.
disaster

Preddy

Doomsday prophets may appear to have gained new purchase through recent (if belated) scientific forecasts of a nuclear winter following upon nuclear war But although these
forecasts certainly add a new, and alarming, ecological dimension to the very damaging consequences of large-scale
nuclear war, they do not sustain the extinction assumpt~on.55
On the available evidence, human life will continue, though no
doubt with new complications and simplifications, for example
in many southern mid-latitude coastal regions outside zones
of radiation fallout More generally, life will go on, though likely
seriously and irreversibly impoverished through loss of valuable nonhuman systems and creatures.
Nuclear prophets usually see the world (though with most of it
carried along) as already set, in crucial respects, on the route
to nuclear catastrophe. Much of the way taken is seen as both
inevitable and irreversible Thus both Anders and Schell insist
upon the &amp;dquo;impossibility of unlearning&amp;dquo; the means of manufacturing nuclear bombs. It would seem that extinction,
which they both foresee, would furnish a good medium for
unlearning nuclear technology (something very like this
emerges from van Damken’s theory of an earlier &amp;dquo;h~gh&amp;dquo; technology). In virtue of S2, they would, however, exclude such a
possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly that
the notion no longer made sense. But what they again want to
suggest with the i m possibility-of -u n learning message is the
inevitability of the development and eventual use of the
technology-as if having learned the means all else was determined, and manufacture and use ceased to be a matter of
choice. Certainly such views have been advanced6, but they
are not tenable There are many examples of technological
advances that have not been taken advantage of, and there
are even cases of technological developments that have
been manufactured but not marketed or used. There is not
something very special about nuclear apparatus that puts it
beyond the scope of such generalizations.

Both Schell and Anders do claim that there are very special
things about nuclear weapons, notably that they do not allow
Even if this were true just of nuclear
11 experiment
it
is certainly not of smaller weapons-it
weapons-and
would not rebut the previous argument against the inevitability of nuclear weapons. And in fact Anders and (even) Schell
&amp;dquo;

21

hedge their claims about testing, and the limits to nuclear
scientific work, to large-scale weapons and independent experiments which do not interfere with observers and those
outside the &amp;dquo;laboratories.&amp;dquo; Again they have latched onto major prints, m particular, we have at present no way of testing
the cumulative effects of large-scale nuclear weapons in concert, e.g. for more holistic effects, such as fireballs or firestorms, or changes m coupled atmospheric circulation and
radiation fields. Short of a large-scale nuclear war, and likely
enough with it, these crucial effects must remain largely untested and hypothetical in character. Nontheless enough data
can be assembled to carry through informative modellings,
which point to the improbability of S1, and so undermine applications of S2.
The penetration of human chauvinism, as
thing peculiar to Schell and Anders, but is

m

S2,

a

product of West-

is

not some-

philosophy, European philosophy especially. This
chauvinism is unfortunately alive and still well, Anders version of S2 being just one striking illustration (cf. AA p. 252ff.).
It has also deeply penetrated Anglo-American philosophy,
and has been extended under the influence of Wittgenstein’s
ern

work, where

even the necessary truths of mathematics are
taken to be a product of human conventions, and would vanish with humans! Such are the alleged implications of extinction : but the fact is that the truths of arithmetic are m no way
dependent on the existence of humans or humanoids or of
gods or giraffes. As with necessary truths and falsehoods so
with contingents ones: very many propositions about the
world do not depend upon in any way for their truth-value or
content on humans or their communities.
_

22

In Schell, human chauvinism is dished up in a particularly
powerful and obnoxious Kantian form. Thoughts and propositions, time and tenses, history and memories, values and
morality all depend on the life-giving presence of human
beings-past or future or merely potential humans are not
enough. Thus, according to Schell (p 140, e.g), &amp;dquo; . the
thought ’Humanity is now extinct’ is an impossible one for a
rational person, because as soon as it is, we are not In
imagining any other event, we look ahead to a moment that is
still within the stream of human tame....&amp;dquo; The thought is however perfectly possible for humans; we can have it right now.
Though we no doubt have it falsely, a later rational creature
may well be able to have it truly. Schell erroneously denies
that: there is no &amp;dquo;later&amp;dquo; &amp;dquo;outside the human tenses of past,
present, and future ... &amp;dquo; (p 140) .7 Human extinction eliminates &amp;dquo;the creature that divides time into past, present and

future&amp;dquo;

annihilation cannot &amp;dquo;come to pass&amp;dquo; (p.143). But it
false
that the tenses are human: the tenses depend
simply
on a local time ordering (perceptible to many creatures other
than humans, but not depending at all on that perceptibility for
its viability) relating other times to the present, to now (also a
human-independent location, evident to other creatures, and
borne witness to by such sequences as the passing seasons). Annihilation may also too easily come to pass, for
many humans m the North at least, as it came to pass in
recent geological times that humans began to exist upon
earth Before that there was a time before there were any
human beings.
so

is

Anders’ argument for the demise of time, that &amp;dquo;what has been
will no longer be even what has been,&amp;dquo; is also explicitly (and
narrowly) verificatiomst: &amp;dquo;for what would the difference be between what has only been and what has never been, if there
is no one to remember the things that have been (AA p.245).
There would still remain many sorts of differences; for one,
the history recorded m many other organisms would be different Temporal themes do not lack wlegitimacy because not
registered [or verified] by anyone&amp;dquo;; truth, significance, still
less meaning, are not matters of human verification.
elsewhere, the human chauvinism is mixed with
distorting metaphysical assumptions of our Western
heritage, m particular, verificationism and ontological
assumptions (to the effect that there are severe difficulties m
talking about what does not exist Thus, for example, Schell
takes over dubious metaphysics from Freud, according to
whom ’nt is mdeed impossible to imagine our own death: and
whenever we attempt to do so, we can perceive that we are m
fact still present as spectators&amp;dquo; (p 138) The second clause
goes a good distance towards refuting the first In fact there is
no great difficulty in describing counterfactual situations
which undermine both of Freud’s claims. The same goes for
Schell’s extensions of human chauvinism into one of its main
traditional strongholds, value theory: &amp;dquo; . the simple and
basic fact (sic!) that before there can be good or evil, service
or harm, lamenting or rejoicing, there must be life.&amp;dquo; human
life (p.171 ) These are no facts, but deeply entrenched philosophical dogmas (which have been exposed and criticized
elsewhere, e.g , HC).

Here,

as

other

will disappear with the extinction of
humans: trivially there will be no more humans (unless humans re-evolve or are recreated), and thus no more human
communities, human institutions, human activities, human
emotions, and so forth But it is already gomg too far to sug-

Naturally

23

many

things

gest,

as

no

Anders does, that there will

accordingly

be &amp;dquo;no

love, no struggle, no pain, no hope, no comfort,
sacrifice, no image, no song...&amp;dquo; For there are, and may

thought,

no

continue to exist, other creatures than humans with emotion,
struggles, songs... Nor will the ending of all such human
ventures, if it comes to pass, show that all past human ventures have been &amp;dquo;all in vain,&amp;dquo; meaningless, and already so to
say dead The decay of the solar system, or the heat-death of
the universe even, will not show that worthwhile human activities were not worthwhile.9 Several of the other notions and
themes common to Schell and Anders derive from their
shared assumptions S1 and S2. It is these that underlie the
biblical notion (in Revelations) of a Second Death, redeployed
by both. &amp;dquo;The death of mankind,&amp;dquo; under S1 , is reckoned a
&amp;dquo;second death,&amp;dquo; because by S2 and S1 remamng life is rendered meaningless and already ’ seems to be dead (AA
p.244, S p 166) and is already overhung with death&amp;dquo; (S
p.166). Thus, too, more trivially, a person faces &amp;dquo;a second
death,&amp;dquo; not merely one’s own but m addition that greater
death of the species and all future generations (S p 166.
p.1 15). However, even if nuclear extinction came to pass, the
stronger notion would not be vindicated, because it depends
on the fallacious inference to the meaninglessness of preceding life and on the very questionable representation of this
meaninglessness as a sort of death. There is no such Second
Death: creatures die just once, perhaps all at about the same
time. The idea of a Second Death lacks even a solid metaphysical base.
From S1 ,

together with the minor principle that the extinction
absolute
does not differ m degree, comes the unibeing
versality of peril theme that &amp;dquo;we are all exposed to peril m
the same degree,&amp;dquo; which is accordingly &amp;dquo;d~sgmsed~ and &amp;dquo;difficult to recognize,&amp;dquo; because there is no contrast (AE p 64;
S p.150). This theme falls with S1. In any event, not all peoples are equally imperilled by the nuclear situation, the Indians of southern Patagonia being rather better placed than
the Germans of northern Europe Nor are all people equally
locked into the situation or incapacitated by it; the prospects
are different in different countries and places.
an

Nor, likewise,

are

all

people equally responsible,

a

pernicious

theme which Schell (m contrast to Anders) repeatedly
filtrates. This is the Pogo theme, according to whichS3.
co,

24

in-

Responsibility for the present nuclear predIcament (flasreally) dlstnbutes onto everybody, It belongs to every hu-

man lií

the world

’o

...i

But there is also, mixed in, a weaker, more plausible claim
that gives the lie to the stronger one, namely, that we have
some responsibility (the Nazi situation is compared) An especially blatant example of the Pogo theme’ runs as follows:
&amp;dquo;... the world’s political leaders
though they now menace
the earth with nuclear weapons, do so only with our permission, and even at our bidding. At least, this is true for democracies&amp;dquo; (pp.229-30). The theme is elaborated elsewhere:
&amp;dquo;... we are the authors of that distinction (For the populations of the superpowers this is true in a positive sense,
since we pay for extinction and support the governments that
pose the threat of it, while for the peoples of the non-nucleararmed world it is true only m the negative sense that they fail
to try to do anything about the danger)&amp;dquo; (p.152). But this is
...

of an argument indicting representative government, by
revealing its insensitivity and unresponsiveness to many of
the populace they allegedly govern, not to mention those
affected by its activities who are not represented at all (namely foreigners). But Schell conveniently neglects all such
points: &amp;dquo;... we are all potential mass killers. The moral cost of
more

nuclear armaments is that it makes all of us underwriters of
the slaughter of hundreds of millions&amp;dquo; (p 152) And again [at]
perpetrators ... we convey the steady message .. that life
not only is not sacred but it is worthless; that ... it had been
judged acceptable for everyone to be killed&amp;dquo; (p 153) Little of
this is true. Those who campaign against nuclear arrangements, vote against nuclear-committed parties so far as is
possible, and the like, are certainly not the authors of potential
destruction, and responsibility for the nuclear situation does
not simply distribute onto them. Nor does the responsibilityor the unlikely opinions as to worth Schell illegitimately attributes to everyone-fall on those who have done less.
Responsibility for decisions taken in &amp;dquo;literal democracies&amp;dquo;
even by representatives (m the unlikely event of this happening m the case of anything as important as defense) cannot
be traced back to those represented, since among many
other things, a representative is only representative of a party
which offers a complex and often ill-characterized package of
policies, and a voter may vote for zero or more policies of this
package. Only m the (uncommon) event of a clear single
issue referendum, which is adopted, can responsibility, still of
a qualified sort, be sheeted home, to those who voted for it,
not to everyone in the community. While S3 is false, there is
an important related theme that is much more plausible,
namely, that the present nuclear situation generates
responsibilities for every socially involved person.

25

When

moreover

the

Pogo assumption

is

disentangled

from

the accompanyng themes, part of what results
along the right lines: namely,

is

decidedly

S4 The controllers [not to be confused, in Schell’s fashion,
with all of us] have failed to change our pre-nuclear mstltutlons. The sovereign system Is out of step with the nuclear age, the one-earth system, etc. (the whole earth

theme).

Though Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the state and the frequently immoral purposes for
which the state is used, unfortunately he often loses sight of
this important theme (indicated pp.187-8) Yet S4 forms part
of Schell’s critique of the state which is, by and large, scattered and fragmentary. Schell arrives at the conclusion that
the nation-state has outlasted its usefulness, and that new
political institutions more &amp;dquo;consonant with the global reality&amp;dquo;
are required as a matter of urgency. But he evades what he
admits is the major task, making out viable alternatives. 12 At
most he makes some passing gestures, some pointing
towards the Way Up to world political control
Solutions to the nuclear arms dilemma come, if not easily, m a
similar simplistic way, from Top Down: those who can must
appeal to the Top, to those who govern (cf. p.230). Schell
places his hope m treaties for arms reduction and limitations,
such as SALT, and m world government, through the United
Nations (see p.225ff. and especially p 227, bottom paragraph) Given the record of these organizations and treaties,
the negotiations and regulators, it is by now a pathetic faith.
Nor is a serious need felt for further analysis of the nuclear
situation, to investigate the origins of nuclear technology, to
explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider effective
changes to military-mdustrial organization and ways of life.

26

But some of the requisite deeper analysis of the nuclear situation and, more generally, of the roots of war can be found in
Anders and elsewhere. 13 The roots of the nuclear predicament are not confined to the ideologically-aligned arrangements of nation-states, but penetrate also into key components of those states, their military, their controlling
classes, and their supporting bureaucracies Both within the
arrangements of states, what accounts in part for the arrangements, and in key components of the states, a conspicuous
and crucial feature is the drive for power and domination (and,
often, the accompanyng privilege). 14 Thus the push for [nuclear] superiority by the super-states, to be achieved through
military-oriented science and technology, which involves and
enables domination,in several interrelated forms The main

the large nation-state, where enough surplus
be accumulated (from at home and from abroad,
and bled from nature) to proceed with military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found the high-technology research
and development means to ever more expendable power and

power-base
product can

is

energy. 15
In

changing the

structural arrangements to eliminate the proof
nuclear
war, it is not ultimately enough just to downspect
the
main
power-base, the nation-state: it is also imporgrade
tant to alter key components of the state, and, more
sweepingly, to remove trouble-making patterns embedded m
all these social and political arrangements, namely, patterns
of domination-patterns manifested not only in state political
organization, but in white-coloured relations, male-female relations, human-animal relations, human-nature relations-to
remove, m short, chauvinistic relations. However, not everything needs to be accomplished at once: the cluster of
damaging power and domination relations tied into war can
be tackled separately There the problems can largely be
narrowed to certain problems of states and certain key components of states
In what analysis he does offer of the problem with states,
Schell repeats the familiar false contrast of state expediency
with morality, as a contrast between &amp;dquo;raison d’etat&amp;dquo; and the
Socratic-Christian ethics The teaching that &amp;dquo;the end justifies
the means is the basis on which governments, in all times,
have licensed themselves to commit crimes of every sort&amp;dquo;
(p 134). So &amp;dquo;states may do virtually anything whatever m the
name of [their] survival.&amp;dquo; Schell then argues, however, that
extinction nullifies end-means justification by destroying
every end; but again the argument is far from sound, and
depends on human chauvinism (as under S2) combined with
ontological assumptions. Even if all humans were extinguished (as under S1 ) ends could remain, for instance, for
nonhumans such as animals and extraterrestrials, actual or
not. The end-means argument can, however, be repaired to
remove such objections: instead it is claimed that extinction

27

nullifies end-means justification by frustrating the realization
of every relevant end-meaning by &amp;dquo;relevant,&amp;dquo; in this context, those ends the realization of which the state appeals to
m justification of its nuclear policies. 16 A nuclear war, even
without human extinction but with severe enough losses,
would undoubtedly frustrate the realization of relevant state
ends So even from an expediency perspective, super-state
policies are open to severe criticism, for example, as motivationally irrational in the nuclear risks taken.

As to the part of the state and (state) sovereignty m war,
Schell leaves us in no doubt. A sovereign state is virtually
defined as one that enjoys the right and power to go to war m
defense or pursuit of its interests (p 187) War arises from
how things are, from the arrangement of political affairs via
jealous nation-states (p.188). Indeed there is a two-way linkage between having sovereignty and capacity to wage
war. On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell contends, necessary for people to organize for war. On the other side, without
war it is impossible to preserve sovereignty Neither of these
contentions is transparently clear as it stands. The first is
damaged by civil war and the like, the second by the persistence of small nonmilitary states. Now that the macro-state
system is entrenched, it is, however, easy for conservatives
(m particular) to argue from the &amp;dquo;realties&amp;dquo; of international life,
which includes self-interest, aggression, fear, hatred. It is on
this basis that peace arrangements are readily dismissed as
unrealistic, utopian, even (amusingly) as extremist (cf. p.185).

Schell’s further theme that nuclear war is not war threatens,
however, to undermine his case against the sovereign state:
for example, his ends-means argument and the argument
based on its nuclear-war making capacity. Fortunately the
not-war theme needs much qualification, and starts out from
an erroneous characterization of war as &amp;dquo;a violent means
employed by a nation to achieve an end&amp;dquo; (p.189): but this is
neither necessary nor sufficient for war. What is correct is that
nuclear wars are very different from previous conventional

(cf. WP). Schell goes on to claim that war requires an
end which nuclear &amp;dquo;war&amp;dquo; does not have. But nuclear attacks
can certainly have ends (even if large nuclear wars cannot be
won in the older sense: but not all wars or games are won). It
is also claimed that war depends on weakness, on one side
being defeated on a decision by arms. But in a nuclear &amp;dquo;war&amp;dquo;
this doesn’t happen, &amp;dquo;no one’s strength fails until both sides
have been annihilated&amp;dquo; (p.190). But what these sorts of considerations contribute to showing is again not that nuclear
wars are not wars, but that they are not wars of certain sorts,
e.g., not just wars (because they fail on such criteria as reasonable prospect of success and improvement), not rational
wars (in a good sense), and so on. That conventional wars
have persisted into nuclear times does damage to Schell’s
argument that nuclear weapons have also ruined &amp;dquo;conventional&amp;dquo; wars, and his connected theme that the demise of
war has left no means to finally settle disputes between nations, for the final court has been removed (pp 192-193). The
theme depends on a pair of mistaken propositions: that conwars

28

cerning the demise of conventional war, and the idea that war
of some sort has to be the final &amp;dquo;court of appeal&amp;dquo; between
nations (for there are other types of contests that could serve,
and there is also the possibility of more cooperative behaviour, e.g. joint referenda) The theme also imports the
social-Darwinian assumption of Clausewicz (the &amp;dquo;log~c of
war&amp;dquo; theme) that war has to proceed to the technological
limit-as if war and violence were thoroughly natural activities, independent of recognized social settings (for winning,
surrender, etc.), and ruleless activities. On the contrary, wars
are parasitic on social organizations such as states and are
governed by a range of understandings, conventions and
rules. They are a social phenomenon, with a rule structure, if
not a

29

logic.

Much capital has been made not merely from the logic of
war&amp;dquo; but from what is now called &amp;dquo;the logic of deterrence&amp;dquo; and
the &amp;dquo;logic of nuclear [strategic] planning.&amp;dquo; The message that
is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive arrangements the world is now entangled in are perfectly logical,
sound, rational. However, this represents little more than a
cheap semantical trick. Logic in no way justifies the present
arrangements, or anything like them, or renders them reasonable. There are logics of decision (as presented, e.g., for the
classical case in Jeffrey) which can be applied in strategic
planting; but they do not yeld specific results without desirability measures being assigned to alternative outcomes,
that is without values being pumped in, extralogically. There
are various ways these value assignments may be determined, to meet moral requirements or not: but in nuclear
strategic planning they have invariably been settled on the
basis of expediency 17 . For the most part, however, &amp;dquo;logic of&amp;dquo;
tends to be used very loosely, as a word of general commendation, to cover something like &amp;dquo;reasomng and rational
considerations entering into the policy or strategy of.&amp;dquo; In these
terms, Schell, who like others enjoys playing with the term
&amp;dquo;logic of,&amp;dquo; should write of &amp;dquo;the illogic of deterrence,&amp;dquo; for he
emphasizes its unreasonableness. For instance, he stresses
(p.213) the disparity between the supposed rationality of
threatening use of nuclear weapons and the irrationality
(even from a national interest viewpoint) of actually using
them should the threat fail- 18 yet the success of deterrence
doctrine depends on the credibility of the threat of this unjustifiable and irrational use. Indeed Schell wants to go still
further and locate a contradiction in deterrence (e g. pp.2012) ; but the argument depends on an interesting confusion of
contradiction with cancellation,’9 along with the assumption

that deterrence involves cancellation. Nuclear deterrence
may well be irrational, it is immoral, but it is not inconsistent.

The Australian National University

NOTES
*This is a revised version of "Appendix 1 On the fate of mankind and the
earth, according to Schell, and to Anders" of my monograph referred to as
WP, where several points, only touched upon in this review, are further
developed References are by way of authors names or else through
obvious acronyms, given in the list of references which follows
1 The distinguishing term is from Foley’s Nuclear Prophets. where many
leading anti-nuclear prophets are assessed One well-known prophet not so
considered there is Jaspers, presumably because his main work comes out
in entirely the wrong direction It gives heavy philosophical attire to the

better-dead-than-red abomination A main argument against Jaspers so
presented is simple However bad being red might become (at present it is
debatably worse than living under some of the totalitarian regimes the free
West props up), it still gives humans a further chance for good lives, since
regimes fall or can be toppled but the total annihilation removes that all-

important opportunity
2 A detailed comparison of Schell and Anders’
of S2 is made in Foley JS

remarkably

similar

versions

3 Should S2 appeal, as it may. to suitable communities of humans. S1 will
require reformulation in similar terms, and the argument that follows needs
minor adjustment, with appropriate groups replacing individuals
4. Thus the Last Person

environmental ethics (as HC
for instance, the remote death of the Sun, but assumes new urgency It is this sort of argument
that connects environmental ethics and nuclear ethics. at a deeper
metaphysical level The Bomb and Bulldozer are out of the same technological Pandora’s box.

explams),

is no

argument, important

in

longer merely hypothetical, awaiting,

Nuclear

technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pandora’s box. Biological and chemical means are perhaps even more
effective, and certainly can be more selective in what gets extinguished.
Nuclear extinction would presumably require a different and more massive

30

exchange than is usually assumed in nuclear war scenarios. with heavy
targeting in particular of Southern Hemisphere sites (including
internationally-recognized nuclear-free zones).

5 Nor do recent scientific studies claim

as much The most intrepid of these
studies, Erlich and others, only contends that in certain worst-case circumstances, "the possibility of the extinction of Homo sapiens cannot be excluded" (p 1299). The study admits that, in the scenario described, "it
seems unlikely
Homo sapiens would be forced to extinction immediately," and the difficulties indicated in the way of long-term human
survival are exaggerated

In

many of the drastic effects predicted for Northern midlatitudes
very much milder forms in equivalent Southern latitudes For
example, temperatures for regions with maritime climates appear likely to
vary by only a few degrees and perhaps negligibly for many agricultural
purposes after 100 days (cf. Turco and others, p 1287 case 29, and p 1286)
Similarly the extent of nuclear darkness and of surface ultraviolet radiation
will be appreciably less in the South and perhaps minor for many crucial
purposes. such as photosynthesis and human outdoor activity. after 100
days (cf the data in Benton and Partridge)

particular,

are

reflected

in

No doubt

some scientifically respectable sections of the environmental and
peace movements have an interest in exaggerating the probable effects of
nuclear holocaust for life on earth, much as many heads of states and
strategists have an interest in minimizing them And there is certainly substantial margin for error and for variation in conclusions drawn For Crutzen
(p 59) is right that "analysis of the environmental effects of a global thermonuclear war remain
uncertain
because of a lack of information on
various important processes [among other things]
The environment
might become extremely hostile, because of hitherto overlooked changes in
the composition of the atmosphere," again among other things Such uncertainty bodes considerable caution as rational The way to err is clear

6 Not

worth,

military

merely by technological determinists of Marxist persuasion Hackformer US general, argues by straight induction that if the US

a

has

a

weapon it will

use it

appalling theme that humans create past, present and
repeated elsewhere, e.g . p 173.
7 The

8 For

a

detailed refutation of these assumptions,

is here (AA pp
perseverance, criticized

9 Anders

see

future (etc )

is

JB

244-5) relying upon a version of the argument from
in detail in Routley and Griffin

interesting converse of this theme is sometimes advanced, that no
responsible. the whole thing is out of control The technological
version of this no-responsibility theme is discussed below (fn 15) More
satisfactory is the theme that nuclear arrangements are out of political
10 An

one is

in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclear
going, which enable responsibility to be distributed The vested interests, which bear considerable responsibility. include the military weapons
industry, and research and academic communities (cf Barnaby) Under
pressures for re-election especially, politicians give in to these powerful
groups, so losing control of political processes The argument is flawed at its
final stage For many influential politicians either belong to or represent
vested interests Thus. though there is no doubt some "lack of control,"
political processes tend rather to reflect vested interests than to run out of
political control

control, but for reasons,

things

31

11 Another example of spreading the responsibility runs as follows "The
self-extinction of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sane or

sensible, nevertheless, it is an act that, without quite admitting it to ourselves, we plan In certain circumstances to commit (p 185) Even for most
of the planners, extinction is presumably not part of "the plan," but an
unintended consequence, and most of us have little or no role in the planning : enough of us even campaign against the planning. Further "the world
chose the course of attempting to refashion the system of sovereignty to
accommodate nuclear weapons" (p 194) the world? This connects the
course with the faulty ideological argument from defence of fundamentals,
e g , for liberty, for the "free enterprise" (USA) nation, and against socialism
12. A more detailed discussion is given in WP8, where too the
the state from nuclear dilemmas is elaborated

case

against

explanation is elaborated in Foley, some of the themes are
straightforwardly in Martin The incomplete list of items
given, to be investigated in a deeper analysis of the nuclear situation, paraphrases Foley JS p.164
13 Anders’

presented

more

These motivating drives form a part of a larger integrated package.
comprising maximization drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth, enfor the "newer" Enlightenment (but Faustian)
ergy, speed, satisfaction,
virtues. Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for excessive neatness and simplicity manifested) to reduce the package to one main component, preference-satisfaction. for instance, or utility And the type of drive
is justified (especially for those who have it, but also as rational, which again
it is not) Rationality, the deeply entrenched myth has it, consists in
maximization of a suitable mix of these virtues
14

Maximization of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
theorems and associated paradoxes The maximization of self-interest (individual or national) runs into Newcomb’s paradox and special cases of it
such as Prisoner’s Dilemma situations The maximization of power, as symbolized in the Christian-Islamic God. encounters the paradox of omnipotence, the parallel maximization of knowledge, paradoxes of omniscience.
There are no consistent objects which are omnipotent or omniscient The
drive for maximum consistency, often taken to be the epitome of rationality.
also leads to inconsistency in the case of more important theories, such as
arithmetic and set theory (by virtue of Godel s theorem and associated
limitative theorems)
15 R &amp; D,
drives the

though directed by military requirements and the arms race, also
arms race Its role is partly disguised by the myth of neutral

science

32

There have been attempts, not only by those committed to technological
determinism, to involve technology more deeply as the main, or single,
source of the nuclear fix (thus especially Mumford, in part thereby anticipating Commoner’sparallel indictment of technology-choice in the ecological
fix) It is technology, the mega-machine, running out of control, that has
brought us to this predicament, the nuclear abyss. Sometimes this serves to
exonerate states and their key components and those who control them, for
they are simply caught up by this out-of-control machine, but sometimes the
state itself is seen as a machine also running out of control But the technological determinism, like other varieties of stronger (nonanalytic) determinism, is false Nuclear technology was selected and proceeded with,
after a well-known political dispute involving distinguished scientists, it was
deliberated, funded and promoted, while other alternatives were not

of the nuclear age were not inevitable. but dechosen
certain
liberately
by
components of the large nation-states And
much as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be
persisted with The fashionable inevitability determinism themes admit not
only of refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting with
often recalcitrant technologies They also admit of being made to look
ridiculous If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolution, then if it
functions (as it probably will, a matter also determined), it will serve as a
human population control device, a matter also determined That is. the
Bomb has its fixed evolutionary place in human population regulation
1

Damaging technologies

16 This reformulation
main

17

qualification

can

proposed by N Griffin, who suggested that the
be inferred from Schell’s context

was

the usual game theory setting sees to this almost autothen assumed that each player plays to maximize his or her
matically,
own advantage Thus too the presumption in Walzer, p.277, that "the logic
of deterrence" is based on eye-for-eye and tooth-for-tooth assumptions

Selecting

for it

is

18 Even the irrationality of retaliatory (or first-strike) use has been contested, e.g., it has been wishfully thought that America will rise like a phoenix

from the radioactive ashes.
There is moreover a simple solution to Schell’s problem of the "missing
motive" for retaliating to a large strike (p 204), namely, not a future retributive one, but an ideological one eliminate the prospect of the future dominance of the rival ideology. Such a motive has been offered for the conjectured targeting of Latin America
19 An

appears

confusion of negation with cancellation or obliteration
thinking, where US missiles are supposed
incoming USSR missiles

analogous
in

recent US "star-war"

to " negate"

Moral paradoxes of deterrence take a different direction For although inupon perhaps questionable interconnections
of intensional functors. One type of paradox (considered in WP 5, where the
immorality of deterrence is argued) derives from a policy of credibly
threatening war without, however. intending to proceed to war. though credible threats [appear to] imply an intention to proceed Another style derives
from acclaimed intention to reduce the number of nuclear missiles when the
persistent practice, which implies an intention, is to increase the number
This paradox is technically removed&amp;mdash;how satisfactorily is another matter&amp;mdash;
by a distinction between long-term aims and immediate practice, a timehonoured method of removing contradictions by conveniently discerned
temporal distinctions

volving negation, they depend

REFERENCES

33

G Anders, Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen, C H Beck. Munchen, 1956,
referred to as AA.

G Anders, Endzeit und Zeitenende: Gendanken
tion, C H Beck, Munchen, 1972, referred to as AE
F.

Barnaby,

"Will there be

a

Nuclear War,"

in

zur

atomaren Situa-

Australia and Nuclear War,

(ed M Denborough), Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 2-37.
I J Benton and G W

Partridge,"’Twilight

at Noon

Overstated," Ambio 13

(1984) 49-51
B. Commoner, The
New York, 1972

Closing Circle: Nature,

PJ Crutzen, "Darkness after

a

Man and

Technology, Knopf,

Nuclear War," Ambio 13

(1984)

52-4.

M. Denborough (ed ), Australia and Nuclear War Croom Helm, Australia,
1983.
P R Erlich and others, "Long-term Biological Consequences of Nuclear
War," Science 222 (1983) 1293-1300
Jonathan Schell Genius&amp;mdash;Philosopher&amp;mdash;Rewrite Man," type1982, referred to as JS
Brisbane,
script,

G

Foley,

G Foley, Nuclear Prophets. The True and the False, typescript, Brisbane,
1983
D. Hackworth, "A Soldier’s Report," Australia and Nuclear War, (ed M
Denborough), Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 209-12
K

Jaspers. The Future of Mankind. (trans

Chicago

E B Ashton).

University of

Press, 1961

B Martin, Grass Roots
ham, 1984
L Mumford, The
1970

Myth

Strategy Against War,

Freedom Press,

Notting-

of the Machine, 2 vols., Harcourt Brace. New York,

Preddey and others, Future contingencies 4. Nuclear Disasters. A
Report to the Commission for the Future, Government Printer, Wellington,
G F

New Zealand, 1982

Routley and N. Griffin. ’’Unravelling the Meanings of Life," Discussion
Papers in Environmental Philosophy 3, Australian National University, CanR.

berra, 1982
R Routley, Exploring Meinong’s Jungle and Beyond, Research School
of Social Sciences. Australian National University, 1980, referred to as JB
R Routley. War and Peace I. On the Ethics of Large-Scale Nuclear War
and Nuclear Deterrence and the Political Fall-Out, Discussion Papers in
Environmental Philosophy 5, Australian National University, 1984, referred
to as WP
R and V Routley, "Human Chauvinism and Environmental Ethics," in Environmental Philosophy (ed D Mannison and others), Research School
of Social Science, Australian National University, 1980, referred to as HC

J Schell, The Fate of the

Knopf,
Earth,

New York, 1982, referred to

K P Turco and others, "Nuclear Winter, Global Consequences of
Nuclear Explosions." Science 222 (1983) 1283-92

34

M Walzer, Just and

Unjust

as

S F

Multiple

Wars Basic Books, New York, 1977.

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                    <text>PARADIGMATIC ROOTS
OF
ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS
Abstract. Virtually all diagnoses of the roots, and sources, of environmental

problems are defective. While defective diagnoses persist, problems will not
be adequately addressed.
Focal questions ask why human communities so frequently degrade,
impoverish or even destroy their own environments, and more generally why
the whole earth is now in jeopardy through human enterprise. More
immediate answers, sometimes correct so far as they go (which is not far
enough), look to components of environmental impact equations. More
thorough-going answers fall into two classes: first those that do not question
entrenched paradigms, but seek (unsuccessfully) to explain widespread
problems simply through defective practice, and secondly those that, rightly
recognising that defective practice is no adequate answer, look to deeper
paradigmatic sources of problems. A fatal flaw in most of the latter answers
lies in their monistic concentration on a single paradigm, or single narrow
band of paradigms. These flaws are exposed, whence a wider, more
satisfactory answer can be broached.
Background busywork includes firstly, explaining problems and relevant
paradigms and how paradigms operate regarding environmental problems,
and secondly, detailed disentangling of proposed and alleged sources of the
problems. With this done, it is argued that none of these fashionable answers
to the focal questions is satisfactory. A different more complex answer
through broader classes of paradigms is accordingly investigated. Among
significant corollaries, this one stands out: philosophy as portrayed through
its standard history is dismal environmental news.
0. Focal questions and deeper answers.

Human activity is now degrading terrestrial eco-systems at an extraordinarily rapid rate.
In modem times humans have devised sophisticated and sophistical idea-systems which justify
such system degradation; formerly they would have seen such transformation for not mattering,

many still do, transformation as increasing wealth (as in mainstream economics). More
recently they have developed social systems which induct most humans into degradation
procedures (through need, induction into cash economies, and so on) and which weave

entrapping justificatory webs (through agencies, bureaus, courts, and so on).
Whence an increasingly broached question1: Why is this happening? More explicitly,
Why do human communities so frequently degrade and impoverish their environments, their
own habitats? Indeed why do they sometimes, persistently, perhaps over a long period, destroy

their own habitats? More sweepingly, why is the whole earth now perhaps in jeopardy through
human enterprise? The answer to be arrived at to these focal questions is in essence this:
because too many humans, especially those in control of environmentally impacting

enterprises, are committed to or caught within environmentally unfriendly paradigms,
paradigms displaying quite insufficient regard for the health and well-being of relevant habitats

and of the earth.
1

In sources as diverse as Shepard (first page) and Jacobs (p.23).

�Parts of the answers to such focal questions come immediately through environmental
impact equations, conservation laws, and such like. For example, degradation is occurring
through the impact of overpopulation, excessive pollution, damaging or faulty technologies,

and so on. While such answers are important, often correct as far as they go, and while they
may correctly indicate what has to be changed somehow, they are nonetheless somewhat

superficial, and they leave much to be explained. For example, they do not explain why a
community persisted upon a course that deliberately led to such problems, or why it is so

resistant to changes that might reduce impacts and pull it out of its problem-holes. Less

superficial answers look to ideologically entrenched attitudes and commitments, to pervasive
paradigms that underwrite anti-environmental practices, as for instance the wood-production
ideology does forestry practice, even so-called “new forestry”.2

An illustrative example which reveals the power of paradigms in blocking or facilitating
action will shortcut a more elaborate argument, through action theory, to the efficacy of idea­
systems. Consider an unwanted pregnancy, resulting despite due precautions or whatever.

Observe that, more and more there are comparatively safe technologies available to effect

termination and seemingly solve the immediate problem. Ask: why so many people are

opposed to choice of abortion? A very common answer is: because they are operating under an
elaborate paradigm, typically organised religion (bureaucratic Christianity in the West), themes

of which, the creeds of which, prohibit such choices.3 Of course pro-choice considerations are

also paradigmatically embedded, for instance in forms of liberalism. Picturesquely, a social
paradigm imposes controls on action, a system of red and green lights on a captured agent's
routing procedures.

Or with a different picture, paradigms project a steeply impeding

topography on action space.

Paradigms not only guide, control and limit; they also

correlatively give permission, as, for instance, space to play god, freedom to release a new

species or variety which may or has proved a pest or noxious or has been biologically

engineered, liberty to neglect or degrade or vandalize.
The settings in terms of which agents such as humans act and operate, even down-toearth everyday agents, invariably include, not far in the background, paradigms, cultures,
creeds, ideologies, myths or the like, all idea-systems, all involving models (in a technical

sense) of one sort or another. Even the most practical (and vociferously practical) of humans

are governed by background ideosystems. It is in terms of these background ideosystems that a

great deal concerning human practices with respect to natural environments can be explained,
what would otherwise lack satisfactory explanation.4 That explanation comes not however
2
3

4

For main details of this illustrative example, see FF. For more on this style of explanation, see
further Routley.
I am not, however, going to maintain that religion, or a certain religion such as Christianity, is
the main villain of the environmental piece. Religions in general borrowed much in their
damaging articles from philosophies (see below). What I shall be suggesting is that dominant
philosophies do have much to answer for in this regard.
As logical positivists observed, explanation and justification patterns tend to coincide. How
people justify their practices offers an explanation, though perhaps a misleading or superficial

�3

through a single paradigm, as has too often been supposed, but through a bundle of apparently

aligned paradigms.
One working image for what is going on here is appropriately ecological: that of a fig
cluster (similarly a mangrove or bamboo thicket):
Diagram 1: Structural diagram connecting problems with their multiple roots

many
emergent
problems
interlinked
proximate
causes

plural
supporting
sources

multiple
interlinked
roots

Observe systematic plurality. Notice however a countervailing human propensity to seek single
answers and uniqueness (as depicted in the rhomboidal box), where causes and sources are
plural. So it is with paradigmatic sources and roots of environmental problems. They are

plural.5
What is sought are ultimate sources, or roots, not immediate causes. The cause of the

pollution may be a factory that the agent installed, to produce more flim-flam. That too may be
the physical source of the immediate problem. But deeper questioning seeks the reasons for
such production and such factories. While there may be problems with ideas and idea­

structures as causes, as causally efficacious, these problems do not transfer to reasons and
sources. (But there are buried metaphors, and linkages, to be unscrambled: how are “A is

source of B” and “A is a root of B” to be explicated? In terms of directional explanatory and
other rational transmission connections.6)

explanation, of them.
History too is not singular, but plural, as has occasionally been recognized; at the very least there
are plausible alternative histories.
While there is much written on roots and sources of environmental problems or developments
virtually none of it addresses die question of what is meant by the partially buried metaphors ot
roots and sources (the metaphors are evidently different; more literally, plants have roots,
normally below them, streams rise from sources, not roots, normally above them, and so on).
A striking example is supplied by Pepper's useful introductory text. Although this text, The

�4

These deeper sources are important. Without locating them, perhaps all of them (if they

resemble blackberry), problems may not get properly addressed. Should we wrongly locate
roots, then proposed resolutions directed at ±ese, cutting them off or replacing them, will also

go astray, wrongly directed or whatever.
There are several parts to the approach sketched, if it is to be properly elaborated—

including a working classification of environmental problems and their proximate solutions,
and an account of paradigms and their roles—before getting to paradigmatic answers to focal

questions. But we can be brief on the necessary preliminaries, because they have been
addressed elsewhere.
1. Problems and paradigms.

Although these will be duly connected, paradigms implicated in problems, they are different
components, and admit and deserve separate explanation.
la. Environmental problems and proximate solutions.

A definition of ‘environmental problem’, and a classification of such problems, has already

been proposed.7 Observe that the final sets of problems that emerge are not value-framework
independent. What constitutes a major problem on deeper perceptions may be but a minor

problem, or written off as not a problem at all, on shallower perspectives. Among such
indicator problems, that it is here presumed are serious problems, are those of
• sustaining biodiversity and
• maintaining significant wilderness.8
Even if the broad impact of human enterprise is sufficiently reduced to guarantee comfortable

survival of future humans, these, desiderata may not be guaranteed. There will be outstanding

problems.
In any event, it is not too difficult to say more or less what environmental problems are
(at worst by furnishing familiar lists), and in many cases to indicate at least in principle how

they are to be resolved. Impact equations, emerging immediately from a classification of

Roots of Modem Environmentalism, presents itself specifically as concerning roots, there is in
fact no explication offered of the crucial roots metaphor, and for that matter no direct account of
what the roots of environmentalism—still less, though quite different, of environmental
problems to which environmentalism answers—are supposed to be (granted there is much
oblique material). It is apparent that Pepper has become rather carried away with the roots
metaphor, throwing it into several chapter headings and applying it pretty indiscriminately to
mean simply elements (from some earlier occurrence); thus for instance, ‘the roots of the theme
of reconciliation of freedom and authority’ (p.193). Such a usage is unsound. Because
rudiments of some idea make an earlier appearance in some authority or work, later workers may
not have arrived at such an idea by expanding on these rudiments; they may have arrived where
they did quite independently or by a different route. The mistake is that of reading a source or
(genetic) causal linkage into a mere temporal injunction: post hoc, propter hoc.
Dictionaries do better, with a short listing for the figurature use of root running: the basis,
bottom, the fundamental part, or that which supplies origin, sustenance, means of development,
etc.’ (Concise English Dictionary). That will serve, for a start.
7
See Sylvan and Bennett, GE.
8
As to the extent of the problem in North America, and a proposed remedy, see The Wildlands
Project.

�5
problems, reveal how they are to be resolved.9 Namely, by altering relevant impact parameters.

Given this why are they proving so intractable? Why is so little done? Why is so very
little spent, despite all the talk.10 Proximate solutions, about as far as positive science conveys

us, are not a satisfactory stopping point. How is it, given so much scientific information and
expertise, that humans are continuing to sharply degrade, and risk substantially destroying, their

habitats.
To these, the focal questions of this exercise, there is an array of competing answers on
offer. As we will soon see, most of these answers too simple, and taken as intended as

comprehensive, they are wrong. The questions however are important, because if we fail to get

to bottom of these, there is even less prospect of satisfactory action to turn around a very
difficult situation.

That these issues do not matter, that casual human relationships or how many dollars
uncaring humans can stuff in their pockets, matter more than whole islands of habitats—these

sorts of value judgements (after all matter is a value term par excellence) derive from and are
supported by particular ideologies.
lb. Model-like objects: paradigms, ideologies, cultures ,and so on.

A paradigm was explicated, in previous work, as a model in precisely a generous logical
sense.11 That is, a paradigm amounts to a structure supplied by an elaborate interpretation

function on a general system, i.e. on an integrated relational structure. Naturally it is required
to

faithful to what it models, the social forms and norms, scientific research programs, etc.

A social paradigm, in contrast to a scientific paradigm, is a paradigm where the propositional
and imperatival theory, the socio-political themes and value judgements, is that of a social

group. A pure culture is but a comprehensive social paradigm, where by “comprehensive” is
meant that it covers a sufficiently comprehensive part of the life-styles and life-forms of the
community concerned. There are now many examples of capsule formulations of the themes

delivered under rival social paradigms and under different cultures; from these formulations we
can work back towards the underlying models.

The basic vehicle, a situations or worlds model, is a semantical object, an item like a
complex universal12 similarly open to a range of construals and reduction attempts, e.g.

metaphysical, conceptual, epistemic, linguistic and so on. Once this is realised, it can be seen

that successive cohorts of philosophers and sociologists have repeated one another in vaguely

discerning essentially the same sorts of underlying structures under different categorisations:
thus, for instance, forms of understanding (Kant), of consciousness (Marx), of life

(Wittgenstein), conceptual schemes

(Conant),

presuppositions

(Collingwood),

For details see again Greening of Ethics.
See e.g. The cost ofpast environmental policy in OECD countries, Box 1.7, in Pearce et al, p.24.
See Routley, where many environmentally relevant examples are documented. For an analogous
account of culture see Sylvan 86.
It resembles a structured universal, e.g. Plato’s system of forms, Locke’s of complex ideas.

�6

Weltanschauungs, total views (Naess), perspectives, outlooks, ideologies, programs, ... . An
ideology, for instance, in the nonderogatory (non-Marxist) sense is an ideas-system, initially a
propositional system or theory with a relevant domain of ideas operative, from which a
paradigm can be discerned and elaborated.
Paradigms are now regularly presented, in extremely truncated form, through a tabulation

of capsule themes. Here is a combination example:
TABLE 2: Elements of Taoism as contrasted with Deep Ecology and with the dominant
paradigm: an initial capsule formulation ,13

Taoism

Deep Ecology

Dominant (Western)
Paradigm

Harmony with nature,
±rough Tao

Harmony with nature

Domination over nature

Nature valuable in itself;
“humanism” rejected

Natural environment
valued for itself

Nature a resource;
intrinsic value confined
to humans

Levelling of differences;
wide impartiality

Biocentric egalitarianism

Human supremacy

Supplies ample

Earth supplies limited

Ample resources with
substitutes

Following Tao-te

Spiritual goals,
especially self-realisation

Material economic growth
a predominant goal

Enlightenment

Self-realisation

Personal (material)
enrichment

Doing with enough
(recycling inappropriate)

Doing with enough;
recycling

Consumerism

Non-competitive lifestyle;
voluntary simplicity

Cooperative lifestyle

Competitive lifestyle

Decentralised/neighbourhood and village focus

Decentralised/bioregional
/neighbourhood focus

Centralised/urban centred/
national focus

Hierarchy without
power structure;
anarchoid

Non-hierarchical/
grassroots democracy

Power structure
hierarchical

Limited technology

Appropriate technology

High technology

Considerable caution

Precautionary practice

Risking taking (verging
upon adventurism)

13

This tripartite example is adapted from UTD, where capsule elements of Taoism are duly
expanded.

�7
I

As observed, paradigms control action space by some equivalent of directives; red and green

lights duly interpreted. They may not supply direct commands, general obligations and
prohibitions, but may operate more indirectly. For instance an enlightened person, a role

model, a person following Tao, would act this way, not that. (Taoism, like certain modem
ideosystems, eschews deontics.)
Paradigms are absorbed and they guide practice. They commonly form part of actors'

worlds; they are certainly part of actors' programs for practice and considered action in a world.
In a sense then, they are things, programs actors carry round in their heads; so heads have to be

changed, not rolled.
2. Proposed answers to focal questions; a preliminary classification of inadequate answers

and suggested remedies.

Most of the wide range of answers proposed supply a single source, and are defective.
Roughly, virtually everything you have read on this (or may read elsewhere) is wrong.
TABLE 3. Main tabulation of answers and remedies

Source

Defective
practice answers

Remedy

Objections

DI.

Ignorance

Relevant
information

Information
now available

D2.

Unintended consequences

Relevant
information

Information
now available

D2a

Faulty technique,
or technology

Repairs

Repairs already
made

D3

Deviation (from
theory, etc.)
Education (for failure
to limit deviance)

Adherence

a. Deviation
uneliminable, or
b. Adherence
no remedy

D4.

Systemic lock-in
(through poverty,
ensnarement in
market forces, etc.)

Trap removal

a. Explains
only certain
cases, and
b. Due to
paradigmatic
features

D5.

Insensitivity or
insensibility

Problem
apprised

Remedy tried;
background
ideological
blockage

Source single paradigm

Remedies proposed (among others)

Christianity (mainstream
Catholicism)

Scientific enlightenment, or
alternative (Eastern) religion

D3a

Defective paradigm
answers

Pl.

i

�8

Pla.

Protestantism and its ethic

P2.
P2a

Cartesianism
Dualism

P2b

Mechanism

Monism

Anti-dualism

Modified holism

Substance metaphysics
P3.
P3a Possessive individualism
P3aa Personalism

Organicism

Process metaphysics
Non-reductionism
Transpersonalism

P4.

Capitalism

Socialism

P5.

Industrialism

Pre-industrialism (romanticism)
Post-industrialism

P5a Technocratic bureaucracy
P5aa. Transnational business

Enlightenment

Anti-enlightenment

P6a

Materialism

Anti-materialism
Spiritualism

P8.
P8a

Patriarchy, Masculinism
Human domination
of humans

Feminism
Anti-domination
(anti-hierarchy)

P6.

Further sample listings of this paradigmatic sort (but with the paradigms often subject specific
or partial) include:

Source

Typical remedy suggested

Platonism

New metaphysics

Leibnitzianism

New metaphysics

Kantianism

C onsequentialism

Mainstrand Anglo-American philosophy:

reductive empiricism-cum-utilitarianism

Continental philosophy

Utilitarianism

Economism

New social science, or ethics

Contractarianism

Consequentialism

Domination transfer

Domination removal

Adolescencism
Infantilism (from Freudian physchology)

Maturation

Maturation

And so on.
A very rough recipe runs as follows: draw up a potted list of major movements and factors in
dominant Western thought. Then most elements in that list will have been nominated, likely

�9

separately but perhaps only in combination, by someone as the source of the problems.
That list accordingly continues (even including sometimes entries like Taylorism), but
what is included is representative of the important and more interesting answers to be
encountered. There are other answers however, some varying from interesting to crazy, that we

should also take into account, for instance Shepard's answers. Although Shepard dismisses
ideologies, what he offers is a further ideosystem, of similar dubious or false cast. Strange

answers include pushing it back to human psychology (thus not only Shepard, but also Fox, and
Ehrlich with talk of ‘mental maladaptation’).
Basically, there is something wrong with a society that does that to its habitat. It is sick
— in a popular sense, yes, it is sick. It is the slides that follow, however, that are to be resisted.
The slide begins invitingly: As it is not literally sick, well not physically usually, it must be
mentally sick; that is, sliding further and fast, insane or mad.

But the sources of mental

sickness lie in childhood (as Freudianism erroneously insists). The slide continues to: what we
have are immature societies, frozen at an early stage of development. No doubt there is

something to theme that dominant societies, USA especially (which influences so much now in
other cultures), are locked into youth culture, a sort of late consumptive adolescence.1415No

doubt, too, that maturity — but a environmental maturity — is desirable, even mandatory.
Meanwhile, immaturity is fostered right through human life. Considerable effort is put

into trying to induct older people, who are often marginalised, into active consumptive society,

to spend their money through tourism, on new housing, in those most wasteful of modern
institutions such as airliners and hotels, hospitals and old-age homes, and so forth.
3. Documentation as to some of the acclaimed purer sources.

Like the lists of proposals and intricated paradigms, the documentation too is somewhat

perfunctory, tending towards notes. While whole theses could be spun out on several of these
topics, already beginning to elicit such treatment, a prime objective here is different from usual:

neither to convict, nor to clear or excuse, but to partially implicate most items cited in the main

tabulation above. Consider, in brief, some of the usually accredited sources:
• Western religion, above all Christianity. The theme that the source of ecological problems,

‘the historical roots of our ecological crisis’, are to be found in Western religion, and
specifically in ‘the Judaeo-Christian belief that mankind was created to have dominion over

nature’, was advanced in a particularly pointed and subsequently influential way by White.
One useful summary of White's line of argument runs as follows:
Allied with technological and scientific developments, orthodox Christianity
has produced arrogant exploitation of nature, and a contemporary ecological
crisis. White's thesis is that the West's successful science and technology
14
15

It interestingly matches the locking of primary production systems into pioneering stages such as
preclimax formations. Shepard’s dialectic is investigated in more detail in Appendix 3.
White's article has generated an enormous defensive literature, primarily from Christian
apologists, but also from softer environmentalists and from testy historians of ideas. The whole
area looks in danger of disappearing from intellectual view under a heavy blanketing snowfall,
snowed.

�10

developed between the 8th and 12th centuries — it is much older than the
scientific revolution though it was not until about 1850 — following the
democratic revolutions — that the science and technology were combined to
produce truly immense powers to change nature. The early development,
however, was paralleled by the development of exploitative attitudes to
nature which seemed to be ‘in harmony with larger intellectual patterns’,
namely the victory of Christianity over paganism. This destroyed the
animistic beliefs whereby men thought twice before they plundered and
destroyed natural objects. It substituted instead a faith in perpetual progress,
a belief that God designed nature for man's benefit and rule, and that action,
not contemplation, was the correct Christian behaviour. Science formed an
extension of theology (for to know God you had to find out how his creation
worked), and technology provided the active means to carry out God's will.
Because today’s attitudes are essentially inherited from Christianity, then it
‘bears the burden of guilt’ for contemporary ecological disruption.16

What has happened with the divisive charge, advanced by White, that Christianity was

the prime source of environmental problems, is particularly instructive. In an attempt to diffuse
the charge Christian apologists pointed to, what there undoubtedly were, recessive strands or
isolated seeds in Christianity which were much more environmentally benign (though some

such as stewardship, which has evolved toward total managerialism and sustainable

development, have proved increasingly problematic). That does little or nothing to meet a more

sensitive criticism that mainstream (or dominant) Christianity has much to answer for as
regards destruction and degradation of natural environments.17 Similar responses are apposite

for attempts to exonerate their wider sources, such as Western philosophy.
Against the sheeting of responsibility to religion, dominant forms of which should
undoubtedly cop some heavy criticism, it has been contended that
philosophy ... is the primary source of most Western ideas [and] is ...
responsible for the ideas and attitudes that inhibit environmental protection
today.... Religion... though often criticized ... as the chief culprit, has played
a much less fundamental role. Most of the environmentally offensive ideas in
Western religion originated not in religion but in Western philosophy.18

• Classical Greek philosophy, above all the peak philosophies of Plato and Aristotle.
Greek philosophers approached natural phenomena in a way that (1)
prevented the development of an ecological perspective, (2) discouraged the
aesthetic appreciation of the natural world, and (3) promoted a conception of
reality that made the idea of nature preservation conceptually difficult, if not
impossible.19
16

17

18

19

Pepper pp.44-5. Pepper then embarks upon the murky story of alternative interpretations of
Biblical data and the Christian tradition, dredged up by a series of White's critiques. The issue
continues to be debated; for an interesting recent contribution see Callicott.
Each religion is multistranded. But we should look hardest at dominant operative forms. Ask,
first, not what they say, but what they do, and would do.
Hargrove p.15. Certainly the sort of message that Pentecostal missionaries even now try to
preach to resistant Australian Aboriginals, that the earth is just filth, mere rubbish, can be traced
back in direct line to Plato’s attitude to the land, an attitude Hargrove and Plumwood help
expose.
Hargrove p.21. Hargrove’s claims may appear to have been confuted by Attfield, but really,
while they have been subject to minor qualification, they have been highlighted: see Appendix 1.
There is a much fuller story still to be told about classical Greek philosophy reassessed
environmentally, of the very different roles and impacts ot Plato (with his unearthly philosophy),
of Aristotle (with his earthier chauvinism), of Stoics and of Epicureans. For a modest beginning,

�11

More sweepingly, they set Western philosophy on a ruinous environmental course, a course
accentuated with the appearance of modem rationalist and empiricist philosophies.
• Cartesian philosophy. The dominant modern environmental approach is sometimes
denominated Cartesianism, or the Cartesian Technocratic paradigm, in honour of Descartes,

upon whom (as a conveniently select individual from a swag of like-minded people) several of

the leading themes and ideas can be pinned.20

While Descartes was undoubtedly

extraordinarily influential, so were others; Newton for one, Locke for another. The paradigm is
accordingly better denominated the Atomist-Empiricist-Technocratic paradigm, or some such.
Evidently it substantially overlaps other modem ideologies, such as that of the Enlightenment,
widely implicated as major sources of environmental problems.
• Western metaphysics. While some conglomeration of the preceding sources and others (some
potted history of Western metaphysics, so to say) may be offered, more often what is presented

is some selection of Western metaphysical elements. Here is one example, plainly exhibiting a
heavy Heideggerean influence:
The root of our environmental problems lie in Western metaphysics. For
metaphysics, Being is presencing; no allowance is made for any other mode
(sheltering, declining, concealing). Once metaphysics has established the
absolute dominion of the present over the not-present or no-longer-present,
the way is paved for the scientific method, with its emphasis on replicability
of results, predicability, quantification, and control. Nature becomes a
“natural resource” —and people become “human resources”. The sources of
anthropocentricism, -imperialism, colonialism, sexism and consumerism can
all be traced back to metaphysics.
Western metaphysics has more or less conquered the world, and there is no
going back. Western metaphysics is more than simply a false consciousness
overlaid on top of “authentic” experience. Being changes historically, and
metaphysics is the index of that change... Metaphysics has a conquering,
exclusive imperative, ... and different [former] modes now exist only as
vestigial trances. They cannot be resurrected through ancient wisdom, native
healing, goddess worship, or any other supposedly intact, dormant system.
We cannot create a “new order”. That would simply be another form of the
Will to Power... We can—and must—turn away from the dominant rhythms
of western metaphysics if we are to avoid the nihilism of a perpetually
ensconced technocratic rationalism.21
An alternative to turning entirely away from Western metaphysics, consists in combining

20

21

see Plumwood on Plato, Toulmin on Stoics as contrasted with Epicureans, and Glacken on lesser
or lost Greek strands.
For encapsulation of the Cartesianism paradigm (a dominant dualistic form), summarising
Drengson’s exposition, see Routley, table 5. For certain critical elements of Descartes
contribution, see Appendix 2. Drengson, for one, has helped portray Descartes as the
environmentally evil genius (or demiurge). That some orthodox philosophers, not merely
maverick philosophers, are now rushing to the defence of Descartes should be seen as entirely in
keeping with the character and roles of Western philosophy.
Undisclosed source. Amusingly, I have seen myself accused of ‘reject[ing] in its entirety
mainstream western philosophy and science, ... seen as the cause of the [environmental]
problem’ and instead basing my ‘ecocentric values on Eastern philosophies (thus Bellett). This
charge was levelled on the strength of a peripheral exercise on classical Taoism and Deep
Ecology (now included in UTD).

�12
rejection of standard Western metaphysics (or, less sweepingly, of dominant metaphysics,

characteristically individualistic and atomistic) in favour of development of recessive traditions
or mere Western seeds.

Such a more sophisticated approach, also critical of Western

metaphysics, with atomism a main villain, is pursued by those who promote instead process or

plenum metaphysics.22
• Enlightenment. The source of problems lies in ‘the intellectual heritage of the Enlightenment’

(e.g. Dobson). Of course the main doctrines of the Enlightenment substantially overlap those

of modem mainstream philosophy and of Descartes’ philosophy (but they shed dualistic and

theistic scholastic hang-overs).
• Capitalism. The assumption that capitalism is responsible for environmental as well as social
evils, widespread until recently in state-socialist countries (when their own records were
revealed) can be traced back to Marx. According to Marx, with capitalism
for the first time, nature becomes purely an object for humankind, purely a
matter of utility; ceases to be recognised as a power for itself; and the
theoretical discovery of its autonomous laws appears merely as a ruse so as to
subject it under human needs, whether as an object of consumption or as a
means of production.23
But, as observed, the main theme had appeared in earlier philosophy; for instance, the idea of

nature as purely an object for humankind, was advanced in Aristotle: ‘Now if nature makes

nothing incomplete and nothing in vain, the inference must be that she has made all animals for

the sake of man’.24 Aristotle adopted a similar stance on nature as on other species. The theme
was to be oft repeated in subsequent Aristotelianism, and reiterated apparently in shallower
Stoicism. But the subjection of everything to utility appears to be a distinctively modem

contribution.
♦ Modem industrial society. Modem industrialism (‘the smooth-superhighway of industrial
progress’) is the source, such is an extraordinarily popular theme: ‘... the root causes of the

present crisis lie deep with the very foundations of the industrial paradigm’.25 Similarly ‘roots
[of] the environment crisis ... go deeper to the foundations of modem industrial society .26
Again, ‘the structural roots of the environmental crises [are found in] industrialism, in

commoditization, in commercialism, and in competition and greed’27 The popular theme, that
industrialism is the source, tends to confuse mere means— industrial technology can without

22

23
24
25

26
27

For the first process option, see Gare; for the second, where the plenum is that of a holistic
relativity theory (more exactly holistic relativistic geometrodynamics), see Mathews.
Grundrisse p.409f.
Aristotle, Politics, Book 1, ch.8. What an inference, you might well exclaim. See further
Hargrove p.25.
M. Gabriel, ‘How “attitudes and implements” have brought us to “the end of nature , a paper
presented at UNE Environmental Paradigms Conference, April 1993. Gabriel proposes a
managerial resolution: ‘for us to learn to manage both our relationship to our environment, and
more broadly the environment itself (quotes from abstract of paper). This amounts to the flip
side of an old problematic record. For the “solution” derives from the same defective box as the
evident problem.
Gabriel ibid. Similarly in McLauglin.
Editorial in The Ecologist, Jan-Feb 1992, p.2.

�13

any doubt at all vastly facilitate environmental degradation (as well as, less satisfactorily,

subsequent clean-up and environmental repair)— with sources and causes, what directs and
powers those uses of industrial technique and practice.
• Patriarchy. The source is patriarchy, and androgyny; problems derive from mistreatment of
women. ‘Our troubles begin with the invention of male deities located off the planet’.28

‘patriarchy is the source of the environmental crisis’.29 One sample linkage statement runs as

follows:

... there is a huge denial ... of the violence perpetrated on women both
historically and ... presently] and ... this the same energy that, turned against
the Earth, is destroying the very life-support systems and rapidly destroying
the conditions that makes complex life possible. The fires that consume the
Amazon are the very same fires that burned 9 million witches and I believe
that there can be no solution of our ecological problems unless we
simultaneously address our gender issues.30
Patriarchy, as source, is evidently a special case of long invoked domination transfer themes:

• Human domination and exploitation of humans: It is an extraordinarily widespread
assumption that the impact of humans (or, until recently, of Man!) on the environment, or
creatures or things in it, is a product of that of humans with each other, typically of groups or
classes. In misleadingly brief form, the source is social: Man’s inhumanity to Man; and the

solution correspondingly is social. Unremarkably, this unlikely assumption comes in a variety

of different forms: early, concerning the mistreatment of animals as an (inevitable) spill-over

from mistreatment of humans, recently concerning maltreatment of nature spilling over from, or
being one with, that of women. The fashionable assumption runs, in one form or another, from

Aquinas through Kant to a range of recent trend setters, including Marcuse, Ulich, Passmore,
Bookchin ... and some leading feminists. In particular, it is part of the very meaning of social

ecology, an ideology shaped and championed by Bookchin: ‘ecological problems arise from
deep-seated social problems’.31 On this theme among others, Bookchin simply follows a

prominent trend in social anarchism set by Kropotkin and his contemporary Reclus:
all see that the domination and exploitation of nature by man is but an
extension of the domination of man by man. Thus, ‘Both Kropotkin and
Reclus ... laid the foundations of a radical theory of human ecology.
Ecological despoliation was seen to reflect imbalances in human relationships
—domination of nature thus following from human domination’.... It follows
that if domineering and exploitative human relationships can be avoided in
small-scale decentralised societies then such societies are also best for a
Quoted in Eckersley p.64, who develops and begins to assess patriarchical source themes. For a
more critical assessment see GEF.
See Seed, quoted in GEF; also Salleh (see e.g. EP3).
John Seed’s Workshop Schedule 1992, Rainforest Information Centre, Lismore, 12. 12.91.
Seed’s extravagant identity claims are but a dramatic extension of that popular tendency to
transform comparison and similarity statements into identity claims. Indeed reductionism often
reaches further, with attempted conversion of all relational statements into identity ones, along
with unrelational property claims.
Bookchin sometimes qualifies this central claim, with ‘nearly all present’, e.g. EP3 p.354. But
he is not strictly entitled to any such qualification, given his invariant theme that the domination
of nature always results from die humans domination ot other humans (see e.g. Clark EP3,
p.346). The text EP3 contains a big section providing a useful introduction to social ecology.

�14

harmonious man-nature relationship.32
Domination and exploitation of one division by another can in turn be seen as a case of
dualism at work, between the one, the dominator or dominating class, and the other, the

dominated.
• A snare of dualisms. Environmental problems derive from operation of a set of connected
ideologically-entrenched and defective dualisms.33
• Modern educational systems: Roots of environmental problems lie in educational systems.

Or if roots don't, solutions do. However, roots of environmental or social problems do not lie in

educational systems. Parts of their solutions may however. For education is critical, for
instance, in correcting insufficient adherence to established satisfactory arrangements, such as,

so it is claimed, Enlightenment ideals or traditional ethical systems.34 Therewith we are
transported full circle back to defective practice answers.
4. Commentary on, and objections to, proposed answers

A main part of this exercise consists in a detailed critical commentary on the entries in the
main tabulation, and on proposals like them. Small beginnings are made on the exercise, in two
stages reflecting the major division in the main tabulation.
D.
Defective practice answers tend to come from those who presume we are already in

possession of adequate theories, or what approximates them or supplies main elements of them.

(Such answers are also more liable to emanate from conservatives, opposed to new or radical
theories, advanced on the basis of inadequacy of prevailing theories in practice.)

Defective practice answers are especially popular in economic reaches. There was a time,

perhaps not past yet, when all market failures in the shape of negative externalities were passed
off as unintended consequences of economic activity. While outputs or “consequences” such
matters as pollution certainly are, unintended they mostly are not now, without emptying
‘unintended’ of its normal sense. For example, industrialists, apprised of conservation laws and
unsurprised by polluted wastes, who dump their waste where and when regulators and waste­

watchers are not looking, can hardly pretend that that output is an unintended consequence of
their industry. That should now be a bad joke.
Accordingly new green economics insists that we dig deeper—without however

exceeding economic settings—to discover why markets may foreseeably fail and why
environmentally rectifying technology is not delivered.35 Where they usually arrive, travelling
32

33

34
35

Pepper p.192, with internal quotation from Breitbart. Unfortunately it is all too evident, given
humans could so socially organise, that they could setde into harmonious small-scale
communities which retained but little of pristine natural environments.
Such a proposition, outlined in V. and R. Routley, obtains a much fuller elaboration within
Plumwood. In an interesting way, such a proposal can hardly be wrong, given the conclusion
reached below that a set of defective paradigms in at work. For evidently paradigms can be
covered by dualisms, represented by set of diem in each case, somewhat as numbers can be
represented in binary terms, generated from a basic two-oneness duality.
Thus Passmore, Attfield, and others. For a critical assessment of education, see Sylvan and
Bennett.
Thus e.g. Jacobs, p.24.

�a

15
within such unduly confined settings, is, like welfare economics before green, at better

regulated markets, with business set as before within frameworks of plans and incentives,
controls and penalties. Environmentally, however, such approaches do not reach very deep, or

tap into underlying paradigmatic problem-sources.
But these sorts of defective practice answers do not always derive from standard
economic sources. A deviation-style answer is much favoured by Marxists to explain failure,

environmental and other, of the former Soviet Union and other Eastern block countries; namely
that true Marxism was not practiced. Unfortunately, even if it had been, environmental

consequences would be no better, given the heavy industrial commitments and environmental

shallowness, at best, of true Marxism.36 Differently, enlightenment liberals like Passmore try
to ascribe failures in Western environmental practice, not to any deficiencies in mainstream

theory, but to deviation from well established principles. Unfortunately adherence to these
“well established principles” is just one way in which the Earth will lose what remains of its

wilderness and remarkable diversity.
Now there are no doubt cases, past especially but also present, some resulting

(collectively) in extensive environmental degradation, where defective practice answers may be
correct. For example, there is harrowing case after harrowing case (brought together in texts
like Topsoil and Civilization ) of degradation of prime agricultural lands by imposed farming

practices, where at least early on (before damage became visible) ignorance and unintended

consequences could be legitimately claimed. In most historical cases we do not have enough
information to be able to say with much assurance that agriculture proceeded until effective

collapse because of continuing ignorance, or because practices were locked-in in one way or
another, or because of sheer obduracy. But we do know more about present agricultural
practices, for example in more arid parts of Australia, concerning both irrigated and dry-land

agriculture.

Many of these practices are undoubtedly sharply degrading lands, and the

consequences of the practices, which cannot plead or pretend ignorance, are sufficiently

appreciated.

But the practices persist, and are encouraged by a sweep of subsidies or

concessions. No doubt some of the practitioners can reasonably claim that they are locked into
bad practices through circumstance, circumstances now beyond their control such as financial

pressures, unfavourable terms-of-trade, and so on, coupled with the need to make a living. But
some, such as companies controlling large tracts of land, can make no such claims or excuses,

nor can claim such things as family precedence, attachment to place, and similar. Their
obdurate practice has to be attributed to something else, most obviously not deviation from

theory, but commitment to an environmentally defective paradigm.
P.
Dealing with defective paradigm answers is an even more complex, and vexed,
36

It is surprising how much of the practice of later Socialist states is prefigured in texts like The
Communist Manifesto. Thus “industrial armies” are to be set up; credit, communications and
transport are to become state monopolies; “migrants and rebels” are to have dieir property
confiscated; and so on. All this runs contrary to much Marxist apologetics (as A. Urquhart, who
made those points, also observed).

�16
business. Let us try to condense main matters to a few themes:
1.
Many of the (incomplete) paradigms listed are not even sufficient for environmental
impasses. They may be seriously mistaken, they may have undesirable intellectual and perhaps

social effects, but a society could persist sustainably with those drawbacks. Thus, for example,
substance metaphysics (under modified Spinozism), dualisms, even patriarchy. The same
might even hold for materialism and mechanism, (assuming these practices can be coherently

made out, that depending on how differentiated ideologies and values are accommodated, and
so forth).
To illustrate: a metaphysics, of any sort, cannot be the whole story, because it does not,

on it own, account for action, anti-environmental or other. Without special bridges from

metaphysics to value-intricating action theory, a sort of naturalistic fallacy operates. Thus
subverted, in essentially Hume’s way, are all the vulgar sources of environmental problems
which take them as derived from metaphysics.
2.
While several—not just one—of the paradigms listed are sufficient—in the right

circumstances (given long historical development, accumulation, and so on37)—none are

necessary. Similar impasses could arise, and locally have arisen, given significantly different
paradigms;

for example given, instead of main Western trouble-making paradigms,

Confucianism or advanced Polynesianism.
At this stage in dialectic, green history or ecohistory, and related virtual histories, enter
decisively. Ponting's Green History of the World begins with a graphic account of the rise and
ecological fall of Easter Island under the impact of Polynesian projects. The work also

conveniently documents many other examples, well-known to biohistorians, of ecological
degradation or collapse, far from the influence of Western paradigms. An important example
(much less speculative than some of the examples because of a comparative wealth of primary
documentation) outlines the destruction of accessible Chinese ecosystems under Confucian

dynasties. What several of these examples also reveal is that no very high level of technology

is needed to inflict serious environmental damage; persistence in pursuit of an ideological
project (with nothing directly to do with basic needs) will suffice.
Other cultures did, or would have (given the technology and numbers), wrecked similar
damage. For instance, deforestation, salination, megafaunal elimination, and so on, were well

established before rise of modem Western paradigms, or in regions outside their influence.
3.

The list of paradigms, as so far presented, is entirely Western in orientation. Moreover

environmental woes are regularly ascribed to Western sources — wrongly. For non-Western

paradigms have led, or would lead given the opportunities (including access to the
technologies), to outcomes as undesirable as under dominant Western paradigm. Witness

37

While it is easy to imagine ineffectual or incompetent tribes which live benignly
environmentally, by just muddling along, under even the worst of paradigms, that is not really to
the point. A pertinent tribe needs to have developed the structure which leads to problems, to
have the means, and so on.

�17

again Confucianism, for instance, and its role and influence in Asian regions. Confucianism
incorporates human chauvinism par excellence (as well as, some might say, Chinese
chauvinism).38 Or Islam, with its reach across the Middle East.
The main tabulation (of table 3) should accordingly be extended to take due account of
non-Westem paradigms, including for example:
Other Abrahamic religions

Islam

(Judaism
Confucianism

Shintoism

Polynesianism, at least in advanced forms as on Easter Island.

What is “Western” is tending to blur also. Is Judaism Western, how western, or Islam? There
is also a tendency to suppose that more Western religions, Abrahamic religions, with their

intense monotheism, are significantly ideologically worse than non-Westem. But the contrasts

are different and much more complex than that. A better divide is into monistic and pluralistic.
Even so, many undesirable social and environmental features are incorporated in or encouraged
by religious pluralisms from the Indian subcontinent.
4.
All the single paradigm answers are inadequate, all are too simple. Even so some are

less inadequate than others. It is the same, more or less, for the combined answers, often to be
encountered. For generally they represent but one thin cross-section of Western paradigms.
While all the single one-source one-shot paradigmatic answers, occur on their own, often

they are combined. For instance, although Descartes is often cited as a villain, more often
criticism of Cartesianism is combined with criticism of other concurrent ideological elements,
such as Baconian empiricism (less incompatibly, Drengson, for one, regularly combines

criticism of the technocratic paradigm with criticism of Cartesianism—though Descartes, for all
his rich and appalling thought, contributed little to the rise of technocratic organisation.)

Similarly Hargrove combines Greek philosophy, as original source, with modern rationalism

and much else.
5. Towards a more satisfactory explanation.

Not only are the paradigmatic roots seriously intertangled (because of connections of one
paradigm with another, because for instance of heavy philosophical inputs into religious

paradigms), but further there is not a single defective paradigm. Rather there is a family or

sheaf of paradigms, commitment to any of which, or any suitable combination of which, in
requisite circumstances, appears to have yielded environmentally untoward outcomes (requisite

circumstances including availability of technology, extent of social support, and so on). Within

that plurality there are of course gradations—and not only gradations but major differences—in

calibre, in environmental friendliness. A Cartesianism which regards animals as mere auto­

38

Its net of effects extends widely. Consider, e.g., the role of Chinese medicine in decline of large
fauna.

�18

mata incapable of feeling genuine pain, is significantly worse as regards other life-forms and
their decent treatment than a utilitarianism which positively values animal sentience.
The family is not exclusively Western, or Northern, though (through colonialism and

cultural imperialism) paradigm of these sorts now predominate. Paradigms and cultures of less
“advanced” and third world communities have also operated to enhance environmental

vandalism and degradation locally and regionally.
Industrialization and technological advance are, without doubt, what have inflated
environmental problems from rather localised ones, damaging islands and river catchments, to

grander and global ones. They are the engines, powerhouses, of major problems/9
They did not however run on their own, nor do they continue on their own. Such engines

were not designed and built, fuelled and tended, independently.39
40 They evolved primarily in
the specially favoured culture of capitalism, though parallel developments could have occurred,
and later did, in other prepared and heavily controlled surroundings, such as state socialism.

Now however these engines have been rendered more reliable and less dependent on careful
cultural support, and have been transferred to run in less favourable settings.
TABLE 4: Connected continuing sources of global environmental problems
Transfer

of technology,
industry and
problems to
other regions

Inflation

intensification
and spread of
problems to
larger regions

Technologicalindustrial
development
within
ideological
cultural
framework

development
within another ,
\ or different /
• framework
/

Multiple
sources

of
various regional
problems

39

40

The picture of development of environmental problems preferred accordingly bears passing
resemblance to that now tendered for development of the early Universe, where a source event,
the Big Bang, was followed by a huge inflationary phenomenon. Naturally the resemblance has
limitations; for instance, universe inflation is not terrestrially replicable in the way
industrialization now is (hired or delivered off the shelf, pollution problems and all, with a big
price tag).
Lacking such favourable ideological surroundings, earlier technological “break throughs were
not duly developed: thus early wheels, steam engines, gunpowder, etc.

�19

Even if the whole “West” went into a terminal decline, and its paradigms disappeared into
history, serious environmental exploitation and degradation would continue, driven by other

cultures. For instance, the West could collapse through protracted war, through choking on its
own toxic wastes, or whatever (there are many routes to catastrophic decline, outlined for

instance in “Limits to Growth” scenarios, that could differentially impact on the West).
Degradation would now continue, however; there would be only temporary respite from
environmental crises.
While most of the problems, awfully aggregated in contemporary environmental crises,

are produced or accelerated by — what connects them — contemporary industrial society, not

all environmental problems are or have been of this sort. But many of the other problems, such
as destruction of rainforests by itinerant peasants, can be seen as by-products, or similar; thus,

in the example, the peasants displaced by agribusiness, absentee wealth-holders or similar,

arrived there on industrially-made roads opening the forests, and often wrecked this damage
using industrial machinery.
An environmental friendly culture has to be much more critical concerning certain types
of industrialization, and much more selective regarding technology than present dominant

cultures, Western or non-Westem. While there are such paradigms, on the ideas market, they
mostly lack sophisticated contemporary elaboration.
Examples of more friendly paradigms, that do not lead of themselves to massive

environmental problems and crises include those now tabulated:
TABLE 5: Examples, several flawed, of environmentally friendly paradigms.
Oriental ideologies:

Taoism (classical)
Jainism

recessive traditions,
now with tiny
followings and little
political influence.

Indigenous cultures:

Australian Aboriginals (e.g. Aranda)
Amazonian Indians, etc.
Western philosophies:

old

Stoicism
Spinozism

new

Deep green theories, such as deep ecology.

under certain
favourable
interpretations

Given the remoteness of most of these examples from contemporary life, and difficulties with

their wide adaptability, it is a short step to a familiar conclusion that new paradigms need to be

worked out. Much more intellectual effort should be devoted to such enterprise.
What we have arrived at, then, is a rough classification of paradigms into two large

�20
families: environmentally friendly and unfriendly. No doubt there is a fuzzy residue class

(neither, and perhaps both).
DIAGRAM 6: Broad environmental division of paradigms.

To questions as to why agents adhere, or continue to adhere, to environmentally unfriendly
paradigms, the answers are likewise plural, and diverse (and some match answers in Table 3).

Reasons are psychological, social and cultural (with circularity here encountered), and include

considerations of the following sorts and others: because that is how things are done, or have
always been done; because needs can be met, perhaps only met, in that way, so it is believed;
because there are no alternatives, or none seen, perhaps because none have been sought;
because negative outcomes can be overcome, or do not really matter; and so on.
It is not difficult to indicate, more or less, which paradigms will, if duly, diligently or

religiously practiced, lead to environmental problems and impasse.

Some family

characteristics, then, of unfriendly paradigms:

* Combination effects, illustrated through Leibnitzianism. Any which guarantees satisfaction

of all or enough elements of the consumption impact equation, and so would generate excessive

impacts. To illustrate, consider what might be called Leibnitzianism, in honour of Leibnitz

(though Leibnitz's fragmentary work did not initiate any genuine historic school). Leibnitz was
heavily committed to all of human population growth, unfettered technological advance, and

human lifestyles of consumption, in short, to precisely those factors that combine in the impact

recipe to produce excessive human impacts upon environments. There is fair evidence for these
contentions. First, Leibnitz was an early exponent of utilitarianism, indeed he was all-round an

enthusiastic maximizer. From his formulation of utilitarianism, he drew an immediate obvious
corollary: the directive to increase human population (maximizing on aggregate human pleasure

is most obviously achieved by production of more happy humans, other aspects of which
technology and affluence can assure).41 Secondly, Leibnitz was a technology enthusiast; he

was heavily committed to the developments and use of scientific technology, for which he had
all sorts of schemes (e.g. the characteristic universalis intended to encapsulate all of knowledge

in an accessible useable form, a complete calculus duly mechanised, as well as numerous

technological projects.42). Thirdly, he was committed to an affluent lifestyle for himself and

(through symmetry and basic assumptions of utilitarianism) for others. For his own part, he

For Leibnitz’s anticipation of utilitarianism, see Hruschka. For Leibnitz’s immediate application
of the principle, to support human population increase, see p.172.
‘Leibnitz's interest in machinery is illustrated by his complicated plan to drain the Harz mines,
which involved the construction of a new type of windmill, and a virtually friction-free pump’,
Cottingham p.193. For a detailed account of Leibnitz’s extensive entrepreneurial and
technological activities, see Aiton.

�21

abandoned an academic career at an obscure German university ‘in favour of the more active

and lucrative pursuits of the courtier and diplomat’ and, so it turned out, the bright lights of

major European cities and grand tours of Europe.43
Leibnitz has sometimes been accounted environmentally friendly. Some of that apparent
friendliness was due to scholastic conservativism. Thus he was opposed to mechanism; he was
sympathetic to the organic and teleological, which did not contract to isolated human and
superhuman loci. His metaphysical theory of monads, which are centres of living energy,

effectively distributed life everywhere, though not equally. Harmony and order too prevailed

throughout the universe, though under God's maximizing management, the presence of which

they duly established! But even this life-expanding harmonious order, variants of which are
now familiar from Whiteheadian and deep ecological quarters, was not as benign as it has

superficially appeared.

Leibnitz supposed that, by virtue of pre-established harmony and final causes governing

inevitable progress, humans would not go wrong in the longer term in their environmental
activities, that they could not 'cumulatively make undesirable changes in nature’.44 Leibnitz

joyfully foresaw more and more of the Earth coming under cultivation, and its long-term
advancement to a complete intensive garden, even if there were occasional relapses where parts

deteriorated back temporarily towards wild state. Leibnitz even criticised Cartesianism, now
widely regarded as prime villain of the environmental piece, as failing ‘to provide the modal

stimulus .... to the control of nature’ ... ‘to scientific advance’. The idea of control, advancing
to total control, total management, is prophesized in Leibnitz (in a sort of chauvinistic Gaia
hypothesis). He saw ‘order as progressively increasing, with the help of man [as] a finisher of

nature. He boldly applauded the idea of progress to the earth as a unit, assuming both an
orderliness on earth and an orderliness in the changes it had undergone by man’.45 No doubt

Leibnitz’s lifestyle commitments need not (and may not) be reflected in his philosophy, which
may have independent environmental merit, for example as stimulation or input for later

developments. There is unfortunately little evidence that that is so. Nonetheless, substantial

fragments of Leibnitz’s philosophy do admit environmental bending and adaptation, in a way
that Descartes’ philosophy does not at all easily.

An important corollary does emerge: that a promising new metaphysics is no panacea for
improved environmental performance or paradigms. Not merely neutral metaphysics, but even

positive metaphysics, such as certain organic and process theories, are compatible with, and can

be coupled with, damaging social theories and life-styles. It is almost enough to consider the
theories, practices and lifestyles of Aristotle, Leibnitz and Whitehead.46
43
44
45
46

Cottingham p.24, p.26.
Glacken p.478. As he remarks, these bold assumptions made by Leibnitz have proved wrong.
Glacken p.506.
Leibnitz’s standing in die history of philosophy is somewhat curious. His main achievement,
setting aside his reputation as an intellectual wizard with lots of ideas, appears to be spasmodic
work upon a beautiful ruin, an incomplete (and incompletable) metaphysics, of which only

�22

* Direct untoward effects, illustrated through Cartesianism and Confucianism, or indeed any

system which attributes little or no value to natural items, and perhaps much value to nature
transforming or interfering human (or elite) projects. So it is with Confucianism, which is

entirely human focussed. ‘Centering his attention on man in his present life, Confucius had as
his goal the achievement of a good society characterized by harmonious social relations.’47
The outside world, the nature environment, was of no moral significance. It mattered only

instrumentally, to humans. Descartes went further. Human bodies too were automata, complex

machinery. ‘The exception is [mind, or specifically] thought, and its external manifestation
language: this alone cannot be explained mechanistically—a thesis which leads Descartes to
assert a fundamental divide between human beings and “the beasts”’.48 The remaining world,

the natural environment—lacking humanity, thought, mind—was again of no moral
significance. It possessed derivatively only what value and meaning humans, or minds, chose
to confer or project upon it.
Since, either way, any way, a natural environment devoid of humans had no thoughts,

purposes or interests, no value or meaning of its own, it could not matter what happened to it.
It could be regarded, justifiably, as nothing but a reservoir of resources for humans.49
Cartesians drew just such conclusions; similar conclusions derive from Platonism and
Pentecostalism, and are implicit at least in Confucianism. Descartes again went further. His

practices and methods, like those of Bacon, were ‘aimed at making men the masters and
possessors of nature’.50
* devaluation of natural items as against human elements or artefacts (typically exhibiting

human chauvinism);51 as a corollary,
* entitlement to domination, dominion over nature;
* short-term framework;
* maximization assumptions, coupled with grand projects.
Family characteristic of friendly paradigms will tend to invert (in effect negate) these

features. An environmentally friendly paradigm can be expected to yield environmentally
significant corollaries, such as:
* an end to degrading primary production, wherever it prevails.

47
48

49
50
51

Instead ecological forestry

tantalizing fragmentary structures were ever available.
It is not even as if there is a surviving supply of challenging bad arguments that can be put
before baffled students, as with Descartes and Berkeley for instance.
Reese p. 102.
Cottingham p.15. The utter invalidity of Descartes' argument to this divide (cited by
Cottingham) is now comparatively easy to expose, given almost 400 years of hindsight. There
are no such status divides. See further Appendix 2.
Borrowing some nice phraseology from F. Mathews.
See Discourse VI.
Shallow will work out only with right mix ol humans. But in any case, it is implausible. An
appealing ecological dieorem insinuates itself hereabouts: Given certain conditions (such as
short-term vision, techno-fix, ...), shallowness is necessary and sulficient for environmental
crisis.

�23

and ecological agriculture will come to prevail.
• a calling off of grand ideologically-grounded projects, interfering with or damaging natural

environments, such as major dams, river diversions, demolished islands (e.g. for airports), new

mountains, terraforming, extensive rainmaking, climatic interference, and generally the sweep

of “playing God” projects. A little of this sort of technology can go a very long way.

A short answer can now be ventured to the focal questions: Because most agents are
bound to (locked into, committed to, or captively go along with) environmentally unfriendly

paradigms. As a result the (long-term) health of the rest of environments does not matter, or
matter enough.
6. Resulting unfavourable report on dominant philosophy.

It will hardly have escaped notice that virtually all dominant philosophical roads lead to

Rome, to environmentally unfriendly paradigms.

Stripped of metaphor, there are

environmental conditions of adequacy, which most philosophical systems fail to meet In an
environmentally friendly new world, most philosophy that is remembered, indeed most of the

humanities, is destined for scrapping. Prevailing philosophy is a serious impediment to
satisfactory environmental outcomes. Philosophy, not just Western philosophy, has by and
large been bad environmental news.52 It has supplied, or mightily assisted in supplying, main

unfriendly paradigms under which environments labour. Of course not everything has to be
tipped; much can be salvaged, arguments, subtheories and so on (and with intellectual tipping
there need be little material waste). Nor therefore is it as if an entirely fresh start has to be

made. As well as salvaged bits and pieces (which need to be carefully tested for soundness),
there are recessive paradigms and neglected traditions to look to for suggestions, and

inspiration, and perhaps to rehabilitate.
Richard Sylvan*

via Bungendore, OZ.
APPENDIX 1. Dominant philosophy has aided and abetted ruination of terrestrial

environments.

That dominant intellectual paradigms are dismal news for deep (nonchauvinistic)

environmental theory has been previously argued, in contraposed form.53 More recently

Hargrove has investigated, in detail, negative implications of the main philosophical tradition

53

It may be insisted that philosophy can make no difference, for instance to environmental
practice. It is not an expression of basic needs, or of any such practical matters. Exceptions to
such practical bravado have however to be recognised almost immediately; philosophy soon
enters for organizational, justificatory and explanatory ends. That concession still grossly under­
estimates the extent to which ideas, and more generally paradigms, influence and even govern
action and practice, especially reflective and rational action.
On the substantial point, not dierefore removed through the alleged practical impotence ot
philosophy, see Appendix 1.
An earlier version of this article was presented at die Environmental Paradigms Conference,
University of New England, Armidale, April 93. It would not have been written otherwise.
Notably at the end of EE, pp. 188-9.

�24

for environmental theory and practice, especially/or environmental attitudes concerned with
nature and creature preservation, with nature appreciation and development of a proper
ecological perspective.54 However Hargrove has ventured some of his particularly challenging

themes in insufficiently careful form, thereby leaving himself unnecessarily vulnerable to
criticism and counter-claims. These include the criticisms assembled by Attfield, who, though

not unsympathetic to Hargrove’s case, has excessively weakened the themes. For example,

what Attfield presents as ‘substantially correct’ is Hargrove’s ‘verdict that the history of

philosophy has discouraged preservationist attitudes’, vastly less than Hargrove’s actual
negative verdict which comprehended considerably more than just “preservationist attitudes”,
and recorded a situation conspicuously worse than mere “discouragement” of nature and

creature preservation, as well as much else. Indeed it is worse than Hargrove has charged;

Hargrove’s indictment of mainstream philosophy is itself weaker than that here ventured, which

takes mainstream philosophy as thoroughly implicated in the present escalating environmental
mess, through its roles as a major source and supplier of operative ideas and paradigms.
There is a single qualification, invoked incidentally by Attfield himself, that would

remove much of Attfield’s criticism: a restriction to mainstream philosophy (or differently, to

dominant philosophy). Consider Attfield’s exceptions to ‘the adverse impacts of Western
philosophy’, those alleged ‘philosophical traditions that have encouraged taking nature

seriously’. Firstly, insofar as the Church Fathers, medieval Christians and others Attfield
alludes to are philosophers at all, they are entirely minor figures, unlikely to be known to many

philosophers, and but rarely or never referred to in regular philosophy courses; they do not form

part of mainstream philosophy.55 Secondly, these minor figures do not afford the clear support

for his claims that Attfield has regularly assumed.56 Many of the statements supposed to offer
support are ambivalent, or environmentally dubious, supporting some form of managerialism
(e.g. perfectionism or stewardship); and in any case they have to be set against the remainder of

what a figure says and does (so far as can be ascertained). After all, as regards the latter matter,
there are isolated claims in major philosophers (Plato is regularly cited in this regard) which

may make them appear environmentally aware and even sympathetic.
Although Plato’s philosophy generally suggests that he neither knew or cared
about environmental problems, one passage in the Critias shows that he was
very much aware of at least one problem: the effect of deforestation on soil

See e.g. Hargrove, p.21.
Consider the sorts of exceptions:
• minor philosophers, many of whom we know very little about, outside gossip and speculation,
such as Ilieophrastus, early Stoics, and lesser Epicureans.
• figures who are only secondarily or marginally philosophers, such as Hooke, Boyle, Ray and
Evelyn.
• medieval and early modem Christians, who typically are not significant philosophers, and
were usually committed not the nature preservation and the like, but to nature management or
perfection.
In work referred to on p. 127. The main historical claims, many of them based on secondary
sources, are stated in his The Ethics of Environmental Concern A more detailed criticism of
these claims will be made elsewhere.

�25
♦

quality in Greece during his own lifetime.57
Unfortunately Hargrove does but a comparatively poor job in accounting for what he
alleges, Plato’s indifference and lack of ecological concern.58 The reasons for Plato’s
indifference to serious ecological degradation of forests and soils in Greece can be ascribed to
a combination of several elements of Plato’s philosophy (a natural-world-dismissive ideology)

including: elevation of transcendental forms as what was truly real and really of value,

denigration and dismissal of the everyday natural world as utterly inferior, of entirely lower

existence or even illusory and certainly not of rational concern. This dualistic ontology and
axiology—a wonderfully valuable world of forms standing in complete contrast with the
illusory material world of perception—was supplemented and reinforced by a corresponding

epistemology. Under a tripartite theory of mind, the higher rational part, which gave epistemic

access to the forms, a part exhibited only by humans and more elevated beings, was sharply
separated from the two lower animal parts. Thus under Plato’s conception of the human,
humans and especially the important rational component of the human, stood in opposition to

nature; the distinctively human task is completely separate from nature and concerned with

control of it and its unruly elements. It is because what really has value—rational selves
cavorting among the forms—is separate from nature, transcending it, with nature at best

comprising very inferior copies, of lower existence, that it does not matter what happens to the

earth and earthly things, to mere matter, that is a matter of indifference. 59
APPENDIX 2. On the prominent roles of dominant philosophy in the inferiorization and

mistreatment of (mere) animals.

Although the attitudes concerned reach back to antiquity, and were rationalized in
classical Greek philosophy (through a theory of separate parts, “highest” of which was a soul or
rational component), the whole appalling affair was given an enormous stimulus by Cartesian

philosophy.
Descartes cherished a scheme
for a purely mechanistic science of physiology. Descartes compares the
human body to an ‘automaton’ and argues that had we sufficient knowledge
of the structure of its working parts we could explain even highly complex
behavioural responses in purely mechanical terms. The exception is thought,
and its external manifestation, language: this leads Descartes to assert a
fundamental divide between human beings and ‘the beasts’:
There are no men so dull-witted or stupid—and this includes even madmen—
that they are incapable of arranging various words together and forming an
utterance in order to make their thoughts understood, whereas no animal,
however perfect, can do the like. This is not because they lack the necessary
organs, for we see that magpies and parrots can utter words as we do, and yet
cannot speak as we do (i.e. show that they are thinking what they are saying).
By contrast, even men born deaf and dumb, and thus deprived of speech organs
as much as the beasts, or more so, normally invent their own signs to make

59

Hargrove, p.29.
This sort of problem arises not merely in regard to Plato, as Attfield observes, with decided
relish. There is little doubt but that Hargrove’s historical excess needs to be sharpened and much
elaborated, and, in some critical areas, rectified.
On this classical polarisation of nature and higher humanity, see Plumwood.

�26

themselves understood ... This shows that the beasts do not merely have less
reason than man, but have no reason at all ...^®
These sorts of considerations have been immensely influential in establishing a received
fundamental ontological divide, not merely between humans and (other) animals, but between
humans and nature. But, as we should now appreciate, they are all subtly, or less subtly, astray,

and do not sustain the conclusion drawn.
Firstly, investigation reveals internal incoherence. No men are incapable of stringing
words together and forming utterances, yet many men are so incapable, not least those who are

dumb. As his differential objective demands, Descartes exaggerates what those bom deaf and
dumb may do—they do not ‘normally invent their own signs’, but may painstakingly learn a

sign language—by contrast with ‘the beasts’. But, as we are now learning, many animals,
whose organs are not well adapted to speech, can also painstakingly learn sign language.

Indeed they may communicate by signs and sounds (though not usually speech) “in the wild”.
There is no sharp cut-off, such as a fundamental divide presumes, between creatures that can, or
do, communicate by signs and sounds, and those who cannot, or do not.
Secondly, even less is there a significant boundary between those that can understand
inputs and reason, and those that cannot, or do not.

None of reasoning, thought and

understanding are inextricably or inexorably tied to speech, nor, more broadly, to language.60
61
For example, dogs, whose speech is rather limited (though they certainly communicate,

including to humans, by a range of different sounds, as well as signs), can understand and
respond to several hundred commands and the like (that is, to a number of the same order as the

vocabulary of basic languages). As for reasoning, the problem-solving capabilities of many

sorts of animals, especially laboratory rats, are now well (even excessively, for primal comfort)
documented.
Regrettably, Descartes has not been on his own, or out on an exceptional limb. Virtually

all past great philosophers insisted, if not on an unbridgeable gap, certainly on a difference in
kind of supreme philosophical importance, between humans and other animals. Only Hume

afforded a conspicuous exception to unedifying philosophical orthodoxy. Worse with other
supposedly fundamental divides, such as that partitioning off nonsentients, there appear to have

been no exceptions. The world was and is sharply divided, so it was and is imagined, into fixed
inflexible categories. Furthermore, despite Hume, Cartesian inputs have persisted, for instance

in the widespread philosophical idea—running contrary to an enormous body of evidence—that

animals have no interests, preferences or intentions, that they receive no satisfaction from what
they do or choose to do, and so on.
Cartesianism certainly assisted, not merely in changing philosophical method importantly,

60
61

Cottingham, Three Rationalists, p.15, also quoting Descartes.
For this reason, the “language of thought” conception, pervading much cognitive science, is
decidedly regressive. Nor is it necessary: combinatorial operations, which can perform a fine
representational job, provide an improved replacement for such a “language”: see DP chapter
11.

�27
but in altering metaphysics irrevocably, above all as regards human place in nature. As an

outcome of rectified method,
Philosophy, including physical science, becomes in Descartes a selfcontained discipline, guided by the light of reason; it has no need to be
supplemented by revelation, scripture, or ecclesiastic teaching.62
As to the new physics and its outcome in metaphysics,
despite a certain amount of judicious fudging over whether the earth ‘really’
moves, Descartes was firmly committed to the new Copernican cosmology,
whereby the Earth is dethroned from its central position. The Earth is simply
a planet, it has the same status as Mars and Saturn—‘bodies we do not make
so much of’... . What is more, the sun itself is only one star among
innumerable others, each of which is the centre of its own celestial ‘vortex’.
Descartes [rightly] saw all this as having important implications for human
life. The universe, as conceived of in medieval and scholastic cosmology,
was one which revealed, in all its details, the purposes of a benevolent
creator. In the words of Paracelsus, writing some hundred years before
Descartes ‘all things belonging to nature exist for the benefit of man’. For
Descartes the vastly expanded size of the post-Copernican universe, the
possibility of innumerable other worlds, and the insignificance of our planet
in comparison with the hugeness of the whole, made it impossible to continue
to regard man as the ‘dearest of God’s creatures’.... The belief that all things
exist for our benefit alone, says Descartes ..., involves a presumptuous view
of our status and a failure to recognize the unlimited vastness of God’s
creation....63
So, in important respects, Cartesianism offered improvements and a way forward.

environmentally. But the message was mixed and muffled, as with that concerning final
causes, hostility to which Descartes justified as a corollary. No doubt final causes were used to

smuggle in divine purposes, specifically God’s special concern for the welfare of humans (no

doubt the Church and Church fathers who engaged in this smuggling were not to be trusted).
However undesirable practices could be weeded out, without eradicating respectable ones.
Over-zealous in just this fashion was the common 17th Century slogan, ‘Abandon final causes
and look for underlying structures’, which affords another example of explanatory skimping.64

Sound methodology can admit both internal structures and final causes.

Nonetheless,

dethroning, relegating or abandoning final causes was a major movement within modern
deanthropocentrization, so far as it has yet proceeded. Lovejoy has highlighted the matter. For,
according to him,
...physico-theological ideas came to rest on the assumption that all other
elements of nature were created for man’s sake, and therefore put man and
nature into an unequal relationship:
Tout est cree pour Thomme is at once the tacit premise and the triumphant
conclusion of that long series of teleological arguments which ... is one of the

62

63
64

Cottingham pp. 176-177. Unfortunately for Descartes’ grand systematic-doubt project, reason
was far from sufficient, and did need supplementation, though not through reinstatement of
established prejudice. Though judiciously shedding some ancient conventional wisdom (e.g.
concerning humans’ privileged control place in nature), Descartes was either forced or else felt
obliged to reinstate much received wisdom, through poorly concealed subterfuges, in order to get
his rationalistic roadshow moving.
Cottingham, ibid.
On the slogan, and the Church, see Cottingham p. 178. On skimping, see DP chapter 11.

�most curious moments of human imbecility.65
APPENDIX 3. On Shepard’s approach to focal questions.

A remarkably sustained investigation of the focal questions is found in Shepard’s books.
In his Nature and Madness, he considers and quickly dismisses many of the stock responses to
focal questions suggested by contemporary luminaries (or by himself in earlier work), such as
lack of information, faulty technique, insensibility, greed, political inertia, change to agriculture

and settlement,66.... He would (and should, for his eliminative argument) have also dismissed

industrialization, state and corporate control, and so on.
More disconcertingly, for present purposes, Shepard claims that ‘a history of ideas’—
similarly no doubt a story of paradigms—will not serve; for it ‘is not enough to explain human
behaviour’ (p.3), it ‘seems too easy and academic’ (p.3), itself an easy and superficial criticism.

But if, for instance, the ‘dictum that nature should serve man’ and ‘insistence that animals feels
no pain’ should become widely entrenched, then they may well impact heavily on practice, as

accordingly appears to be the case. His slight further argument appears to miss the intended
target: ‘The meticulous analysis of these philosophies and the discovery that they articulate an

ethos beg the question’ (p.3). How, it can reasonably be inquired? What is offered is but the
facile, false, ‘ideas are impotent’ consideration, fostered by thinking and operating in terms of

causes (e.g. lower p.3), rather than reasons and (rational) explanation, and encouraged through

an attempted move to (what is explanatorily inadequate) pure behaviour. For a simple example
of the familiar explanatory roles of ideas and paradigms, consider an alternative explanation
through them. The admittedly bizarre (“crazy”) ‘turning everything into something man-made

and [or] man-used’ (p.5) is readily explained through dominant paradigms: that is the way it
acquires value, otherwise it is worthless. There is no need at all for psychopathology here.

Correspondingly Shepard briefly reviews and rejects several of the very partial, and often

hopeless, solutions suggested under stock responses to focal questions such as making
information, or better information, more widely available, bringing people from all walks of

like together, encouraging conviviality, hitting problems with smart technology, practicing
conservation, and so on.
Shepard’s own resolution is more readily reached from a further (meta-focal) question

that he proceeds to ask: why do humans persist in degrading their habitats once sources and
solutions are made transparent? He effectively argues by elimination: other sources (read as
causes) do not succeed in providing an answer; but ‘the idea of a sick society’ (which he leaps

to, without argument, p.4) does. Wrong on both counts: On the first because a non-causal
explanation in terms of ideological wiring can provide answers (listen to politicians,

65
66

Pepper p.44, quoting Lovejoy.
No doubt a popular picture of human social changes with agriculture and settlement ir simplistic:
that before societies lived in harmony, afterwards they did not. But it is also too simple to go on
to claim, as Shepard does, that ‘the economic and material demands of growing villages and
towns are ... not causes but results of this change’ (p.3). Some demands appear to derive from
factors, such as population pressures, which were among causes of the changes.

�29
representative of the people, again, just a little time). On the second because some industrial
societies are not sick in a normal sense (though some may be), rather sickness has to be so

redefined (such low redefinitions are among underlying subplots67) that having certain
ideological commitments that are carried into practice counts as “sickness”.
So it is that Shepard arrives at his theme of ‘general, culturally-ratified distortions of

childhood, of massive disablement of ontogeny as the basis of irrational and self-destructive
attitudes towards the natural environment’ (p.ix). Succinctly, ‘there are profound psychic
dislocation at the root of modem society’ (p.xii). Psychic disorders have evolved: ‘over the
centuries major institutions and metaphysics might finally celebrate attitudes and ideas
originating in the normal context of immaturity [or]... adolescence ...’ (p. 15).

Having glided easily and invalidly to the idea of sick societies, in a mere three pages,
Shepard proceeds to diagnose in more detail the nature of the alleged sickness.68 It supposedly

arises, like other psychopathy with which it is immediately associated, in infancy, and is
manifest in life-long immaturity, with whole societies stuck in a kind of destractive
adolescence. No doubt there is something to some of what Shepard describes in child and

person development (not the ‘private demons’ and so on) or might well have described. There

is evidently, conspicuously in “new world” societies, wide commitment to a shallow juvenile
culture, adulation or imitation of immature media and sport models and flawed authority

figures, marginalization of the elderly, and so on, coupled with hyper-activity, violence and
vandalism. But, like political commitment to extensive economic activity, this is hardly

satisfactorily accounted for through psychopathological reduction, concentrating the whole
social problematic in the ontogeny of individuals.69 A superior explanation to widespread

individual psychic disorder proceeds through ideological commitment, that industrial human
are raised and educated in, inducted into and committed to, defective ideologies without
coming to know or properly experience alternatives.
The ‘portraits of maturity’ alluded to likewise appear individualistic and culture-bound,

resembling those of deep ecology, directed at embroidery of person and self, through personal

For trickery through redefinition of sickness and madness, Wisdom has already prepared us.
Observe that Shepard’s redefinition of sickness to include sick (i.e. debasing and devaluing)
practices with regard to natural habitats (and conjoined therewith, to, older people) does not
leave no contrast classes. For there remain benign ‘relic tribal’ societies, such as the Manus,
Crow and Comanche, Aranda and !Kung San (p.xii), ‘people who feel themselves to be guests
rather than masters’ (p.6 empasis added)—an elegant analogy.
‘The idea of a sick society’, which as Shepard confesses (on p.4) is hardly new, is reached on the
third page of the main text.
A psychopathic reduction is in part made plausible by reexpression in medical or psychological
terms of what would better be otherwise expressed. Consider, for instance the language of the
following clever paragraph, which infiltrates much with no argument:
‘The person himself is, of course, caught between his inner calendar and the surgeries of
society. His momentum for further growth may be twisted or amputated according to the
hostilities, fears, or fantasies required of him, as his retardation is silently engineered to
domesticate his integrity or to allow him to share in the collective dream of mastery (p.16).
But the trapping of agents between inner directives and social conditions and demands, or
between rival ideologies, can be retold in different, less medical and metaphorical terms.

�30
growth and identity, wider identification and relatedness, self-realization.70 They are not
exactly those of older and ecologically wiser societies. They do not reveal ecologically mature
mixed communities.
Furthermore, comparisons with relic tribal societies, which are important, can be

decoupled from psychopathological analysis and reduction. Different lifeways, commitments
and ideologies, are what they are and do not all reduce to matters of mental health.

Undoubtedly we can learn of and from these different societies. We can still witness ‘smallgroup, leisured, foraging life-ways with[in] natural surroundings.... there is the rub—... for us,

now, that world no longer exists’ (p. 14 rearranged). Nor is it really true that such a world is no
longer accessible to most of us; more leisured small-group ways can be retrieved, some natural
surrounding can even now be restored.
In a curious fashion, Shepard has managed to invert likely causal relations. While a

certain interaction can no doubt be conceded, it is not so much human ill-health that is leading
to environmental degradation, but rather environmental degradation, generally brought about

for other reasons, that is increasingly leading to human ill-health, and in the longer term causing
erosion of life-support systems.
REFERENCES

E.J. Aiton, Leibnitz A Biography, Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1985.
R. Attfield, ‘Has the history of philosophy ruined the environment?’ Environmental Ethics

13(1991) 127-137.
A. Bellett, ‘The evaluation of values compatible with ecological sustainability’, Fundamental
Questions Papers, No.2 CRES, Australian National University, 1990.

J. Callicott, ‘Genesis and John Muir’ Re Vision 12(3) (1990) 31-41.
J. Cottingham, The Rationalists, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1988.
C. Dale, V.G. Carter, Topsoil and Civilization, Rev ed. Norman; University of Oklahama Press,
1974.
A Dobson, Green Reader, Routledge, London, 1991?
A. Drengson, ‘Ecosophy’, Positive Vibrations, (1990?) 8-10.

R. Eckersley, Environmentalism and Political Theory, UCL Press, London, 1992.
A. Gare, Beyond European Civilization, Eco-logical Press, Bun gendore, 1993.

C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1967.
E.C. Hargrove, Foundations of Environmental Ethics, Prentice Hall, N.J., 1989.
J. Hruschka, ‘The greatest happiness principle and other early German anticipations of
utilitarian theory’, Utilitas 3(2)(1991) 165-177
M. Jacobs, The Green Economy, Pluto, London, 1991.
Cf pp.12-14. Likewise there is a conservative underlay, more oppressive than that of deep
ecology: insistence on ‘one particular mother’ (p.7) even suggestion of unsatisfactoriness in
‘taking mothers off to work’ (p.l5)!

�31

A. McLaughlin, Regarding Nature'. Industrialism and Deep Ecology SUNY Press, Albany
N.Y., 1993.
F. Mathews, The Ecological Self, Bames and Noble, Maryland, 1991.
J. Passmore, Man’s Responsibility for Nature, Duckworth, London, 1974
D. Pearce and others, Blueprintfor a Green Economy, Earthscan Publications, London, 1989.
D. Pepper, The Roots of Modern Environmentalism, Ed: Tom Colveson London; Dover N.H.

Croom Helm 1984.
V. Plumwood, Feminism and the Master of Nature, Routledge, London, 1993.

C. Ponting, A Green History of the World, Sinclair-Stevenson, London, 1991.

V. and R. Routley, The Fight for the Forests, RSSS, Australian National University, 1973;

referred to as FF.
R. and V. Routley, ‘Social themes, self-management and environmental problems’, in
Environmental Philosophy (eds. D. Mannison and others) RSSS, Australian National

University, 1980.
R. and V. Routley ‘Human chauvinism and environmental ethics’, in Environmental
Philosophy (eds. D. Mannison and others), RSSS Australian National University, 1980;

referred to as EE.
R. Routley, ‘Roles and limits of paradigms in environmental thought and action’, Discussion
papers in environmental philosophy #1, RSSS, Australian National University, 1982.
P. Shephard, Nature and Madness, Sierra Club Books, San Francisco, 1982.

R. Sylvan and D. Bennett, The Greening of Ethics, White Horse Press, Cambridge, 1994.
R. Sylvan with D. Bennett, Of Utopias, Tao and Deep Ecology, Green Series #19, RSSS
Australian National University, 1990; referred to as UTD.

R. Sylvan, Culture and the Roots of Political Divergence, mimeographed, Canberra, 1986.

R. Sylvan, Deep Pluralism, University of Edinburgh Press, 1994; referred to as DP.

The Wildlands Project, World Earth, special issue, Canton NY, 1993.
S. Toulmin, The Return to Cosmology, University of California, Berkeley, 1982.
J. Wisdom, Philosophy and Psychoanalysis. Blackwell, Oxford, 1953.
M. Zimmerman and others (eds.) Environmental Philosophy, Prentice Hall, N.J. 1993; referred

to as EP3.

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              <text>PARADIGMATIC ROOTS
OF
ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS
Abstract. Virtually all diagnoses of the roots, and sources, of environmental

problems are defective. While defective diagnoses persist, problems will not
be adequately addressed.
Focal questions ask why human communities so frequently degrade,
impoverish or even destroy their own environments, and more generally why
the whole earth is now in jeopardy through human enterprise. More
immediate answers, sometimes correct so far as they go (which is not far
enough), look to components of environmental impact equations. More
thorough-going answers fall into two classes: first those that do not question
entrenched paradigms, but seek (unsuccessfully) to explain widespread
problems simply through defective practice, and secondly those that, rightly
recognising that defective practice is no adequate answer, look to deeper
paradigmatic sources of problems. A fatal flaw in most of the latter answers
lies in their monistic concentration on a single paradigm, or single narrow
band of paradigms. These flaws are exposed, whence a wider, more
satisfactory answer can be broached.
Background busywork includes firstly, explaining problems and relevant
paradigms and how paradigms operate regarding environmental problems,
and secondly, detailed disentangling of proposed and alleged sources of the
problems. With this done, it is argued that none of these fashionable answers
to the focal questions is satisfactory. A different more complex answer
through broader classes of paradigms is accordingly investigated. Among
significant corollaries, this one stands out: philosophy as portrayed through
its standard history is dismal environmental news.
0. Focal questions and deeper answers.

Human activity is now degrading terrestrial eco-systems at an extraordinarily rapid rate.
In modem times humans have devised sophisticated and sophistical idea-systems which justify
such system degradation; formerly they would have seen such transformation for not mattering,

many still do, transformation as increasing wealth (as in mainstream economics). More
recently they have developed social systems which induct most humans into degradation
procedures (through need, induction into cash economies, and so on) and which weave

entrapping justificatory webs (through agencies, bureaus, courts, and so on).
Whence an increasingly broached question1: Why is this happening? More explicitly,
Why do human communities so frequently degrade and impoverish their environments, their
own habitats? Indeed why do they sometimes, persistently, perhaps over a long period, destroy

their own habitats? More sweepingly, why is the whole earth now perhaps in jeopardy through
human enterprise? The answer to be arrived at to these focal questions is in essence this:
because too many humans, especially those in control of environmentally impacting

enterprises, are committed to or caught within environmentally unfriendly paradigms,
paradigms displaying quite insufficient regard for the health and well-being of relevant habitats

and of the earth.
1

In sources as diverse as Shepard (first page) and Jacobs (p.23).

Parts of the answers to such focal questions come immediately through environmental
impact equations, conservation laws, and such like. For example, degradation is occurring
through the impact of overpopulation, excessive pollution, damaging or faulty technologies,

and so on. While such answers are important, often correct as far as they go, and while they
may correctly indicate what has to be changed somehow, they are nonetheless somewhat

superficial, and they leave much to be explained. For example, they do not explain why a
community persisted upon a course that deliberately led to such problems, or why it is so

resistant to changes that might reduce impacts and pull it out of its problem-holes. Less

superficial answers look to ideologically entrenched attitudes and commitments, to pervasive
paradigms that underwrite anti-environmental practices, as for instance the wood-production
ideology does forestry practice, even so-called “new forestry”.2

An illustrative example which reveals the power of paradigms in blocking or facilitating
action will shortcut a more elaborate argument, through action theory, to the efficacy of idea­
systems. Consider an unwanted pregnancy, resulting despite due precautions or whatever.

Observe that, more and more there are comparatively safe technologies available to effect

termination and seemingly solve the immediate problem. Ask: why so many people are

opposed to choice of abortion? A very common answer is: because they are operating under an
elaborate paradigm, typically organised religion (bureaucratic Christianity in the West), themes

of which, the creeds of which, prohibit such choices.3 Of course pro-choice considerations are

also paradigmatically embedded, for instance in forms of liberalism. Picturesquely, a social
paradigm imposes controls on action, a system of red and green lights on a captured agent's
routing procedures.

Or with a different picture, paradigms project a steeply impeding

topography on action space.

Paradigms not only guide, control and limit; they also

correlatively give permission, as, for instance, space to play god, freedom to release a new

species or variety which may or has proved a pest or noxious or has been biologically

engineered, liberty to neglect or degrade or vandalize.
The settings in terms of which agents such as humans act and operate, even down-toearth everyday agents, invariably include, not far in the background, paradigms, cultures,
creeds, ideologies, myths or the like, all idea-systems, all involving models (in a technical

sense) of one sort or another. Even the most practical (and vociferously practical) of humans

are governed by background ideosystems. It is in terms of these background ideosystems that a

great deal concerning human practices with respect to natural environments can be explained,
what would otherwise lack satisfactory explanation.4 That explanation comes not however
2
3

4

For main details of this illustrative example, see FF. For more on this style of explanation, see
further Routley.
I am not, however, going to maintain that religion, or a certain religion such as Christianity, is
the main villain of the environmental piece. Religions in general borrowed much in their
damaging articles from philosophies (see below). What I shall be suggesting is that dominant
philosophies do have much to answer for in this regard.
As logical positivists observed, explanation and justification patterns tend to coincide. How
people justify their practices offers an explanation, though perhaps a misleading or superficial

3

through a single paradigm, as has too often been supposed, but through a bundle of apparently

aligned paradigms.
One working image for what is going on here is appropriately ecological: that of a fig
cluster (similarly a mangrove or bamboo thicket):
Diagram 1: Structural diagram connecting problems with their multiple roots

many
emergent
problems
interlinked
proximate
causes

plural
supporting
sources

multiple
interlinked
roots

Observe systematic plurality. Notice however a countervailing human propensity to seek single
answers and uniqueness (as depicted in the rhomboidal box), where causes and sources are
plural. So it is with paradigmatic sources and roots of environmental problems. They are

plural.5
What is sought are ultimate sources, or roots, not immediate causes. The cause of the

pollution may be a factory that the agent installed, to produce more flim-flam. That too may be
the physical source of the immediate problem. But deeper questioning seeks the reasons for
such production and such factories. While there may be problems with ideas and idea­

structures as causes, as causally efficacious, these problems do not transfer to reasons and
sources. (But there are buried metaphors, and linkages, to be unscrambled: how are “A is

source of B” and “A is a root of B” to be explicated? In terms of directional explanatory and
other rational transmission connections.6)

explanation, of them.
History too is not singular, but plural, as has occasionally been recognized; at the very least there
are plausible alternative histories.
While there is much written on roots and sources of environmental problems or developments
virtually none of it addresses die question of what is meant by the partially buried metaphors ot
roots and sources (the metaphors are evidently different; more literally, plants have roots,
normally below them, streams rise from sources, not roots, normally above them, and so on).
A striking example is supplied by Pepper's useful introductory text. Although this text, The

4

These deeper sources are important. Without locating them, perhaps all of them (if they

resemble blackberry), problems may not get properly addressed. Should we wrongly locate
roots, then proposed resolutions directed at ±ese, cutting them off or replacing them, will also

go astray, wrongly directed or whatever.
There are several parts to the approach sketched, if it is to be properly elaborated—

including a working classification of environmental problems and their proximate solutions,
and an account of paradigms and their roles—before getting to paradigmatic answers to focal

questions. But we can be brief on the necessary preliminaries, because they have been
addressed elsewhere.
1. Problems and paradigms.

Although these will be duly connected, paradigms implicated in problems, they are different
components, and admit and deserve separate explanation.
la. Environmental problems and proximate solutions.

A definition of ‘environmental problem’, and a classification of such problems, has already

been proposed.7 Observe that the final sets of problems that emerge are not value-framework
independent. What constitutes a major problem on deeper perceptions may be but a minor

problem, or written off as not a problem at all, on shallower perspectives. Among such
indicator problems, that it is here presumed are serious problems, are those of
• sustaining biodiversity and
• maintaining significant wilderness.8
Even if the broad impact of human enterprise is sufficiently reduced to guarantee comfortable

survival of future humans, these, desiderata may not be guaranteed. There will be outstanding

problems.
In any event, it is not too difficult to say more or less what environmental problems are
(at worst by furnishing familiar lists), and in many cases to indicate at least in principle how

they are to be resolved. Impact equations, emerging immediately from a classification of

Roots of Modem Environmentalism, presents itself specifically as concerning roots, there is in
fact no explication offered of the crucial roots metaphor, and for that matter no direct account of
what the roots of environmentalism—still less, though quite different, of environmental
problems to which environmentalism answers—are supposed to be (granted there is much
oblique material). It is apparent that Pepper has become rather carried away with the roots
metaphor, throwing it into several chapter headings and applying it pretty indiscriminately to
mean simply elements (from some earlier occurrence); thus for instance, ‘the roots of the theme
of reconciliation of freedom and authority’ (p.193). Such a usage is unsound. Because
rudiments of some idea make an earlier appearance in some authority or work, later workers may
not have arrived at such an idea by expanding on these rudiments; they may have arrived where
they did quite independently or by a different route. The mistake is that of reading a source or
(genetic) causal linkage into a mere temporal injunction: post hoc, propter hoc.
Dictionaries do better, with a short listing for the figurature use of root running: the basis,
bottom, the fundamental part, or that which supplies origin, sustenance, means of development,
etc.’ (Concise English Dictionary). That will serve, for a start.
7
See Sylvan and Bennett, GE.
8
As to the extent of the problem in North America, and a proposed remedy, see The Wildlands
Project.

5
problems, reveal how they are to be resolved.9 Namely, by altering relevant impact parameters.

Given this why are they proving so intractable? Why is so little done? Why is so very
little spent, despite all the talk.10 Proximate solutions, about as far as positive science conveys

us, are not a satisfactory stopping point. How is it, given so much scientific information and
expertise, that humans are continuing to sharply degrade, and risk substantially destroying, their

habitats.
To these, the focal questions of this exercise, there is an array of competing answers on
offer. As we will soon see, most of these answers too simple, and taken as intended as

comprehensive, they are wrong. The questions however are important, because if we fail to get

to bottom of these, there is even less prospect of satisfactory action to turn around a very
difficult situation.

That these issues do not matter, that casual human relationships or how many dollars
uncaring humans can stuff in their pockets, matter more than whole islands of habitats—these

sorts of value judgements (after all matter is a value term par excellence) derive from and are
supported by particular ideologies.
lb. Model-like objects: paradigms, ideologies, cultures ,and so on.

A paradigm was explicated, in previous work, as a model in precisely a generous logical
sense.11 That is, a paradigm amounts to a structure supplied by an elaborate interpretation

function on a general system, i.e. on an integrated relational structure. Naturally it is required
to

faithful to what it models, the social forms and norms, scientific research programs, etc.

A social paradigm, in contrast to a scientific paradigm, is a paradigm where the propositional
and imperatival theory, the socio-political themes and value judgements, is that of a social

group. A pure culture is but a comprehensive social paradigm, where by “comprehensive” is
meant that it covers a sufficiently comprehensive part of the life-styles and life-forms of the
community concerned. There are now many examples of capsule formulations of the themes

delivered under rival social paradigms and under different cultures; from these formulations we
can work back towards the underlying models.

The basic vehicle, a situations or worlds model, is a semantical object, an item like a
complex universal12 similarly open to a range of construals and reduction attempts, e.g.

metaphysical, conceptual, epistemic, linguistic and so on. Once this is realised, it can be seen

that successive cohorts of philosophers and sociologists have repeated one another in vaguely

discerning essentially the same sorts of underlying structures under different categorisations:
thus, for instance, forms of understanding (Kant), of consciousness (Marx), of life

(Wittgenstein), conceptual schemes

(Conant),

presuppositions

(Collingwood),

For details see again Greening of Ethics.
See e.g. The cost ofpast environmental policy in OECD countries, Box 1.7, in Pearce et al, p.24.
See Routley, where many environmentally relevant examples are documented. For an analogous
account of culture see Sylvan 86.
It resembles a structured universal, e.g. Plato’s system of forms, Locke’s of complex ideas.

6

Weltanschauungs, total views (Naess), perspectives, outlooks, ideologies, programs, ... . An
ideology, for instance, in the nonderogatory (non-Marxist) sense is an ideas-system, initially a
propositional system or theory with a relevant domain of ideas operative, from which a
paradigm can be discerned and elaborated.
Paradigms are now regularly presented, in extremely truncated form, through a tabulation

of capsule themes. Here is a combination example:
TABLE 2: Elements of Taoism as contrasted with Deep Ecology and with the dominant
paradigm: an initial capsule formulation ,13

Taoism

Deep Ecology

Dominant (Western)
Paradigm

Harmony with nature,
±rough Tao

Harmony with nature

Domination over nature

Nature valuable in itself;
“humanism” rejected

Natural environment
valued for itself

Nature a resource;
intrinsic value confined
to humans

Levelling of differences;
wide impartiality

Biocentric egalitarianism

Human supremacy

Supplies ample

Earth supplies limited

Ample resources with
substitutes

Following Tao-te

Spiritual goals,
especially self-realisation

Material economic growth
a predominant goal

Enlightenment

Self-realisation

Personal (material)
enrichment

Doing with enough
(recycling inappropriate)

Doing with enough;
recycling

Consumerism

Non-competitive lifestyle;
voluntary simplicity

Cooperative lifestyle

Competitive lifestyle

Decentralised/neighbourhood and village focus

Decentralised/bioregional
/neighbourhood focus

Centralised/urban centred/
national focus

Hierarchy without
power structure;
anarchoid

Non-hierarchical/
grassroots democracy

Power structure
hierarchical

Limited technology

Appropriate technology

High technology

Considerable caution

Precautionary practice

Risking taking (verging
upon adventurism)

13

This tripartite example is adapted from UTD, where capsule elements of Taoism are duly
expanded.

7
I

As observed, paradigms control action space by some equivalent of directives; red and green

lights duly interpreted. They may not supply direct commands, general obligations and
prohibitions, but may operate more indirectly. For instance an enlightened person, a role

model, a person following Tao, would act this way, not that. (Taoism, like certain modem
ideosystems, eschews deontics.)
Paradigms are absorbed and they guide practice. They commonly form part of actors'

worlds; they are certainly part of actors' programs for practice and considered action in a world.
In a sense then, they are things, programs actors carry round in their heads; so heads have to be

changed, not rolled.
2. Proposed answers to focal questions; a preliminary classification of inadequate answers

and suggested remedies.

Most of the wide range of answers proposed supply a single source, and are defective.
Roughly, virtually everything you have read on this (or may read elsewhere) is wrong.
TABLE 3. Main tabulation of answers and remedies

Source

Defective
practice answers

Remedy

Objections

DI.

Ignorance

Relevant
information

Information
now available

D2.

Unintended consequences

Relevant
information

Information
now available

D2a

Faulty technique,
or technology

Repairs

Repairs already
made

D3

Deviation (from
theory, etc.)
Education (for failure
to limit deviance)

Adherence

a. Deviation
uneliminable, or
b. Adherence
no remedy

D4.

Systemic lock-in
(through poverty,
ensnarement in
market forces, etc.)

Trap removal

a. Explains
only certain
cases, and
b. Due to
paradigmatic
features

D5.

Insensitivity or
insensibility

Problem
apprised

Remedy tried;
background
ideological
blockage

Source single paradigm

Remedies proposed (among others)

Christianity (mainstream
Catholicism)

Scientific enlightenment, or
alternative (Eastern) religion

D3a

Defective paradigm
answers

Pl.

i

8

Pla.

Protestantism and its ethic

P2.
P2a

Cartesianism
Dualism

P2b

Mechanism

Monism

Anti-dualism

Modified holism

Substance metaphysics
P3.
P3a Possessive individualism
P3aa Personalism

Organicism

Process metaphysics
Non-reductionism
Transpersonalism

P4.

Capitalism

Socialism

P5.

Industrialism

Pre-industrialism (romanticism)
Post-industrialism

P5a Technocratic bureaucracy
P5aa. Transnational business

Enlightenment

Anti-enlightenment

P6a

Materialism

Anti-materialism
Spiritualism

P8.
P8a

Patriarchy, Masculinism
Human domination
of humans

Feminism
Anti-domination
(anti-hierarchy)

P6.

Further sample listings of this paradigmatic sort (but with the paradigms often subject specific
or partial) include:

Source

Typical remedy suggested

Platonism

New metaphysics

Leibnitzianism

New metaphysics

Kantianism

C onsequentialism

Mainstrand Anglo-American philosophy:

reductive empiricism-cum-utilitarianism

Continental philosophy

Utilitarianism

Economism

New social science, or ethics

Contractarianism

Consequentialism

Domination transfer

Domination removal

Adolescencism
Infantilism (from Freudian physchology)

Maturation

Maturation

And so on.
A very rough recipe runs as follows: draw up a potted list of major movements and factors in
dominant Western thought. Then most elements in that list will have been nominated, likely

9

separately but perhaps only in combination, by someone as the source of the problems.
That list accordingly continues (even including sometimes entries like Taylorism), but
what is included is representative of the important and more interesting answers to be
encountered. There are other answers however, some varying from interesting to crazy, that we

should also take into account, for instance Shepard's answers. Although Shepard dismisses
ideologies, what he offers is a further ideosystem, of similar dubious or false cast. Strange

answers include pushing it back to human psychology (thus not only Shepard, but also Fox, and
Ehrlich with talk of ‘mental maladaptation’).
Basically, there is something wrong with a society that does that to its habitat. It is sick
— in a popular sense, yes, it is sick. It is the slides that follow, however, that are to be resisted.
The slide begins invitingly: As it is not literally sick, well not physically usually, it must be
mentally sick; that is, sliding further and fast, insane or mad.

But the sources of mental

sickness lie in childhood (as Freudianism erroneously insists). The slide continues to: what we
have are immature societies, frozen at an early stage of development. No doubt there is

something to theme that dominant societies, USA especially (which influences so much now in
other cultures), are locked into youth culture, a sort of late consumptive adolescence.1415No

doubt, too, that maturity — but a environmental maturity — is desirable, even mandatory.
Meanwhile, immaturity is fostered right through human life. Considerable effort is put

into trying to induct older people, who are often marginalised, into active consumptive society,

to spend their money through tourism, on new housing, in those most wasteful of modern
institutions such as airliners and hotels, hospitals and old-age homes, and so forth.
3. Documentation as to some of the acclaimed purer sources.

Like the lists of proposals and intricated paradigms, the documentation too is somewhat

perfunctory, tending towards notes. While whole theses could be spun out on several of these
topics, already beginning to elicit such treatment, a prime objective here is different from usual:

neither to convict, nor to clear or excuse, but to partially implicate most items cited in the main

tabulation above. Consider, in brief, some of the usually accredited sources:
• Western religion, above all Christianity. The theme that the source of ecological problems,

‘the historical roots of our ecological crisis’, are to be found in Western religion, and
specifically in ‘the Judaeo-Christian belief that mankind was created to have dominion over

nature’, was advanced in a particularly pointed and subsequently influential way by White.
One useful summary of White's line of argument runs as follows:
Allied with technological and scientific developments, orthodox Christianity
has produced arrogant exploitation of nature, and a contemporary ecological
crisis. White's thesis is that the West's successful science and technology
14
15

It interestingly matches the locking of primary production systems into pioneering stages such as
preclimax formations. Shepard’s dialectic is investigated in more detail in Appendix 3.
White's article has generated an enormous defensive literature, primarily from Christian
apologists, but also from softer environmentalists and from testy historians of ideas. The whole
area looks in danger of disappearing from intellectual view under a heavy blanketing snowfall,
snowed.

10

developed between the 8th and 12th centuries — it is much older than the
scientific revolution though it was not until about 1850 — following the
democratic revolutions — that the science and technology were combined to
produce truly immense powers to change nature. The early development,
however, was paralleled by the development of exploitative attitudes to
nature which seemed to be ‘in harmony with larger intellectual patterns’,
namely the victory of Christianity over paganism. This destroyed the
animistic beliefs whereby men thought twice before they plundered and
destroyed natural objects. It substituted instead a faith in perpetual progress,
a belief that God designed nature for man's benefit and rule, and that action,
not contemplation, was the correct Christian behaviour. Science formed an
extension of theology (for to know God you had to find out how his creation
worked), and technology provided the active means to carry out God's will.
Because today’s attitudes are essentially inherited from Christianity, then it
‘bears the burden of guilt’ for contemporary ecological disruption.16

What has happened with the divisive charge, advanced by White, that Christianity was

the prime source of environmental problems, is particularly instructive. In an attempt to diffuse
the charge Christian apologists pointed to, what there undoubtedly were, recessive strands or
isolated seeds in Christianity which were much more environmentally benign (though some

such as stewardship, which has evolved toward total managerialism and sustainable

development, have proved increasingly problematic). That does little or nothing to meet a more

sensitive criticism that mainstream (or dominant) Christianity has much to answer for as
regards destruction and degradation of natural environments.17 Similar responses are apposite

for attempts to exonerate their wider sources, such as Western philosophy.
Against the sheeting of responsibility to religion, dominant forms of which should
undoubtedly cop some heavy criticism, it has been contended that
philosophy ... is the primary source of most Western ideas [and] is ...
responsible for the ideas and attitudes that inhibit environmental protection
today.... Religion... though often criticized ... as the chief culprit, has played
a much less fundamental role. Most of the environmentally offensive ideas in
Western religion originated not in religion but in Western philosophy.18

• Classical Greek philosophy, above all the peak philosophies of Plato and Aristotle.
Greek philosophers approached natural phenomena in a way that (1)
prevented the development of an ecological perspective, (2) discouraged the
aesthetic appreciation of the natural world, and (3) promoted a conception of
reality that made the idea of nature preservation conceptually difficult, if not
impossible.19
16

17

18

19

Pepper pp.44-5. Pepper then embarks upon the murky story of alternative interpretations of
Biblical data and the Christian tradition, dredged up by a series of White's critiques. The issue
continues to be debated; for an interesting recent contribution see Callicott.
Each religion is multistranded. But we should look hardest at dominant operative forms. Ask,
first, not what they say, but what they do, and would do.
Hargrove p.15. Certainly the sort of message that Pentecostal missionaries even now try to
preach to resistant Australian Aboriginals, that the earth is just filth, mere rubbish, can be traced
back in direct line to Plato’s attitude to the land, an attitude Hargrove and Plumwood help
expose.
Hargrove p.21. Hargrove’s claims may appear to have been confuted by Attfield, but really,
while they have been subject to minor qualification, they have been highlighted: see Appendix 1.
There is a much fuller story still to be told about classical Greek philosophy reassessed
environmentally, of the very different roles and impacts ot Plato (with his unearthly philosophy),
of Aristotle (with his earthier chauvinism), of Stoics and of Epicureans. For a modest beginning,

11

More sweepingly, they set Western philosophy on a ruinous environmental course, a course
accentuated with the appearance of modem rationalist and empiricist philosophies.
• Cartesian philosophy. The dominant modern environmental approach is sometimes
denominated Cartesianism, or the Cartesian Technocratic paradigm, in honour of Descartes,

upon whom (as a conveniently select individual from a swag of like-minded people) several of

the leading themes and ideas can be pinned.20

While Descartes was undoubtedly

extraordinarily influential, so were others; Newton for one, Locke for another. The paradigm is
accordingly better denominated the Atomist-Empiricist-Technocratic paradigm, or some such.
Evidently it substantially overlaps other modem ideologies, such as that of the Enlightenment,
widely implicated as major sources of environmental problems.
• Western metaphysics. While some conglomeration of the preceding sources and others (some
potted history of Western metaphysics, so to say) may be offered, more often what is presented

is some selection of Western metaphysical elements. Here is one example, plainly exhibiting a
heavy Heideggerean influence:
The root of our environmental problems lie in Western metaphysics. For
metaphysics, Being is presencing; no allowance is made for any other mode
(sheltering, declining, concealing). Once metaphysics has established the
absolute dominion of the present over the not-present or no-longer-present,
the way is paved for the scientific method, with its emphasis on replicability
of results, predicability, quantification, and control. Nature becomes a
“natural resource” —and people become “human resources”. The sources of
anthropocentricism, -imperialism, colonialism, sexism and consumerism can
all be traced back to metaphysics.
Western metaphysics has more or less conquered the world, and there is no
going back. Western metaphysics is more than simply a false consciousness
overlaid on top of “authentic” experience. Being changes historically, and
metaphysics is the index of that change... Metaphysics has a conquering,
exclusive imperative, ... and different [former] modes now exist only as
vestigial trances. They cannot be resurrected through ancient wisdom, native
healing, goddess worship, or any other supposedly intact, dormant system.
We cannot create a “new order”. That would simply be another form of the
Will to Power... We can—and must—turn away from the dominant rhythms
of western metaphysics if we are to avoid the nihilism of a perpetually
ensconced technocratic rationalism.21
An alternative to turning entirely away from Western metaphysics, consists in combining

20

21

see Plumwood on Plato, Toulmin on Stoics as contrasted with Epicureans, and Glacken on lesser
or lost Greek strands.
For encapsulation of the Cartesianism paradigm (a dominant dualistic form), summarising
Drengson’s exposition, see Routley, table 5. For certain critical elements of Descartes
contribution, see Appendix 2. Drengson, for one, has helped portray Descartes as the
environmentally evil genius (or demiurge). That some orthodox philosophers, not merely
maverick philosophers, are now rushing to the defence of Descartes should be seen as entirely in
keeping with the character and roles of Western philosophy.
Undisclosed source. Amusingly, I have seen myself accused of ‘reject[ing] in its entirety
mainstream western philosophy and science, ... seen as the cause of the [environmental]
problem’ and instead basing my ‘ecocentric values on Eastern philosophies (thus Bellett). This
charge was levelled on the strength of a peripheral exercise on classical Taoism and Deep
Ecology (now included in UTD).

12
rejection of standard Western metaphysics (or, less sweepingly, of dominant metaphysics,

characteristically individualistic and atomistic) in favour of development of recessive traditions
or mere Western seeds.

Such a more sophisticated approach, also critical of Western

metaphysics, with atomism a main villain, is pursued by those who promote instead process or

plenum metaphysics.22
• Enlightenment. The source of problems lies in ‘the intellectual heritage of the Enlightenment’

(e.g. Dobson). Of course the main doctrines of the Enlightenment substantially overlap those

of modem mainstream philosophy and of Descartes’ philosophy (but they shed dualistic and

theistic scholastic hang-overs).
• Capitalism. The assumption that capitalism is responsible for environmental as well as social
evils, widespread until recently in state-socialist countries (when their own records were
revealed) can be traced back to Marx. According to Marx, with capitalism
for the first time, nature becomes purely an object for humankind, purely a
matter of utility; ceases to be recognised as a power for itself; and the
theoretical discovery of its autonomous laws appears merely as a ruse so as to
subject it under human needs, whether as an object of consumption or as a
means of production.23
But, as observed, the main theme had appeared in earlier philosophy; for instance, the idea of

nature as purely an object for humankind, was advanced in Aristotle: ‘Now if nature makes

nothing incomplete and nothing in vain, the inference must be that she has made all animals for

the sake of man’.24 Aristotle adopted a similar stance on nature as on other species. The theme
was to be oft repeated in subsequent Aristotelianism, and reiterated apparently in shallower
Stoicism. But the subjection of everything to utility appears to be a distinctively modem

contribution.
♦ Modem industrial society. Modem industrialism (‘the smooth-superhighway of industrial
progress’) is the source, such is an extraordinarily popular theme: ‘... the root causes of the

present crisis lie deep with the very foundations of the industrial paradigm’.25 Similarly ‘roots
[of] the environment crisis ... go deeper to the foundations of modem industrial society .26
Again, ‘the structural roots of the environmental crises [are found in] industrialism, in

commoditization, in commercialism, and in competition and greed’27 The popular theme, that
industrialism is the source, tends to confuse mere means— industrial technology can without

22

23
24
25

26
27

For the first process option, see Gare; for the second, where the plenum is that of a holistic
relativity theory (more exactly holistic relativistic geometrodynamics), see Mathews.
Grundrisse p.409f.
Aristotle, Politics, Book 1, ch.8. What an inference, you might well exclaim. See further
Hargrove p.25.
M. Gabriel, ‘How “attitudes and implements” have brought us to “the end of nature , a paper
presented at UNE Environmental Paradigms Conference, April 1993. Gabriel proposes a
managerial resolution: ‘for us to learn to manage both our relationship to our environment, and
more broadly the environment itself (quotes from abstract of paper). This amounts to the flip
side of an old problematic record. For the “solution” derives from the same defective box as the
evident problem.
Gabriel ibid. Similarly in McLauglin.
Editorial in The Ecologist, Jan-Feb 1992, p.2.

13

any doubt at all vastly facilitate environmental degradation (as well as, less satisfactorily,

subsequent clean-up and environmental repair)— with sources and causes, what directs and
powers those uses of industrial technique and practice.
• Patriarchy. The source is patriarchy, and androgyny; problems derive from mistreatment of
women. ‘Our troubles begin with the invention of male deities located off the planet’.28

‘patriarchy is the source of the environmental crisis’.29 One sample linkage statement runs as

follows:

... there is a huge denial ... of the violence perpetrated on women both
historically and ... presently] and ... this the same energy that, turned against
the Earth, is destroying the very life-support systems and rapidly destroying
the conditions that makes complex life possible. The fires that consume the
Amazon are the very same fires that burned 9 million witches and I believe
that there can be no solution of our ecological problems unless we
simultaneously address our gender issues.30
Patriarchy, as source, is evidently a special case of long invoked domination transfer themes:

• Human domination and exploitation of humans: It is an extraordinarily widespread
assumption that the impact of humans (or, until recently, of Man!) on the environment, or
creatures or things in it, is a product of that of humans with each other, typically of groups or
classes. In misleadingly brief form, the source is social: Man’s inhumanity to Man; and the

solution correspondingly is social. Unremarkably, this unlikely assumption comes in a variety

of different forms: early, concerning the mistreatment of animals as an (inevitable) spill-over

from mistreatment of humans, recently concerning maltreatment of nature spilling over from, or
being one with, that of women. The fashionable assumption runs, in one form or another, from

Aquinas through Kant to a range of recent trend setters, including Marcuse, Ulich, Passmore,
Bookchin ... and some leading feminists. In particular, it is part of the very meaning of social

ecology, an ideology shaped and championed by Bookchin: ‘ecological problems arise from
deep-seated social problems’.31 On this theme among others, Bookchin simply follows a

prominent trend in social anarchism set by Kropotkin and his contemporary Reclus:
all see that the domination and exploitation of nature by man is but an
extension of the domination of man by man. Thus, ‘Both Kropotkin and
Reclus ... laid the foundations of a radical theory of human ecology.
Ecological despoliation was seen to reflect imbalances in human relationships
—domination of nature thus following from human domination’.... It follows
that if domineering and exploitative human relationships can be avoided in
small-scale decentralised societies then such societies are also best for a
Quoted in Eckersley p.64, who develops and begins to assess patriarchical source themes. For a
more critical assessment see GEF.
See Seed, quoted in GEF; also Salleh (see e.g. EP3).
John Seed’s Workshop Schedule 1992, Rainforest Information Centre, Lismore, 12. 12.91.
Seed’s extravagant identity claims are but a dramatic extension of that popular tendency to
transform comparison and similarity statements into identity claims. Indeed reductionism often
reaches further, with attempted conversion of all relational statements into identity ones, along
with unrelational property claims.
Bookchin sometimes qualifies this central claim, with ‘nearly all present’, e.g. EP3 p.354. But
he is not strictly entitled to any such qualification, given his invariant theme that the domination
of nature always results from die humans domination ot other humans (see e.g. Clark EP3,
p.346). The text EP3 contains a big section providing a useful introduction to social ecology.

14

harmonious man-nature relationship.32
Domination and exploitation of one division by another can in turn be seen as a case of
dualism at work, between the one, the dominator or dominating class, and the other, the

dominated.
• A snare of dualisms. Environmental problems derive from operation of a set of connected
ideologically-entrenched and defective dualisms.33
• Modern educational systems: Roots of environmental problems lie in educational systems.

Or if roots don't, solutions do. However, roots of environmental or social problems do not lie in

educational systems. Parts of their solutions may however. For education is critical, for
instance, in correcting insufficient adherence to established satisfactory arrangements, such as,

so it is claimed, Enlightenment ideals or traditional ethical systems.34 Therewith we are
transported full circle back to defective practice answers.
4. Commentary on, and objections to, proposed answers

A main part of this exercise consists in a detailed critical commentary on the entries in the
main tabulation, and on proposals like them. Small beginnings are made on the exercise, in two
stages reflecting the major division in the main tabulation.
D.
Defective practice answers tend to come from those who presume we are already in

possession of adequate theories, or what approximates them or supplies main elements of them.

(Such answers are also more liable to emanate from conservatives, opposed to new or radical
theories, advanced on the basis of inadequacy of prevailing theories in practice.)

Defective practice answers are especially popular in economic reaches. There was a time,

perhaps not past yet, when all market failures in the shape of negative externalities were passed
off as unintended consequences of economic activity. While outputs or “consequences” such
matters as pollution certainly are, unintended they mostly are not now, without emptying
‘unintended’ of its normal sense. For example, industrialists, apprised of conservation laws and
unsurprised by polluted wastes, who dump their waste where and when regulators and waste­

watchers are not looking, can hardly pretend that that output is an unintended consequence of
their industry. That should now be a bad joke.
Accordingly new green economics insists that we dig deeper—without however

exceeding economic settings—to discover why markets may foreseeably fail and why
environmentally rectifying technology is not delivered.35 Where they usually arrive, travelling
32

33

34
35

Pepper p.192, with internal quotation from Breitbart. Unfortunately it is all too evident, given
humans could so socially organise, that they could setde into harmonious small-scale
communities which retained but little of pristine natural environments.
Such a proposition, outlined in V. and R. Routley, obtains a much fuller elaboration within
Plumwood. In an interesting way, such a proposal can hardly be wrong, given the conclusion
reached below that a set of defective paradigms in at work. For evidently paradigms can be
covered by dualisms, represented by set of diem in each case, somewhat as numbers can be
represented in binary terms, generated from a basic two-oneness duality.
Thus Passmore, Attfield, and others. For a critical assessment of education, see Sylvan and
Bennett.
Thus e.g. Jacobs, p.24.

a

15
within such unduly confined settings, is, like welfare economics before green, at better

regulated markets, with business set as before within frameworks of plans and incentives,
controls and penalties. Environmentally, however, such approaches do not reach very deep, or

tap into underlying paradigmatic problem-sources.
But these sorts of defective practice answers do not always derive from standard
economic sources. A deviation-style answer is much favoured by Marxists to explain failure,

environmental and other, of the former Soviet Union and other Eastern block countries; namely
that true Marxism was not practiced. Unfortunately, even if it had been, environmental

consequences would be no better, given the heavy industrial commitments and environmental

shallowness, at best, of true Marxism.36 Differently, enlightenment liberals like Passmore try
to ascribe failures in Western environmental practice, not to any deficiencies in mainstream

theory, but to deviation from well established principles. Unfortunately adherence to these
“well established principles” is just one way in which the Earth will lose what remains of its

wilderness and remarkable diversity.
Now there are no doubt cases, past especially but also present, some resulting

(collectively) in extensive environmental degradation, where defective practice answers may be
correct. For example, there is harrowing case after harrowing case (brought together in texts
like Topsoil and Civilization ) of degradation of prime agricultural lands by imposed farming

practices, where at least early on (before damage became visible) ignorance and unintended

consequences could be legitimately claimed. In most historical cases we do not have enough
information to be able to say with much assurance that agriculture proceeded until effective

collapse because of continuing ignorance, or because practices were locked-in in one way or
another, or because of sheer obduracy. But we do know more about present agricultural
practices, for example in more arid parts of Australia, concerning both irrigated and dry-land

agriculture.

Many of these practices are undoubtedly sharply degrading lands, and the

consequences of the practices, which cannot plead or pretend ignorance, are sufficiently

appreciated.

But the practices persist, and are encouraged by a sweep of subsidies or

concessions. No doubt some of the practitioners can reasonably claim that they are locked into
bad practices through circumstance, circumstances now beyond their control such as financial

pressures, unfavourable terms-of-trade, and so on, coupled with the need to make a living. But
some, such as companies controlling large tracts of land, can make no such claims or excuses,

nor can claim such things as family precedence, attachment to place, and similar. Their
obdurate practice has to be attributed to something else, most obviously not deviation from

theory, but commitment to an environmentally defective paradigm.
P.
Dealing with defective paradigm answers is an even more complex, and vexed,
36

It is surprising how much of the practice of later Socialist states is prefigured in texts like The
Communist Manifesto. Thus “industrial armies” are to be set up; credit, communications and
transport are to become state monopolies; “migrants and rebels” are to have dieir property
confiscated; and so on. All this runs contrary to much Marxist apologetics (as A. Urquhart, who
made those points, also observed).

16
business. Let us try to condense main matters to a few themes:
1.
Many of the (incomplete) paradigms listed are not even sufficient for environmental
impasses. They may be seriously mistaken, they may have undesirable intellectual and perhaps

social effects, but a society could persist sustainably with those drawbacks. Thus, for example,
substance metaphysics (under modified Spinozism), dualisms, even patriarchy. The same
might even hold for materialism and mechanism, (assuming these practices can be coherently

made out, that depending on how differentiated ideologies and values are accommodated, and
so forth).
To illustrate: a metaphysics, of any sort, cannot be the whole story, because it does not,

on it own, account for action, anti-environmental or other. Without special bridges from

metaphysics to value-intricating action theory, a sort of naturalistic fallacy operates. Thus
subverted, in essentially Hume’s way, are all the vulgar sources of environmental problems
which take them as derived from metaphysics.
2.
While several—not just one—of the paradigms listed are sufficient—in the right

circumstances (given long historical development, accumulation, and so on37)—none are

necessary. Similar impasses could arise, and locally have arisen, given significantly different
paradigms;

for example given, instead of main Western trouble-making paradigms,

Confucianism or advanced Polynesianism.
At this stage in dialectic, green history or ecohistory, and related virtual histories, enter
decisively. Ponting's Green History of the World begins with a graphic account of the rise and
ecological fall of Easter Island under the impact of Polynesian projects. The work also

conveniently documents many other examples, well-known to biohistorians, of ecological
degradation or collapse, far from the influence of Western paradigms. An important example
(much less speculative than some of the examples because of a comparative wealth of primary
documentation) outlines the destruction of accessible Chinese ecosystems under Confucian

dynasties. What several of these examples also reveal is that no very high level of technology

is needed to inflict serious environmental damage; persistence in pursuit of an ideological
project (with nothing directly to do with basic needs) will suffice.
Other cultures did, or would have (given the technology and numbers), wrecked similar
damage. For instance, deforestation, salination, megafaunal elimination, and so on, were well

established before rise of modem Western paradigms, or in regions outside their influence.
3.

The list of paradigms, as so far presented, is entirely Western in orientation. Moreover

environmental woes are regularly ascribed to Western sources — wrongly. For non-Western

paradigms have led, or would lead given the opportunities (including access to the
technologies), to outcomes as undesirable as under dominant Western paradigm. Witness

37

While it is easy to imagine ineffectual or incompetent tribes which live benignly
environmentally, by just muddling along, under even the worst of paradigms, that is not really to
the point. A pertinent tribe needs to have developed the structure which leads to problems, to
have the means, and so on.

17

again Confucianism, for instance, and its role and influence in Asian regions. Confucianism
incorporates human chauvinism par excellence (as well as, some might say, Chinese
chauvinism).38 Or Islam, with its reach across the Middle East.
The main tabulation (of table 3) should accordingly be extended to take due account of
non-Westem paradigms, including for example:
Other Abrahamic religions

Islam

(Judaism
Confucianism

Shintoism

Polynesianism, at least in advanced forms as on Easter Island.

What is “Western” is tending to blur also. Is Judaism Western, how western, or Islam? There
is also a tendency to suppose that more Western religions, Abrahamic religions, with their

intense monotheism, are significantly ideologically worse than non-Westem. But the contrasts

are different and much more complex than that. A better divide is into monistic and pluralistic.
Even so, many undesirable social and environmental features are incorporated in or encouraged
by religious pluralisms from the Indian subcontinent.
4.
All the single paradigm answers are inadequate, all are too simple. Even so some are

less inadequate than others. It is the same, more or less, for the combined answers, often to be
encountered. For generally they represent but one thin cross-section of Western paradigms.
While all the single one-source one-shot paradigmatic answers, occur on their own, often

they are combined. For instance, although Descartes is often cited as a villain, more often
criticism of Cartesianism is combined with criticism of other concurrent ideological elements,
such as Baconian empiricism (less incompatibly, Drengson, for one, regularly combines

criticism of the technocratic paradigm with criticism of Cartesianism—though Descartes, for all
his rich and appalling thought, contributed little to the rise of technocratic organisation.)

Similarly Hargrove combines Greek philosophy, as original source, with modern rationalism

and much else.
5. Towards a more satisfactory explanation.

Not only are the paradigmatic roots seriously intertangled (because of connections of one
paradigm with another, because for instance of heavy philosophical inputs into religious

paradigms), but further there is not a single defective paradigm. Rather there is a family or

sheaf of paradigms, commitment to any of which, or any suitable combination of which, in
requisite circumstances, appears to have yielded environmentally untoward outcomes (requisite

circumstances including availability of technology, extent of social support, and so on). Within

that plurality there are of course gradations—and not only gradations but major differences—in

calibre, in environmental friendliness. A Cartesianism which regards animals as mere auto­

38

Its net of effects extends widely. Consider, e.g., the role of Chinese medicine in decline of large
fauna.

18

mata incapable of feeling genuine pain, is significantly worse as regards other life-forms and
their decent treatment than a utilitarianism which positively values animal sentience.
The family is not exclusively Western, or Northern, though (through colonialism and

cultural imperialism) paradigm of these sorts now predominate. Paradigms and cultures of less
“advanced” and third world communities have also operated to enhance environmental

vandalism and degradation locally and regionally.
Industrialization and technological advance are, without doubt, what have inflated
environmental problems from rather localised ones, damaging islands and river catchments, to

grander and global ones. They are the engines, powerhouses, of major problems/9
They did not however run on their own, nor do they continue on their own. Such engines

were not designed and built, fuelled and tended, independently.39
40 They evolved primarily in
the specially favoured culture of capitalism, though parallel developments could have occurred,
and later did, in other prepared and heavily controlled surroundings, such as state socialism.

Now however these engines have been rendered more reliable and less dependent on careful
cultural support, and have been transferred to run in less favourable settings.
TABLE 4: Connected continuing sources of global environmental problems
Transfer

of technology,
industry and
problems to
other regions

Inflation

intensification
and spread of
problems to
larger regions

Technologicalindustrial
development
within
ideological
cultural
framework

development
within another ,
\ or different /
• framework
/

Multiple
sources

of
various regional
problems

39

40

The picture of development of environmental problems preferred accordingly bears passing
resemblance to that now tendered for development of the early Universe, where a source event,
the Big Bang, was followed by a huge inflationary phenomenon. Naturally the resemblance has
limitations; for instance, universe inflation is not terrestrially replicable in the way
industrialization now is (hired or delivered off the shelf, pollution problems and all, with a big
price tag).
Lacking such favourable ideological surroundings, earlier technological “break throughs were
not duly developed: thus early wheels, steam engines, gunpowder, etc.

19

Even if the whole “West” went into a terminal decline, and its paradigms disappeared into
history, serious environmental exploitation and degradation would continue, driven by other

cultures. For instance, the West could collapse through protracted war, through choking on its
own toxic wastes, or whatever (there are many routes to catastrophic decline, outlined for

instance in “Limits to Growth” scenarios, that could differentially impact on the West).
Degradation would now continue, however; there would be only temporary respite from
environmental crises.
While most of the problems, awfully aggregated in contemporary environmental crises,

are produced or accelerated by — what connects them — contemporary industrial society, not

all environmental problems are or have been of this sort. But many of the other problems, such
as destruction of rainforests by itinerant peasants, can be seen as by-products, or similar; thus,

in the example, the peasants displaced by agribusiness, absentee wealth-holders or similar,

arrived there on industrially-made roads opening the forests, and often wrecked this damage
using industrial machinery.
An environmental friendly culture has to be much more critical concerning certain types
of industrialization, and much more selective regarding technology than present dominant

cultures, Western or non-Westem. While there are such paradigms, on the ideas market, they
mostly lack sophisticated contemporary elaboration.
Examples of more friendly paradigms, that do not lead of themselves to massive

environmental problems and crises include those now tabulated:
TABLE 5: Examples, several flawed, of environmentally friendly paradigms.
Oriental ideologies:

Taoism (classical)
Jainism

recessive traditions,
now with tiny
followings and little
political influence.

Indigenous cultures:

Australian Aboriginals (e.g. Aranda)
Amazonian Indians, etc.
Western philosophies:

old

Stoicism
Spinozism

new

Deep green theories, such as deep ecology.

under certain
favourable
interpretations

Given the remoteness of most of these examples from contemporary life, and difficulties with

their wide adaptability, it is a short step to a familiar conclusion that new paradigms need to be

worked out. Much more intellectual effort should be devoted to such enterprise.
What we have arrived at, then, is a rough classification of paradigms into two large

20
families: environmentally friendly and unfriendly. No doubt there is a fuzzy residue class

(neither, and perhaps both).
DIAGRAM 6: Broad environmental division of paradigms.

To questions as to why agents adhere, or continue to adhere, to environmentally unfriendly
paradigms, the answers are likewise plural, and diverse (and some match answers in Table 3).

Reasons are psychological, social and cultural (with circularity here encountered), and include

considerations of the following sorts and others: because that is how things are done, or have
always been done; because needs can be met, perhaps only met, in that way, so it is believed;
because there are no alternatives, or none seen, perhaps because none have been sought;
because negative outcomes can be overcome, or do not really matter; and so on.
It is not difficult to indicate, more or less, which paradigms will, if duly, diligently or

religiously practiced, lead to environmental problems and impasse.

Some family

characteristics, then, of unfriendly paradigms:

* Combination effects, illustrated through Leibnitzianism. Any which guarantees satisfaction

of all or enough elements of the consumption impact equation, and so would generate excessive

impacts. To illustrate, consider what might be called Leibnitzianism, in honour of Leibnitz

(though Leibnitz's fragmentary work did not initiate any genuine historic school). Leibnitz was
heavily committed to all of human population growth, unfettered technological advance, and

human lifestyles of consumption, in short, to precisely those factors that combine in the impact

recipe to produce excessive human impacts upon environments. There is fair evidence for these
contentions. First, Leibnitz was an early exponent of utilitarianism, indeed he was all-round an

enthusiastic maximizer. From his formulation of utilitarianism, he drew an immediate obvious
corollary: the directive to increase human population (maximizing on aggregate human pleasure

is most obviously achieved by production of more happy humans, other aspects of which
technology and affluence can assure).41 Secondly, Leibnitz was a technology enthusiast; he

was heavily committed to the developments and use of scientific technology, for which he had
all sorts of schemes (e.g. the characteristic universalis intended to encapsulate all of knowledge

in an accessible useable form, a complete calculus duly mechanised, as well as numerous

technological projects.42). Thirdly, he was committed to an affluent lifestyle for himself and

(through symmetry and basic assumptions of utilitarianism) for others. For his own part, he

For Leibnitz’s anticipation of utilitarianism, see Hruschka. For Leibnitz’s immediate application
of the principle, to support human population increase, see p.172.
‘Leibnitz's interest in machinery is illustrated by his complicated plan to drain the Harz mines,
which involved the construction of a new type of windmill, and a virtually friction-free pump’,
Cottingham p.193. For a detailed account of Leibnitz’s extensive entrepreneurial and
technological activities, see Aiton.

21

abandoned an academic career at an obscure German university ‘in favour of the more active

and lucrative pursuits of the courtier and diplomat’ and, so it turned out, the bright lights of

major European cities and grand tours of Europe.43
Leibnitz has sometimes been accounted environmentally friendly. Some of that apparent
friendliness was due to scholastic conservativism. Thus he was opposed to mechanism; he was
sympathetic to the organic and teleological, which did not contract to isolated human and
superhuman loci. His metaphysical theory of monads, which are centres of living energy,

effectively distributed life everywhere, though not equally. Harmony and order too prevailed

throughout the universe, though under God's maximizing management, the presence of which

they duly established! But even this life-expanding harmonious order, variants of which are
now familiar from Whiteheadian and deep ecological quarters, was not as benign as it has

superficially appeared.

Leibnitz supposed that, by virtue of pre-established harmony and final causes governing

inevitable progress, humans would not go wrong in the longer term in their environmental
activities, that they could not 'cumulatively make undesirable changes in nature’.44 Leibnitz

joyfully foresaw more and more of the Earth coming under cultivation, and its long-term
advancement to a complete intensive garden, even if there were occasional relapses where parts

deteriorated back temporarily towards wild state. Leibnitz even criticised Cartesianism, now
widely regarded as prime villain of the environmental piece, as failing ‘to provide the modal

stimulus .... to the control of nature’ ... ‘to scientific advance’. The idea of control, advancing
to total control, total management, is prophesized in Leibnitz (in a sort of chauvinistic Gaia
hypothesis). He saw ‘order as progressively increasing, with the help of man [as] a finisher of

nature. He boldly applauded the idea of progress to the earth as a unit, assuming both an
orderliness on earth and an orderliness in the changes it had undergone by man’.45 No doubt

Leibnitz’s lifestyle commitments need not (and may not) be reflected in his philosophy, which
may have independent environmental merit, for example as stimulation or input for later

developments. There is unfortunately little evidence that that is so. Nonetheless, substantial

fragments of Leibnitz’s philosophy do admit environmental bending and adaptation, in a way
that Descartes’ philosophy does not at all easily.

An important corollary does emerge: that a promising new metaphysics is no panacea for
improved environmental performance or paradigms. Not merely neutral metaphysics, but even

positive metaphysics, such as certain organic and process theories, are compatible with, and can

be coupled with, damaging social theories and life-styles. It is almost enough to consider the
theories, practices and lifestyles of Aristotle, Leibnitz and Whitehead.46
43
44
45
46

Cottingham p.24, p.26.
Glacken p.478. As he remarks, these bold assumptions made by Leibnitz have proved wrong.
Glacken p.506.
Leibnitz’s standing in die history of philosophy is somewhat curious. His main achievement,
setting aside his reputation as an intellectual wizard with lots of ideas, appears to be spasmodic
work upon a beautiful ruin, an incomplete (and incompletable) metaphysics, of which only

22

* Direct untoward effects, illustrated through Cartesianism and Confucianism, or indeed any

system which attributes little or no value to natural items, and perhaps much value to nature
transforming or interfering human (or elite) projects. So it is with Confucianism, which is

entirely human focussed. ‘Centering his attention on man in his present life, Confucius had as
his goal the achievement of a good society characterized by harmonious social relations.’47
The outside world, the nature environment, was of no moral significance. It mattered only

instrumentally, to humans. Descartes went further. Human bodies too were automata, complex

machinery. ‘The exception is [mind, or specifically] thought, and its external manifestation
language: this alone cannot be explained mechanistically—a thesis which leads Descartes to
assert a fundamental divide between human beings and “the beasts”’.48 The remaining world,

the natural environment—lacking humanity, thought, mind—was again of no moral
significance. It possessed derivatively only what value and meaning humans, or minds, chose
to confer or project upon it.
Since, either way, any way, a natural environment devoid of humans had no thoughts,

purposes or interests, no value or meaning of its own, it could not matter what happened to it.
It could be regarded, justifiably, as nothing but a reservoir of resources for humans.49
Cartesians drew just such conclusions; similar conclusions derive from Platonism and
Pentecostalism, and are implicit at least in Confucianism. Descartes again went further. His

practices and methods, like those of Bacon, were ‘aimed at making men the masters and
possessors of nature’.50
* devaluation of natural items as against human elements or artefacts (typically exhibiting

human chauvinism);51 as a corollary,
* entitlement to domination, dominion over nature;
* short-term framework;
* maximization assumptions, coupled with grand projects.
Family characteristic of friendly paradigms will tend to invert (in effect negate) these

features. An environmentally friendly paradigm can be expected to yield environmentally
significant corollaries, such as:
* an end to degrading primary production, wherever it prevails.

47
48

49
50
51

Instead ecological forestry

tantalizing fragmentary structures were ever available.
It is not even as if there is a surviving supply of challenging bad arguments that can be put
before baffled students, as with Descartes and Berkeley for instance.
Reese p. 102.
Cottingham p.15. The utter invalidity of Descartes' argument to this divide (cited by
Cottingham) is now comparatively easy to expose, given almost 400 years of hindsight. There
are no such status divides. See further Appendix 2.
Borrowing some nice phraseology from F. Mathews.
See Discourse VI.
Shallow will work out only with right mix ol humans. But in any case, it is implausible. An
appealing ecological dieorem insinuates itself hereabouts: Given certain conditions (such as
short-term vision, techno-fix, ...), shallowness is necessary and sulficient for environmental
crisis.

23

and ecological agriculture will come to prevail.
• a calling off of grand ideologically-grounded projects, interfering with or damaging natural

environments, such as major dams, river diversions, demolished islands (e.g. for airports), new

mountains, terraforming, extensive rainmaking, climatic interference, and generally the sweep

of “playing God” projects. A little of this sort of technology can go a very long way.

A short answer can now be ventured to the focal questions: Because most agents are
bound to (locked into, committed to, or captively go along with) environmentally unfriendly

paradigms. As a result the (long-term) health of the rest of environments does not matter, or
matter enough.
6. Resulting unfavourable report on dominant philosophy.

It will hardly have escaped notice that virtually all dominant philosophical roads lead to

Rome, to environmentally unfriendly paradigms.

Stripped of metaphor, there are

environmental conditions of adequacy, which most philosophical systems fail to meet In an
environmentally friendly new world, most philosophy that is remembered, indeed most of the

humanities, is destined for scrapping. Prevailing philosophy is a serious impediment to
satisfactory environmental outcomes. Philosophy, not just Western philosophy, has by and
large been bad environmental news.52 It has supplied, or mightily assisted in supplying, main

unfriendly paradigms under which environments labour. Of course not everything has to be
tipped; much can be salvaged, arguments, subtheories and so on (and with intellectual tipping
there need be little material waste). Nor therefore is it as if an entirely fresh start has to be

made. As well as salvaged bits and pieces (which need to be carefully tested for soundness),
there are recessive paradigms and neglected traditions to look to for suggestions, and

inspiration, and perhaps to rehabilitate.
Richard Sylvan*

via Bungendore, OZ.
APPENDIX 1. Dominant philosophy has aided and abetted ruination of terrestrial

environments.

That dominant intellectual paradigms are dismal news for deep (nonchauvinistic)

environmental theory has been previously argued, in contraposed form.53 More recently

Hargrove has investigated, in detail, negative implications of the main philosophical tradition

53

It may be insisted that philosophy can make no difference, for instance to environmental
practice. It is not an expression of basic needs, or of any such practical matters. Exceptions to
such practical bravado have however to be recognised almost immediately; philosophy soon
enters for organizational, justificatory and explanatory ends. That concession still grossly under­
estimates the extent to which ideas, and more generally paradigms, influence and even govern
action and practice, especially reflective and rational action.
On the substantial point, not dierefore removed through the alleged practical impotence ot
philosophy, see Appendix 1.
An earlier version of this article was presented at die Environmental Paradigms Conference,
University of New England, Armidale, April 93. It would not have been written otherwise.
Notably at the end of EE, pp. 188-9.

24

for environmental theory and practice, especially/or environmental attitudes concerned with
nature and creature preservation, with nature appreciation and development of a proper
ecological perspective.54 However Hargrove has ventured some of his particularly challenging

themes in insufficiently careful form, thereby leaving himself unnecessarily vulnerable to
criticism and counter-claims. These include the criticisms assembled by Attfield, who, though

not unsympathetic to Hargrove’s case, has excessively weakened the themes. For example,

what Attfield presents as ‘substantially correct’ is Hargrove’s ‘verdict that the history of

philosophy has discouraged preservationist attitudes’, vastly less than Hargrove’s actual
negative verdict which comprehended considerably more than just “preservationist attitudes”,
and recorded a situation conspicuously worse than mere “discouragement” of nature and

creature preservation, as well as much else. Indeed it is worse than Hargrove has charged;

Hargrove’s indictment of mainstream philosophy is itself weaker than that here ventured, which

takes mainstream philosophy as thoroughly implicated in the present escalating environmental
mess, through its roles as a major source and supplier of operative ideas and paradigms.
There is a single qualification, invoked incidentally by Attfield himself, that would

remove much of Attfield’s criticism: a restriction to mainstream philosophy (or differently, to

dominant philosophy). Consider Attfield’s exceptions to ‘the adverse impacts of Western
philosophy’, those alleged ‘philosophical traditions that have encouraged taking nature

seriously’. Firstly, insofar as the Church Fathers, medieval Christians and others Attfield
alludes to are philosophers at all, they are entirely minor figures, unlikely to be known to many

philosophers, and but rarely or never referred to in regular philosophy courses; they do not form

part of mainstream philosophy.55 Secondly, these minor figures do not afford the clear support

for his claims that Attfield has regularly assumed.56 Many of the statements supposed to offer
support are ambivalent, or environmentally dubious, supporting some form of managerialism
(e.g. perfectionism or stewardship); and in any case they have to be set against the remainder of

what a figure says and does (so far as can be ascertained). After all, as regards the latter matter,
there are isolated claims in major philosophers (Plato is regularly cited in this regard) which

may make them appear environmentally aware and even sympathetic.
Although Plato’s philosophy generally suggests that he neither knew or cared
about environmental problems, one passage in the Critias shows that he was
very much aware of at least one problem: the effect of deforestation on soil

See e.g. Hargrove, p.21.
Consider the sorts of exceptions:
• minor philosophers, many of whom we know very little about, outside gossip and speculation,
such as Ilieophrastus, early Stoics, and lesser Epicureans.
• figures who are only secondarily or marginally philosophers, such as Hooke, Boyle, Ray and
Evelyn.
• medieval and early modem Christians, who typically are not significant philosophers, and
were usually committed not the nature preservation and the like, but to nature management or
perfection.
In work referred to on p. 127. The main historical claims, many of them based on secondary
sources, are stated in his The Ethics of Environmental Concern A more detailed criticism of
these claims will be made elsewhere.

25
♦

quality in Greece during his own lifetime.57
Unfortunately Hargrove does but a comparatively poor job in accounting for what he
alleges, Plato’s indifference and lack of ecological concern.58 The reasons for Plato’s
indifference to serious ecological degradation of forests and soils in Greece can be ascribed to
a combination of several elements of Plato’s philosophy (a natural-world-dismissive ideology)

including: elevation of transcendental forms as what was truly real and really of value,

denigration and dismissal of the everyday natural world as utterly inferior, of entirely lower

existence or even illusory and certainly not of rational concern. This dualistic ontology and
axiology—a wonderfully valuable world of forms standing in complete contrast with the
illusory material world of perception—was supplemented and reinforced by a corresponding

epistemology. Under a tripartite theory of mind, the higher rational part, which gave epistemic

access to the forms, a part exhibited only by humans and more elevated beings, was sharply
separated from the two lower animal parts. Thus under Plato’s conception of the human,
humans and especially the important rational component of the human, stood in opposition to

nature; the distinctively human task is completely separate from nature and concerned with

control of it and its unruly elements. It is because what really has value—rational selves
cavorting among the forms—is separate from nature, transcending it, with nature at best

comprising very inferior copies, of lower existence, that it does not matter what happens to the

earth and earthly things, to mere matter, that is a matter of indifference. 59
APPENDIX 2. On the prominent roles of dominant philosophy in the inferiorization and

mistreatment of (mere) animals.

Although the attitudes concerned reach back to antiquity, and were rationalized in
classical Greek philosophy (through a theory of separate parts, “highest” of which was a soul or
rational component), the whole appalling affair was given an enormous stimulus by Cartesian

philosophy.
Descartes cherished a scheme
for a purely mechanistic science of physiology. Descartes compares the
human body to an ‘automaton’ and argues that had we sufficient knowledge
of the structure of its working parts we could explain even highly complex
behavioural responses in purely mechanical terms. The exception is thought,
and its external manifestation, language: this leads Descartes to assert a
fundamental divide between human beings and ‘the beasts’:
There are no men so dull-witted or stupid—and this includes even madmen—
that they are incapable of arranging various words together and forming an
utterance in order to make their thoughts understood, whereas no animal,
however perfect, can do the like. This is not because they lack the necessary
organs, for we see that magpies and parrots can utter words as we do, and yet
cannot speak as we do (i.e. show that they are thinking what they are saying).
By contrast, even men born deaf and dumb, and thus deprived of speech organs
as much as the beasts, or more so, normally invent their own signs to make

59

Hargrove, p.29.
This sort of problem arises not merely in regard to Plato, as Attfield observes, with decided
relish. There is little doubt but that Hargrove’s historical excess needs to be sharpened and much
elaborated, and, in some critical areas, rectified.
On this classical polarisation of nature and higher humanity, see Plumwood.

26

themselves understood ... This shows that the beasts do not merely have less
reason than man, but have no reason at all ...^®
These sorts of considerations have been immensely influential in establishing a received
fundamental ontological divide, not merely between humans and (other) animals, but between
humans and nature. But, as we should now appreciate, they are all subtly, or less subtly, astray,

and do not sustain the conclusion drawn.
Firstly, investigation reveals internal incoherence. No men are incapable of stringing
words together and forming utterances, yet many men are so incapable, not least those who are

dumb. As his differential objective demands, Descartes exaggerates what those bom deaf and
dumb may do—they do not ‘normally invent their own signs’, but may painstakingly learn a

sign language—by contrast with ‘the beasts’. But, as we are now learning, many animals,
whose organs are not well adapted to speech, can also painstakingly learn sign language.

Indeed they may communicate by signs and sounds (though not usually speech) “in the wild”.
There is no sharp cut-off, such as a fundamental divide presumes, between creatures that can, or
do, communicate by signs and sounds, and those who cannot, or do not.
Secondly, even less is there a significant boundary between those that can understand
inputs and reason, and those that cannot, or do not.

None of reasoning, thought and

understanding are inextricably or inexorably tied to speech, nor, more broadly, to language.60
61
For example, dogs, whose speech is rather limited (though they certainly communicate,

including to humans, by a range of different sounds, as well as signs), can understand and
respond to several hundred commands and the like (that is, to a number of the same order as the

vocabulary of basic languages). As for reasoning, the problem-solving capabilities of many

sorts of animals, especially laboratory rats, are now well (even excessively, for primal comfort)
documented.
Regrettably, Descartes has not been on his own, or out on an exceptional limb. Virtually

all past great philosophers insisted, if not on an unbridgeable gap, certainly on a difference in
kind of supreme philosophical importance, between humans and other animals. Only Hume

afforded a conspicuous exception to unedifying philosophical orthodoxy. Worse with other
supposedly fundamental divides, such as that partitioning off nonsentients, there appear to have

been no exceptions. The world was and is sharply divided, so it was and is imagined, into fixed
inflexible categories. Furthermore, despite Hume, Cartesian inputs have persisted, for instance

in the widespread philosophical idea—running contrary to an enormous body of evidence—that

animals have no interests, preferences or intentions, that they receive no satisfaction from what
they do or choose to do, and so on.
Cartesianism certainly assisted, not merely in changing philosophical method importantly,

60
61

Cottingham, Three Rationalists, p.15, also quoting Descartes.
For this reason, the “language of thought” conception, pervading much cognitive science, is
decidedly regressive. Nor is it necessary: combinatorial operations, which can perform a fine
representational job, provide an improved replacement for such a “language”: see DP chapter
11.

27
but in altering metaphysics irrevocably, above all as regards human place in nature. As an

outcome of rectified method,
Philosophy, including physical science, becomes in Descartes a selfcontained discipline, guided by the light of reason; it has no need to be
supplemented by revelation, scripture, or ecclesiastic teaching.62
As to the new physics and its outcome in metaphysics,
despite a certain amount of judicious fudging over whether the earth ‘really’
moves, Descartes was firmly committed to the new Copernican cosmology,
whereby the Earth is dethroned from its central position. The Earth is simply
a planet, it has the same status as Mars and Saturn—‘bodies we do not make
so much of’... . What is more, the sun itself is only one star among
innumerable others, each of which is the centre of its own celestial ‘vortex’.
Descartes [rightly] saw all this as having important implications for human
life. The universe, as conceived of in medieval and scholastic cosmology,
was one which revealed, in all its details, the purposes of a benevolent
creator. In the words of Paracelsus, writing some hundred years before
Descartes ‘all things belonging to nature exist for the benefit of man’. For
Descartes the vastly expanded size of the post-Copernican universe, the
possibility of innumerable other worlds, and the insignificance of our planet
in comparison with the hugeness of the whole, made it impossible to continue
to regard man as the ‘dearest of God’s creatures’.... The belief that all things
exist for our benefit alone, says Descartes ..., involves a presumptuous view
of our status and a failure to recognize the unlimited vastness of God’s
creation....63
So, in important respects, Cartesianism offered improvements and a way forward.

environmentally. But the message was mixed and muffled, as with that concerning final
causes, hostility to which Descartes justified as a corollary. No doubt final causes were used to

smuggle in divine purposes, specifically God’s special concern for the welfare of humans (no

doubt the Church and Church fathers who engaged in this smuggling were not to be trusted).
However undesirable practices could be weeded out, without eradicating respectable ones.
Over-zealous in just this fashion was the common 17th Century slogan, ‘Abandon final causes
and look for underlying structures’, which affords another example of explanatory skimping.64

Sound methodology can admit both internal structures and final causes.

Nonetheless,

dethroning, relegating or abandoning final causes was a major movement within modern
deanthropocentrization, so far as it has yet proceeded. Lovejoy has highlighted the matter. For,
according to him,
...physico-theological ideas came to rest on the assumption that all other
elements of nature were created for man’s sake, and therefore put man and
nature into an unequal relationship:
Tout est cree pour Thomme is at once the tacit premise and the triumphant
conclusion of that long series of teleological arguments which ... is one of the

62

63
64

Cottingham pp. 176-177. Unfortunately for Descartes’ grand systematic-doubt project, reason
was far from sufficient, and did need supplementation, though not through reinstatement of
established prejudice. Though judiciously shedding some ancient conventional wisdom (e.g.
concerning humans’ privileged control place in nature), Descartes was either forced or else felt
obliged to reinstate much received wisdom, through poorly concealed subterfuges, in order to get
his rationalistic roadshow moving.
Cottingham, ibid.
On the slogan, and the Church, see Cottingham p. 178. On skimping, see DP chapter 11.

most curious moments of human imbecility.65
APPENDIX 3. On Shepard’s approach to focal questions.

A remarkably sustained investigation of the focal questions is found in Shepard’s books.
In his Nature and Madness, he considers and quickly dismisses many of the stock responses to
focal questions suggested by contemporary luminaries (or by himself in earlier work), such as
lack of information, faulty technique, insensibility, greed, political inertia, change to agriculture

and settlement,66.... He would (and should, for his eliminative argument) have also dismissed

industrialization, state and corporate control, and so on.
More disconcertingly, for present purposes, Shepard claims that ‘a history of ideas’—
similarly no doubt a story of paradigms—will not serve; for it ‘is not enough to explain human
behaviour’ (p.3), it ‘seems too easy and academic’ (p.3), itself an easy and superficial criticism.

But if, for instance, the ‘dictum that nature should serve man’ and ‘insistence that animals feels
no pain’ should become widely entrenched, then they may well impact heavily on practice, as

accordingly appears to be the case. His slight further argument appears to miss the intended
target: ‘The meticulous analysis of these philosophies and the discovery that they articulate an

ethos beg the question’ (p.3). How, it can reasonably be inquired? What is offered is but the
facile, false, ‘ideas are impotent’ consideration, fostered by thinking and operating in terms of

causes (e.g. lower p.3), rather than reasons and (rational) explanation, and encouraged through

an attempted move to (what is explanatorily inadequate) pure behaviour. For a simple example
of the familiar explanatory roles of ideas and paradigms, consider an alternative explanation
through them. The admittedly bizarre (“crazy”) ‘turning everything into something man-made

and [or] man-used’ (p.5) is readily explained through dominant paradigms: that is the way it
acquires value, otherwise it is worthless. There is no need at all for psychopathology here.

Correspondingly Shepard briefly reviews and rejects several of the very partial, and often

hopeless, solutions suggested under stock responses to focal questions such as making
information, or better information, more widely available, bringing people from all walks of

like together, encouraging conviviality, hitting problems with smart technology, practicing
conservation, and so on.
Shepard’s own resolution is more readily reached from a further (meta-focal) question

that he proceeds to ask: why do humans persist in degrading their habitats once sources and
solutions are made transparent? He effectively argues by elimination: other sources (read as
causes) do not succeed in providing an answer; but ‘the idea of a sick society’ (which he leaps

to, without argument, p.4) does. Wrong on both counts: On the first because a non-causal
explanation in terms of ideological wiring can provide answers (listen to politicians,

65
66

Pepper p.44, quoting Lovejoy.
No doubt a popular picture of human social changes with agriculture and settlement ir simplistic:
that before societies lived in harmony, afterwards they did not. But it is also too simple to go on
to claim, as Shepard does, that ‘the economic and material demands of growing villages and
towns are ... not causes but results of this change’ (p.3). Some demands appear to derive from
factors, such as population pressures, which were among causes of the changes.

29
representative of the people, again, just a little time). On the second because some industrial
societies are not sick in a normal sense (though some may be), rather sickness has to be so

redefined (such low redefinitions are among underlying subplots67) that having certain
ideological commitments that are carried into practice counts as “sickness”.
So it is that Shepard arrives at his theme of ‘general, culturally-ratified distortions of

childhood, of massive disablement of ontogeny as the basis of irrational and self-destructive
attitudes towards the natural environment’ (p.ix). Succinctly, ‘there are profound psychic
dislocation at the root of modem society’ (p.xii). Psychic disorders have evolved: ‘over the
centuries major institutions and metaphysics might finally celebrate attitudes and ideas
originating in the normal context of immaturity [or]... adolescence ...’ (p. 15).

Having glided easily and invalidly to the idea of sick societies, in a mere three pages,
Shepard proceeds to diagnose in more detail the nature of the alleged sickness.68 It supposedly

arises, like other psychopathy with which it is immediately associated, in infancy, and is
manifest in life-long immaturity, with whole societies stuck in a kind of destractive
adolescence. No doubt there is something to some of what Shepard describes in child and

person development (not the ‘private demons’ and so on) or might well have described. There

is evidently, conspicuously in “new world” societies, wide commitment to a shallow juvenile
culture, adulation or imitation of immature media and sport models and flawed authority

figures, marginalization of the elderly, and so on, coupled with hyper-activity, violence and
vandalism. But, like political commitment to extensive economic activity, this is hardly

satisfactorily accounted for through psychopathological reduction, concentrating the whole
social problematic in the ontogeny of individuals.69 A superior explanation to widespread

individual psychic disorder proceeds through ideological commitment, that industrial human
are raised and educated in, inducted into and committed to, defective ideologies without
coming to know or properly experience alternatives.
The ‘portraits of maturity’ alluded to likewise appear individualistic and culture-bound,

resembling those of deep ecology, directed at embroidery of person and self, through personal

For trickery through redefinition of sickness and madness, Wisdom has already prepared us.
Observe that Shepard’s redefinition of sickness to include sick (i.e. debasing and devaluing)
practices with regard to natural habitats (and conjoined therewith, to, older people) does not
leave no contrast classes. For there remain benign ‘relic tribal’ societies, such as the Manus,
Crow and Comanche, Aranda and !Kung San (p.xii), ‘people who feel themselves to be guests
rather than masters’ (p.6 empasis added)—an elegant analogy.
‘The idea of a sick society’, which as Shepard confesses (on p.4) is hardly new, is reached on the
third page of the main text.
A psychopathic reduction is in part made plausible by reexpression in medical or psychological
terms of what would better be otherwise expressed. Consider, for instance the language of the
following clever paragraph, which infiltrates much with no argument:
‘The person himself is, of course, caught between his inner calendar and the surgeries of
society. His momentum for further growth may be twisted or amputated according to the
hostilities, fears, or fantasies required of him, as his retardation is silently engineered to
domesticate his integrity or to allow him to share in the collective dream of mastery (p.16).
But the trapping of agents between inner directives and social conditions and demands, or
between rival ideologies, can be retold in different, less medical and metaphorical terms.

30
growth and identity, wider identification and relatedness, self-realization.70 They are not
exactly those of older and ecologically wiser societies. They do not reveal ecologically mature
mixed communities.
Furthermore, comparisons with relic tribal societies, which are important, can be

decoupled from psychopathological analysis and reduction. Different lifeways, commitments
and ideologies, are what they are and do not all reduce to matters of mental health.

Undoubtedly we can learn of and from these different societies. We can still witness ‘smallgroup, leisured, foraging life-ways with[in] natural surroundings.... there is the rub—... for us,

now, that world no longer exists’ (p. 14 rearranged). Nor is it really true that such a world is no
longer accessible to most of us; more leisured small-group ways can be retrieved, some natural
surrounding can even now be restored.
In a curious fashion, Shepard has managed to invert likely causal relations. While a

certain interaction can no doubt be conceded, it is not so much human ill-health that is leading
to environmental degradation, but rather environmental degradation, generally brought about

for other reasons, that is increasingly leading to human ill-health, and in the longer term causing
erosion of life-support systems.
REFERENCES

E.J. Aiton, Leibnitz A Biography, Adam Hilger, Bristol, 1985.
R. Attfield, ‘Has the history of philosophy ruined the environment?’ Environmental Ethics

13(1991) 127-137.
A. Bellett, ‘The evaluation of values compatible with ecological sustainability’, Fundamental
Questions Papers, No.2 CRES, Australian National University, 1990.

J. Callicott, ‘Genesis and John Muir’ Re Vision 12(3) (1990) 31-41.
J. Cottingham, The Rationalists, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1988.
C. Dale, V.G. Carter, Topsoil and Civilization, Rev ed. Norman; University of Oklahama Press,
1974.
A Dobson, Green Reader, Routledge, London, 1991?
A. Drengson, ‘Ecosophy’, Positive Vibrations, (1990?) 8-10.

R. Eckersley, Environmentalism and Political Theory, UCL Press, London, 1992.
A. Gare, Beyond European Civilization, Eco-logical Press, Bun gendore, 1993.

C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1967.
E.C. Hargrove, Foundations of Environmental Ethics, Prentice Hall, N.J., 1989.
J. Hruschka, ‘The greatest happiness principle and other early German anticipations of
utilitarian theory’, Utilitas 3(2)(1991) 165-177
M. Jacobs, The Green Economy, Pluto, London, 1991.
Cf pp.12-14. Likewise there is a conservative underlay, more oppressive than that of deep
ecology: insistence on ‘one particular mother’ (p.7) even suggestion of unsatisfactoriness in
‘taking mothers off to work’ (p.l5)!

31

A. McLaughlin, Regarding Nature'. Industrialism and Deep Ecology SUNY Press, Albany
N.Y., 1993.
F. Mathews, The Ecological Self, Bames and Noble, Maryland, 1991.
J. Passmore, Man’s Responsibility for Nature, Duckworth, London, 1974
D. Pearce and others, Blueprintfor a Green Economy, Earthscan Publications, London, 1989.
D. Pepper, The Roots of Modern Environmentalism, Ed: Tom Colveson London; Dover N.H.

Croom Helm 1984.
V. Plumwood, Feminism and the Master of Nature, Routledge, London, 1993.

C. Ponting, A Green History of the World, Sinclair-Stevenson, London, 1991.

V. and R. Routley, The Fight for the Forests, RSSS, Australian National University, 1973;

referred to as FF.
R. and V. Routley, ‘Social themes, self-management and environmental problems’, in
Environmental Philosophy (eds. D. Mannison and others) RSSS, Australian National

University, 1980.
R. and V. Routley ‘Human chauvinism and environmental ethics’, in Environmental
Philosophy (eds. D. Mannison and others), RSSS Australian National University, 1980;

referred to as EE.
R. Routley, ‘Roles and limits of paradigms in environmental thought and action’, Discussion
papers in environmental philosophy #1, RSSS, Australian National University, 1982.
P. Shephard, Nature and Madness, Sierra Club Books, San Francisco, 1982.

R. Sylvan and D. Bennett, The Greening of Ethics, White Horse Press, Cambridge, 1994.
R. Sylvan with D. Bennett, Of Utopias, Tao and Deep Ecology, Green Series #19, RSSS
Australian National University, 1990; referred to as UTD.

R. Sylvan, Culture and the Roots of Political Divergence, mimeographed, Canberra, 1986.

R. Sylvan, Deep Pluralism, University of Edinburgh Press, 1994; referred to as DP.

The Wildlands Project, World Earth, special issue, Canton NY, 1993.
S. Toulmin, The Return to Cosmology, University of California, Berkeley, 1982.
J. Wisdom, Philosophy and Psychoanalysis. Blackwell, Oxford, 1953.
M. Zimmerman and others (eds.) Environmental Philosophy, Prentice Hall, N.J. 1993; referred

to as EP3.

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                    <text>GAEAN GREENHOUSE, NUCLEAR WINTER,
AND ANTHROPIC DOOMSDAY.
... climate change, like no other issue, calls the whole notion of human progress
into question. The [ever promised] benefits of newer technologies, more
efficient economics, and improved political systems could be overwhelmed by
uncontrolled global warming.
... the pace of climate change will soon overwhelm natural variability in the
earth's climate. Indeed, it can be improved with nuclear war for its potential to
disrupt a wide range of human and natural systems, [severely] complicating the
back of moneying economics and coping with other problems. Irrigation
works, settlement patterns, and food production [among others] would be
tragically disrupted ... (Worldwatch 89, p.ll, p.10)
There are many approaches to the Greenhouse problematique, upon which this philosophical
investigation focuses. These approaches, range from playing the issue down entirely,

dismissing it as not a problem, not something anyone should worry about, at the one end of
the range, to playing it up at the other. Those who play it up may even foresee the demise of

the human race, the substantially new socio-economic arrangements soon eventuate.
There is certainly plenty of room for different approaches, and for some eclecticism.

For what is being relied upon, in every case, comprises shaky and contestable arguments,
from flimsy forecasting models lacking many apparently relevant details. No one of sound

judgment, aware that weather reports for twelve hours ahead can be wildly astray, would
place a very high level of confidence on climatic forests for fifty years ahead down a very
hazardous track. But there is enough information to act; and there is information rationally
requiring action.

For things in the future are not going to be the same. It is very doubtful that they are
going to be any better (though much important economic theorizing presupposes as much,

such as the monetary discounting of the future). They are not going to be similar even,
because so many parameters important to life are changing, several at exponential rates.
Significant in these changes are likely climatic changes. The Greenhouse effect is among
those, a result of the increases of “greenhouse” gases, especially carbon dioxide and
methane, in the Earth's atmosphere, which have followed exponential paths since the highenergy phase of industrial culture. The growth in gas concentration produces, what it is
lagged by, but is now apparent, a significant increase in mean global temperatures. This has
major implications for much of life on Earth.

�2

Diagram 1. Spectrum of approaches:

Course of action

Reasons offered

Short response

No problem

Refutable

No certainty

Irrational

Adaptive capacity

Exaggerated

High tech resolution

Wishful thinking

Severe dislocation
otherwise

Utopian

Individual
survival

Pointless

No action1

Moderate action

Considerable action

These very condensed responses will be expanded and explained as we proceed.

Breifly too the outcome is that there is no easy path; future humans should expect a hard
landing.
1. Investigative philosophy, argument and rational decision

The role of philosophy in such a complex problematique as that of Greenhouse is not
difficult to state briefly. Philosophy, Anglo-American philosophy especially, is concerned
above all with argument. Investigative philosophy is applied philosophy, investigating
arguments, their features - assumptions, reliability, etc. - and their generalisation to rational
processes, but outside normal philosophical topics. The generalisation to rational processes
comprehends a wider range of philosophical throughput than the orthodox range of argument
typically addressed in logic courses; to probabilistic and plausibilistic reasoning, to decision
processing and making.
A main objective in this piece of investigative philosophy is to consider certain

arguments for severe dislocation pprobabilities, as a result of Greenhouse effects, and the
resulting impact on rational decision formation and action. There are certain arguments of
particular interest radical decision and action: various neo-Malthusian arguments, and
doomsday arguments.

1

Taoist no-action would be different. It would not have undertaken excessive industrial action in
the first place.

�3

The main run of arguments to considerable action are neo-Malthusian in character. The
general form of these arguments is simply this: growth in some parameter encounters limits,

with severe effects. A characteristic graphic representation is as follows:

limits

growth
parameter

time

exponential growth
pattern
J

encountering
limits

subsequent

varying unstable
behavior

The limits are often imposed just by finitude, e.g. finiteness of a resource or a sink. But

other limits can be important, for instance where new phenomena or thresholds come into
play. General Malthusian arguments loom in the background in what follows.

But a different argument, of especial concern as regard climatic changes, is the
following anthropic doomsday argument:• There is some probability that the Gaean “greenhouse effect”, generated by human
activity, will get out of control, that Gaean control mechanisms will fail, and that the Earth
will, for example, overheat (Runaway Greenhouse, or Lesser Venus Prospect, premiss).
• That result would be disastrous for human activities, and indeed for humans (Catastrophe
Prospect).

• Because of the unusual, and unusually precarious, position of humans, such a probability
of disaster is not in fact small but decidedly large

As a consequence then, the human species will probably sharply decline, and even become
extinct (Catastrophe Probability).
That is, by a rectified version of Murphy's law - that if something can go wrong then in

appropriate unusual conditions, it very probability will - an incrementally small probability is
inflated into a very large probability.

�4

It would be a mistake to conclude that because the argument itself is an unlikely one,
everyone can stop worrying. The argument is but one of a substantial raft of arguments that

should have everyone worried; it is but a final intellectual string, so to say, from the

inconspicuous cosmological tail.
Such a doomsday argument no doubt puts together, in one more exact form, some of the

sorts of considerations that are troubling many people, especially concerned youth, about the
Greenhouse business: that humans (including themselves) are on a decline or extinction path.

It is no doubt not the only consideration that should be troubling them or us. For whether or
not doomsday warnings are warranted, there are other matters that should be sufficiently
worrisome, to anyone of moral integrity:• Future times are likely to be exceedingly uncomfortable for very many creatures, as
habitats are destroyed, food producing regions are eliminated, and environments seriously

impoverished.

(Many of these creatures are nonexistents, mere future existents, i.e.

creatures that do not yet exist or participate in market or voting rituals, but who -will exist and
may participate. But, despite their presently unfavourable ontological status, they are entitled

to fair and decent treatment.)
• Given such future prospects, present practices which do nothing or vanishingly little to
ameliorate these prospects, are decidedly irrational. Indeed a main message that will emerge
from the present exercise is the moral irrationality of critical large-scale human practices.
The irrationality, morally-weighed-down irrationality, of present large-scale human
practices is already conspicuous from the wintry downside of climatic prospects of which

Greenhouse warming is the upside.
Diagram 2. Macro-climatic setting.
Bands: all
boundaries fuzzy

mean
global
temperature
(degrees C)

escalating
emissions

Disequilibrium:
Venus prospect

increasing dislocation

possible adaptation
increasing dislocation

thermonuclear
war

disequilibrium: Mars
prospect

�5
1860

1990

The apparatus for conducting a world-wide nuclear wars is entirely in place and indeed
on alert. The probability of such a war, even if small, is not zero. Among the many awful
effects of a large nuclear war is that of nuclear winter, which would bring about the demise
of present human civilisation, and would at the very least mean enormous dislocation for
most surviving humans and other creatures. A sufficiently diabolical chemo-nuclear war,

reaching into all inhabited parts of the globe, could indeed drive the human species close to
extinction.
The decidedly dubious rationality and morality of these nuclear arrangements - both
through what they are in themselves for what purposes, and through their moral opportunity
costs - are widely appreciated. The thesis that the arrangements and practices are immoral,
irrational, and ought to be dismantled - already much argued, and also contested2 - is not the
present concern. The thermonuclear downside is, by comparison, a very easy case to
examine philosophically, and argue, as compared with the greenhouse upside.3 For there is,
for instance, a case of sorts, for much increased use of greenhouse gases, such as CFCs in
refrigerators, a case that hardly extends very plausibly to nuclear weapons. It is a case
heavily pressed by some “developing” nations, for polluting devices already in widespread
use in more affluent places, as necessary for local standards of living.

Greenhouse and nuclear winter are more intricately connected than being the upside
and downside of meteorological phenomena. One of the high-tech solutions suggestions for
atmospheric overheating, involves the generation of wintering effects - to cool things down -

by flinging enough dust up into the atmosphere, a trick most easily achieved no doubt on the
requisite scale by nuclear explosives. Needless to say, like backburning against out-of-

control fires, artificial winter would be a pretty desperate and, given present expertise,
irrational expedient.
2. The Greenhouse debate, main policy responses, and irrational decision.

The Greenhouse debate, as to what to do, if anything, about forecast Greenhouse
effects on Earth, is intellectually disturbing. For it has revealed, as we shall soon see, that
many of those who have spoken, worse that many who have some role in decision making

For my very small contribution to this, see the War and Peace series in Discussion Papers in
Environmental Philosophy, RSSS, Australian National UniversityGlobal warming, by no means entirely certain, is assumed to be the outcome of increasing
greenhouse gas build up. Of course though some temperatures will rise, cooling will probably
occur also in some localized regions.

�6
(including both experts and politicians), lack a firm grasp on decision-making in conditions

of uncertainty or possible risk.4

The main canvassed policy approaches to the Greenhouse problematique lie firmly
within the dominant social paradigm, the high-tech growth and development ideology.
Diagram 2 Broad policy responses to the Greenhouse problematique.

Dominant paradigm

Alternative paradigm

Procrastination (wait-and-see)

Soft energy paths and
alternative regulation

Adaptation (sink-or-swim)

Socio-economic
transformation

Regulation
Intervention (star wars)

We will briefly outline, and find wanting, all the dominant approaches.
• Procrastination, the prevailing response. In fact the main gooon mental and conservative
response thus far has been procrastination, or “wait-and-see” as it is more benignly known.5
The approach makes much of the uncertainties, of the shortcomings in even the most
elaborate general circulation models, of the high noise-to-signal levels. On such bases, it
contends that it is too early to do anything, except staging some meetings, organising some
review committees, undertaking some monitoring, and funding a little more “research”. It
obviously does nothing to rock the growth ideology boat.
There is the pretence that we do not know enough to act6 But it is known that carbon
dioxide, methane and other greenhouse gases are fast increasing. The main causes and
enough likely consequences are also known. Theoretical consideration, have already been

partially confirmed by rising temperatures in the eighties. Outlines of rising temperatures are
also known in broad outline, rising sea levels, and so forth. In addition, there are partial

Following Knight, some economists (try to) distinguish between uncertainty and risk. Risk is
said to obtain when some more or less objective numberable probabilities can be assigned to
outcomes, a situation not obtaining as regards the global greenhouse effect. Bayesians, who can
always assign subjective probabilities tend to eschew the distinction, e.g. Cyert and DeGroot,
also say that ‘decision making under uncertainty refers to situations in which the outcome of the
decision is not precisely predictable’ (p.3). Either way, Greenhouse involves uncertainty.
There is significant rhetorical art in the choice of classificatory labels, a rather philosophically
neglected art. A PR person must have been hired to produce the Greenhouse adaptation of
‘adaptation’.
Part of the problem is that scientists have been caught out (e.g. crying wolf) and have become
ultra-cautious. With the advent of thermodymumies, for instance, scientists begin ‘threatening
mankind with a rather swift “bad death’” as the universe random ‘Thus m. Aber, on ‘balant
ideological use of science even by scientists themselves’ (Bernard p.9).

�7
small-scale models of the Greenhouse effect in action. For example a city such as MexicoCity, which is situated in the bowl-like valley is placed in an environment traps heat as well
as pollution. The ecological affects, like the human affects, are pretty dramatic even at this
small level, and hardly to be sought, or amelated elsewhere.
There is a pretence, fostered also by many scientists, that Greenhouse difficulties have
only just been discovered; a date commonly set for that watershed even is the Villiers
conference and statement of 1986 (e.g. Pittoch ....). Actually there have been Greenhouse
warmings for more than a decade, and there has been a corresponding decade of inaction.
Nor is any action of much significance presently seriously contemplated.

Back in 1979 Bernard wrote at length about and reported the substantial concern of
climate logists about Greenhouse effects. Even the magazine Nature, not noted for its green
sympathies, recorded that ‘the release of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere by the burning of

fossil fuels is, concemally, the most important environmental issue in the world today’ (May
? 1975). Bernard quotes many other concerned scientists, several asserting that ‘the
government must start dealing with this problem now’. They meant the United States

government. “The” government didn't take the hint. For more than a decade then scientists
have been emphasizing that the greenhouse threat is a major environmental problem, and that
action should be taken immediately. Over 10 years nothing of real significance to counter the
problem has happened. There has been more than a decade of inaction , during which
matters have got worse, and the time frame for evasive action disturbingly shorter. It is

already evident that requisite decision making under uncertainty is not taking place. On
straight inductive grounds, it would be reasonable to expect nothing will be done. While
there are theoretical grounds to bark up such an assessment, still it is only just beginning to
get through to a much wider public (which can exercise a marginal influence on what
politicians say) that there is - or may be, as some more reactionary modal-managering
academics would have - a problem or two.

Many scientists have joined the wait-and-see queue, with their begging bowls, hoping

for more hand-outs for research. They assume, rightly enough, that more information would
assist with rational decision-making, and also, quite wrongly, that “scientific activity” is
required for action to be taken. Physical scientists are not done in their misapprehension of

rational decision methods.
Although there is a good deal of practical experience available of statistical-type decision

making order uncertainty, for instance as regards insurance coverage and engineering
projects, decision theory, especially as regards unreputable situations, has not penetrated

very far into standard scientific methodology or much into mainstream parts of social

sciences. ‘Economists in particular have shown a talent for bringing ever problem back to a
world of certainty where all solutions are known or can be easily found.’ Natural scientists

�including dematologists are, for the most part, on the same erroneous-reduction-toconlittainable-certainty trip. ‘This is not to say that economists have not worked on
uncertainty. ... however ... uncertainty is introduced and then taken out by assumption’
(Cyort and DeGroot p.l). But there are several classes of problematic situations, where

decision and action may be required, where uncertainty cannot be discarded by first,
reduction strategeness or otherwise, notably:• inheritantly probabilistic situations, such as those of indeterminacy in quantum theory;

• essentially unpredictable situations (which may be deterministic) such as those now under
investigation chaos theory;
• presently uncertain situations and outcomes, which may eventually resolve into certain

cases, or may turn into some of the above classes, where there is not time to wait for
resolution.
The Greenhouse problem is regularly put into the latter class, a standard assumption being

that with enough money and research effort thrown at it, it will resolve to decent certainty.

But it may well not; there are grounds for supposing that critical parts of climatology will fall

into the essentially unpredictable class. The standard approach of too many research
scientists is a pathetic begging-bowl posture: Supply more funding so we can go on
researching until we obtain certainty.7

There are some severe problems with this standard response. Firstly, it is irrational.
Certainty if achieved may be achieved too late. What was required for rationality was
decision making in advance of certainty. Secondly, certainty may be unobtainable. The
meteorological equations may be non additive (non additive) and so incapable of delivering
stable results over slightly fluctuating in strict data. The standard response is
methodologically unsound.
• Adaptation, learning to live with and love the Greenhouse. The policy ‘that tends to be

favoured by most economists’ is an adaptive strategy: “Let society adjust to environmental
changes without attempting to mitigate or prevent the changes in advance” We could adapt to
climate change for example, by planting alternative crop strain [themselves] ... more widely
adopted... ’ (Schneider p.8). Observe, however, that it is a decidedly restricted “adaptation”
that is being proposed, that humans adjust to the results of present economic and industrial
practices, rather than adjusting them. It is assumed that economic growth comes first, that

we do not change (e.g. through decent regulation) high energy industrial practices. A fuller

and smarter adaptation would adapt these practices. The policy is like a pernicious
agriculture policy that says, “Let farmers adjust to the results of soil erosion, salination and

7

It does not seem to have occurred to most research scientists demanding more money (even more
per article) that an important reason why they are not obtaining the funding they expect is
because their research results could, if unfavorable, act a serious drag on the industrial
establishment. They are not going to be funded to delegitimize modem industrial society.

�9
so on, without attempting to mitigate or prevent these deleterious changes in advance.” Such

“adaptative agriculture”, the present predominant practice in advanced agriculture, is antienvironmental, but is given a spurious air of evolutionary inevitability and evolutionary
redistributive justice; you can't back natural evolution, which is entirely natural, can you.
Let us condense such far-from-inevitable and highly artificial mal-adaptation in the neologism
badaptation. Greenhouse adaptation, like nuclear adaptation, is badaptation (some, less
kind, would say medaptation).
There is a pragmatic, if cynical, political argument for badaptation, namely, that

unilateral action to prevent a warning is unfeasible and requisite international cooperation
unattainble. Both contentions open to doubt. Unilateral action by the USA, by far the
World's heaviest resource and energy consumer (per capita and on several other relevant

domains) backed up by pressure (familiar from other settings, such as the narcotics war) on
other nations and through the United Nations could make a major difference. Unfortunately
the USA is also the world's largest supplier of influential grown economists. In any case,
international agreements such as those in whaling and Antarctica, are attainable, and

sometimes effective. The ozone protocols, limiting production of CFCs show that results

can be achieved to limit trace gas emissions.
The adaptation proposal is presently compatible with wait-and-see; both mean no
hauling back on trace gas production. Indeed procrastination will force societies towards

badaptation. Typical of adaptation, like procrastination, is an (over-)emphasis on the

uncertainties of Greenhouse forecasts, and on the decision-theoretic paralysis such
uncertainties are alleged to produce. Characteristic of adaptation too is a minimisation of the

extent of Greenhouse modification. No doubt the impression that things won't be so very
different, or far removed from what has already been experienced, is important in getting
adaptationism more readily accepted, as a rational course of action (instead of the seemingly
irrational course it is). Thus badaptation tends to play with figures at the law end of
projected ranges of temperature increase, such as 1.5°C for 2050, when in fact present data

indicates something rather in the vicinity of 4°C - in a setting, furthermore, where fractions
of a degree centigrade may well be linked ot macro-physical and macro-biological change.
Recent modellings deliver, an average, on increase in 2°C attributable to carbon dioxide, and
it is widely thought that other trace gases will double the CO2 effect, yielding a 4°C
temperature increase.8

8

Sources. Note that methane is beginning to rival carbon dioxide as a gas where atmospheric
propostems really matter and whose present increase is excessive.

�10
The colossal extent of future human dislocation has correspondingly been deliberately
underemphasized. The adaptive capacities of human arrangements, when humans are living
at the margin, to massive natural shifts, has been grossly exaggerated.
Consider agriculture alone - set aside flooded cities, sunken atoll islands, and all the

rest. Some of the Earth's major grain producing regions - upon which famine relief projects

depend - could be pushed substantially out of business. The conditions which prevailed
during the American dust-bowl experience of the nineteen-thirties were benign indeed
compared with those which threaten with mid twenty-first century Greenhouse conditions.
The mid continental summer temperatures were only 1-2° C warmer than the present
average, under greenhouse conditions they could be more than 3-4° C warmer. In the dustbowl rainfall only slipped at critical growing times (e.g. July for northern com) to 80% of
the contemporary norm; but under Greenhouse conditions it could be significantly less again.
A super dust-bowl is not improbable (for much more detail, see Bernard). Similarly for

other similar latitude Northern grain producing regions. But the high-energy industrial
superstructure is crucially based upon sufficient cheap food (bread) for the urban masses.
• Intervention, high-tech Gaean engineering. Interventionist proposals so far floated include
• New oceans in parts of the Earth's land surface lying below, at, or near sea level. These
projects would make the mega-dams of recent times look like childrens' play.
• Wintering effects. Production of sufficient dust in the atmosphere, achieved for instance
by nuclear detonations, to mitigate heating effects. Such enterprise would make modification
of the weather by cloud seeding look like childs' play.
Fortunately these and other expensive and grandiose proposals, which would call for
considerable international cooperation, are far down the planning track; with these schemes
procrastination is rational.

• Regulation, controlling free(-wheeling) enterprise.

Regulation itself, not so bureaucratically popular under that presentation in these latter days
of economic irrationalism, is of course transparadigmatic, where it belongs depend on what

measures (what sorts of constraints, rights, etc.) are proposed and how they are imposed or
enforced. If it is, for example, some industrial law-and-order, smokestack scrubbing

regulations or Greenhouse polluting rights, within the status quo, that is one thing, but if a
minimally-constrained growth paradigm is questioned and alternative socio-economic
arrangements advocated, that is quite another, and falls outside the dominant paradigm.

Such policies involving regulations controlling fossil fuel emissions especially, are

negatively labelled prevention in the predominantly American policy literature, though there

is now no preventing some Greenhouse effects; but the worse to follow could still be
prevented. What is usually covered under the label is however some regulation within

prevailing political arrangements. So energy efficiencies and savings for investment in

�11
growth elsewhere is comprehensible, straight growth-curtailing non-consumption is not

contemplated. But the latter is just what alternatives do contemplate.
Democratic political arrangements do not exclude such alternatives both the power
bases of political leaders and economic prescriptions do. Adequate regulation within

prevailing socio-economic arrangements is going to prove impossible, without adjustment of
power structures and economic imperatives, in effect without far-reaching systems and a
devological adjustment. While such adjustment may be rational, it is unlikely. Power

structures have too much to lose.9
This is an opposite point to record the chauvinism and environmental shallowness of

the Greenhouse debate. Like heart disease and cancer, the Greenhouse effect is gaining
much discussion and some funding because it just may severely effect the affluent, affluent
people and affluent nations, that have a good deal to lose, in North America especially. The

impact will, however, be at least as severe in some third world nations, whose lands or much

of them will be flooded, countries which cannot afford extensive expensive dyking (or where

such effort would be in the longer term, as seas rise, pointless), countries such as Pacific

coral atoll nations and delta states like Bangladesh. But the really serious losers will no
doubt be, not humans , rich or poor, but nonhumans.

Biological diversity, already being reduced by various human activities, may be
one of the chief casualties of global worming. Massive destruction of forests,
wetlands, and even the polar tundra could irrevocably destroy complex ecosystems that have existed for millennia. Indeed, various biological reserves
created in the past decade to protect species diversity could become virtual death
traps as wildlife attempt to survive in conditions for which they are poorly
suited. Accelerated species extinction is an inevitable consequence of a rapid
warming (Worldwatch p.10).

3. Arguments to dislocation and for a Lesser Venus Prospect.

There is at least a small probability that predicted increase in mean atmospheric
temperatures will seriously interfere with most remaining natural environments and result in
the degeneration or destruction of many of them, especially forests wetlands, maritime
environments. Nor will adaptationism help here; for natural evolution is much too slow for
adaptationism to succeed (cf. Keeton pp.763-4).
Natural ecosystems will not adapt effectively to rapid climatic change,... With
regard to forests, habitats for plants and animals cannot be re-created or
transplanted rapidly. Continuing climatic changes would strain the capabilities

Holistic problems are too extensive for individuals, or even small collectives, to make much
difference acting or their own. Some are too beg even for large collectives or states, but would
require whole regions of the Earth acting in concerte. But of course some state players, such as
the superpowers, as regards nuclear winter, can make a substantial difference, or even all the
difference.

�12
of management practices even in commercial tree plantations (Beijer Institute
Report pp.21-3).
The decline or demise of these systems, vast reservoirs for greenhouse gases will accelerate
the warming, and accordingly make matters substantially worse:
Trees are adapted to a narrow range of temperature and moisture levels, and
cannot cope with rapid climate change. A temperature increase of 1 degree
Celsius per decade in mid- to upper latitudes translates into a shift in vegetation
zones of 60-100 miles northward. Terrestrial ecosystems cannot migrate that
fast. Vast numbers of trees are likely to die, and new trees adapted to warmer
temperatures are unlikely to be able to replace them rapidly. During such a
disruption, huge areas of forest could die and, as they decay or bum, send large
quantities of additional CO2 into the atmosphere, accelerating the warming
(Brown p.10).

Of course the immediate climate patterns would be somewhat more complex. If enough soot
and ash from fires were flung into the atmosphere there would be a cooling effect, like that of
a small nuclear winter, before heating accelerated. The present pattern of ecosystemic loss

would also be sharply accelerated. When natural ecosystems get reduced to about 30% of
their initial size, they tend to collapse of themselves.
Moreover, there would be other significant positive feedback from ecosystems other

than the terrestrial forests, from the oceans especially. As the oceans warm, they lose their

capacity to serve as carbon dioxide reservoirs. So they too release additional gases,

including previously absorbed CO2, back into the atmosphere, further accelerating the
warming. A critical question arises as to how much danger such positive feedback poses?
As so often, informed opinions, and so probability estimates differ. However ‘several
scientists working in the area consider that positive feedback effects will force a very bleak
picture to be drawn’ (p.19 ref?)10
Unlike the interim effect of a small nuclear winter, where after a few years at most,
climatic behavior (as distinct from radioactivity levels) would presumably return towards the
previous norm, there will be no similar recovery under greenhouse impact. Technically
then, stability would be lost under the impact,11 disequilibrium induced. An eventual longterm return to some different equilibrium could well be excluded. Under new climatic

regimes plants themselves may be able to do little more than hang on for part of their own

lives. In many places conditions would be too severe for much of the “year” to permit
normal plant functioning, including what is crucial for greenhouse amelioration,
photosynthesis. In most plants, photosynthesis only occurs across a narrow band of

Second order probabilities, probabilities and uncertainties in the light of first order subjective
probabilities, enter importantly.
Stability is defined in physics in terms of return to an initial (inertial) position after small
disturbance.

�13
temperatures (e.g. 6 - 34°C); outside that range the plants shut down operations.12 Even

more important, many plants would leave few or no successful successors. Even where
plants set seed, seedlings would not survive under the severe conditions expected; for
instance, they would be killed by hot dry summer conditions, or in other places by frosts to
which they are not adapted, both phenomena already familiar after clearfelling of forests.
The situation at... in southern Sahara, where there is but one ancient tree hanging on in

thousands of square kilometers of desert, a tree with viable seeds which sets no seedlings,
could be more or less replicated in many other places where forests or woody plants once
grew.

In fact we are already witnessing the demise of the trees in much of Australia. Already
dead and dying trees form a predominant feature of the Australian rural landscape. Virtually
whichever way ecologists travel in Australia where trees remain, they are confronted with

dead and dying trees 13 The reasons for the present decline of trees in rural Australia is, for
the most part, not to be attributed to early greenhouse or even pollution effects.14 It is

thought to be due to a complex of factors, including a range of insect predators whose effects
are enhanced on isolated trees left after an excessive zeal for clearing (i.e. holistic effects
enter as regards healthy persistence of trees). The relevant point is that these features are
likely to be accelerated given the additional impact of greenhouse warming on plant
functioning and reproduction.
There are several major ways through which the maintenance structures of the Earth
can be not merely awkwardly disturbed, but thrown right out of kilter - perhaps, given the

delicacy of several critical matters, never to return present norms. Most obvious and
immediately threatening is

• nuclear warfare, and therewith nuclear Winter.

But there are of course other severe shocks the planet could suffer than those chemo-nuclear
warfare, some human induced, some a “chance” matter of the planets' position in space,
namely
• a mini Big Bang, or an undermining of metastability, brought about through very high
energy experimentation (see Leslie)
• a collision with a large meteorite or asteroid.

Such uncertainties, not germane to the main climatic arguments, are listed, not to achieve a

bogus completeness, but to emphasize that complete certainty is not to expected, not

rationally.. Should we obtain it, should we obtain easy relatively unproblematic lives, then
we have, by world standards, been rather lucky. Moreover, these latter uncertainties do

The upper bound may be difficult to appreciate in most of Aotearoa. But in much of Australia,
during the summer, many plants close down their operations for much of the day.
Reported by Recher on Earthworm.
Thus coastline vegetational destruction through detergents in sewerage waters.

�14

appear negligible compared with those bound up with climate, ascribable to:
• excess economic development. The practices involve a complex and sustained assault on
most of the Earth's major ecosystems, forests, seas, etc, along with the alteration of
atmospheric composition by greenhouse gases. For example, the forests are cut down,

burnt, poisoned by herbicides and acid rain, or otherwise removed or destroyed. (Therewith
too a great deal more carbon dioxide is released into the atmosphere and major sinks of

carbon dioxide are removed.) As a result of these concerted growth-and-development
activities such systems are driven to limits, and breakdown occurs. Once it occurs at some
weak point it can escalate elsewhere, like a conflagration.; thus again ecosystemic collapse
for example.
Quite apart from breakdown at or approaching limits, for instance because of systemic

overload, remarkable changes can occur in desiccative systems under stress or strain.
• excess energy or chemical loading. Though such striking examples as the chemical clock,
it has been demonstrated that dissipative systems can suddenly, and often rather
unpredictably, undergo extraordinary changes, as for instance energy flux is increased
(Prigogine and others), [describe briefly]
Such non-additive, or nonlinear, effects, characteristic of more holistic dissipative

systems, are bound to occur within the Earth's atmosphere and oceans as they undergo

compositional changes. Carbon dioxide itself provides a good example.
With small quantities its effect on the temperature of the air is proportional to the
amount added; there is a linear effect. However once the carbon dioxide
concentration in the air approaches 1%, new nonlinear effects come into play
and heating greatly increases. In the absence of a biosphere to fix carbon
dioxide, its concentration in the atmosphere would probably exceed the critical
figure of 1%. The Earth would then heat up rapidly to a temperature near to that
of boiling water. Increasing temperatures would speed up chemical reactions
and accelerate their progress towards chemical equilibrium. ... eventually ...
the Earth would become permanently cocooned in a brilliant white cloud - a
second Venus, although not quite as hot (Lovelock pp.45-6).

Fortunately for Gaean prospects, the percentage of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is now
nowhere near 1% nor likely to be pushed near 1% by projected doubting of carbon dioxide
levels under economic activity over the next 50 years15. However eventual exponential
growth will lead towards levels, and the side effect of such growth, the release of carbon
dioxide from forests and oceans and the considerable reduction in fixation of carbon dioxide

with the decline of forests, will lead in that disastrous direction rather more rapidly. The 1%

15

In the atmosphere of the very early Earth, CO2 exceeded the critical 1% figure; but solar
luminority was about 25% less than now. With increasing solar flux the Earth would have
overheated had the proposition of CO2 not been much reduced (e.g. see Lovelock 88 p.56).

�15
bound constitutes just one of the many serious limits to continuation of present

developmental practices.
Now there can be no rational confidence with respect to complex dissipative systems -

about the behavior of which we presently know comparatively little - that no other
nonadditive effects will no be encountered at a much earlier stage. After all, the Gaean
system, its atmosphere, oceans and ecosystems, will be pushed into essentially
unexperienced and substantially unknown reaches. There is, for example, no experience
from past times of such elevated temperatures as Green house effects will lead to, to draw
upon. ‘There is no evidence that the land-bound glaciers in Greenland and Antarctica have
ever completely melted in the last two million years’. There is experience of much colder

periods. ‘During ice ages, the earth's average temperature has been about 5°C colder than at
present, with glaciers covering major portions of continents’ (Barth p.7). But there is no
similar experience of temperatures 4-5° C warmer than at present (in a warm interglacial

period), ‘a global increase of more than 2°C above present is unprecedented in the era of
human civilization’ (Schneider p.6)
It would accordingly be decidedly rash, rash decision makings, to assign a zero or
negligible probability to the emergence of new or unknown effects of relevance, to assume

all will go smoothly and well. That would presuppose, in any event, a completeness in
present scientific knowledge, contrary to the information we have that present investigation
of holistic systems, among much else, is still in its infancy. The probability of something
critical (e.g. perhaps radicals like hydroxyl) having been left out of estimations, of room
accordingly for something unexpected or for something to go wrong, may be small, though

experience implies it is not always so but it certainly appears to be non-zero.

For the overconfident, with excess faith in the flimsy scientific edifice, there is a
salutary lesson to be drawn from the erratic and stumbling path of the main proponent of
Gaia hypotheses, Lovelock. Lovelock, coming from a working life as an industrial chemist,
part of that time for a giant chemical transnational, had, and retained for a considerable time
after he began his holistic hypothesizing a strong antipathy for environmentalists.16 Even
Gaia was for industry and against the environmentalists; she was going to laughingly soak
up all the pollution, courtesy of the chemical companies especially, that we humans could

throw at her. In particular, we did not really need to worry much about ozone depletion or
greenhouse gas escalation.17 ‘Contrary to the forebodings of many environmentalists,

Coupled with this, there is a certain schizophrenia in Lovelock's attitude to the natural
environment. There is also a matching schizophrenia as to the fragility of life on Earth. On the
one side, it required very delicate settings and fine barring to arise; this is part of the argument for
a Gaia hypothesis. On the other side, life is ‘tough, robust, and [highly] adaptable’, virtually
indestructable (p.90). But though a flawed hero, Lovelock is a hero nonetheless.
See Lovelock 79, p.40ff; and also 88? [detail]

�16
finding a suitable’ destructive agent to bring about a ‘doom scenario’ ‘turns out to be an
almost insoluble problem’ (p.40). Lovelock makes it easier for himself by helping himself to
the assumption that a doomsday scenario involves the destruction of all “life”, ‘down to the
last spore of some deep-buried anaerobic bacteria’ (p.40). But even for the least chauvinistic
of environmentalists, destruction of all humans but the select elect would be quite enough for
a decent doomsday. Lovelock's high redefinition of a environmental ‘doomsday scenario’ is
unacceptable. Lovelock does not however stay within the bound of his redefinition. He
proceeds to pooh-pooh the idea that anything much that we humans could accomplish would
make any difference to Gaia (p.41) or even to most humans, including use of nuclear
devices.
Unfortunately for Lovelock's credibility, he was writing three years before the

seemingly obvious wintering effects of a major nuclear war were realised by the accredited

scientific community. Appealing in a common scientific fashion to scientific authority, he
proceeds to minimalize the human and ecological effects of a major war. The report he relies
upon as authoritative was a 1975 (unreferenced) one of ‘the US National Academy of
Sciences ... prepared by an eight-man committee of their own distinguished members,

assisted by forty-eight other scientists chosen from those expert in the effects of nuclear

explosions and all things subsequent to them’ (p.41, italics added). Lovelock draws from
the distinguished expert report the findings that

... if half of all the nuclear weapons in the world's arsenals, about 10,000
megatons, were used in a nuclear war the effects on most of the human and
man-made ecosystems of the world would be small at first and would become
negligible within thirty years. Both aggressor and victim nations would of
course suffer catastrophic local devastation, but areas remote from the battle
and, especially important in the biosphere, marine and coastal ecosystems
would be minimally disturbed (p.41).
Three years later Turco and others proceeded to detail a very different scenario that of
widespread and ecologically damaging nuclear winter.. Not for the first time, Lovelock had

been caught out badly.

As with pollution, Lovelock has more recently shifted ground18 considerably in the
vulnerability of the Earth to human-induced disturbance. When a system such as Gaia in

homeostatis
is stressed to near the limits of regulation even a small disturbance may cause it
to jump to a new stable state or even fail entirely....

Shifting ground may be fine, especially when it is to an improved position. But it should be
done honestly and openly, not stealthily or shiftily. Lovelock proceeds to attribute a caricuture of
his own previous position to critics of the Gaia hypothesis (as a clever ‘fabrication’ which it was
not); that it is ‘an argument developed to allow industry to pollute at will, since mother Gaia will
clean up the mess (85 p.53).

�17
It could be that the regulation of the Earth's climate is not far from one of these
limits. Thus if some part of climate regulation is connected with the natural
level of CO2 then clearly we are close to the limits of its regulation. This is
because CO2 cannot be reduced much below the level observed for the last
glaciation, about 180 ppm, without seriously limiting the rate of growth of the
more abundant C3 type plants. If we perturb the Earth's radiation balance by
adding more CO2 and other greenhouse gases to the atmosphere or reduce its
capacity to regulate by decreasing the area of forests or both of these together
then we could be surprised by a sudden jump of both CO2 and temperature to a
new and much warmer steady state; or by the initiation of periodic fluctuations
between that state and our present climate.
The anomalously low abundance of CO2 on Earth when compared with the
other terrestrial planets and especially the fact that the mean temperature of the
Earth is on the cool side of the optimum for regulation, suggests strongly that
the biota is regulating the climate by pumping CO2 from the air. The common
feature of most of our pollutions and of our exploitation of the land surface
seems to be unintentionally to thwart this natural process (Lovelock 85 pp5354).

The argument to the lesser Venus path, to significant disequilibrium with the Earth's
ecological support system destabilized, takes the following lines. The Earth appears to be a

discipative (far-from-equilibrium) system held at its present balance by a combination of an
(increasing) solar flux - a main energy input into the system - and its major ecological

arrangements, especially vegetation complanes and live oceans. The sheer extent to which
the resulting system differs from the stable dead system it could otherwise be is shown by
the following table for atmospheric and oceanic composition.
TABLE 1.
Substance

Carbon dioxide
A
Nitrogen
T
R
Oxygen
Argon
0
C
E
A
N
S

Water

Planetary comparisons

(principal components per cent).

Equilibrium
Earth

Venus

Lifeless
Earth

Mass

Present
Earth

99
0

98
1.9

98
1.9

95
2.7

0.03
79

0
1

trace
0.1

trace
0.1

0.13
2

21
1

63

Salt

3.5

Sodium
nitrate

1.7

96
n.a.

n.a.

3.5

traces

Surface
temperatures (°C)

n.a

477

Total pressure
(bars)

n.a.

90

290±50
60

-53

13

0064

1

The table is based upon tables 1 and 2 of Lovelock 79, pp37 and p.39.

�18
The whole Earth system is accordingly far from equilibrium. Unpredictable behavior
as locals increase is therefore almost to be expected. A likely moral is presumably: stress
they system, or destabilize ecosystem controls sufficiently, and the system may be in deep
trouble. It is relevant to inquire into what evidence we have on this case.

To do so let us reconsider some of the array of arguments there are from some sort of
holistic organisation of the Earth (for a modest Gaia hypothesis). But for the participation of
the Earth's ecological support systems, plant complexes especially the Earth would not be
blessed with its present life-benign physical characteristics. The oceans would be much
saltios and too salty for most life, the air would not contain the present rich mixture of
oxygen and carbon dioxide so important for terrestrial life, and so on, perhaps most
important the Earth would be significantly hotter and too hot for most life, for what of what
does the regulating and stabilizing of present conditions. For the solar flux has increased in
intensity about 30% since life appeared on Earth, but the mean global temperatures have
exhibited no corresponding increase, but have remained relatively constant. Such an
expected consistency in the face of disturbing inputs is ascribed, under holistic approaches
that do something to explain it, to the concerted activity of plants, [detail] Lovelock and
collaberaters have devised an elementary daisy world model which reveals how a feedback
system with two types of daisies can, within limits, stabilize temperatures despite increasing
energy input. The limits are important, for as these limits are approached the maintenance
systems break down.

diagram Q
Similarly several of the well-known chemical cycles, such as those for nitrogen,

sulphur, sodium and so forth depends for their maintenance on the adequate operation of

active ecological structures. Plainly if a cycle loops through a component, such as forests,

which is severely disturbed then the cycle itself could be disrupted.
There is some probability furthermore that the foregoing changes will disturb crucial
equilibrium systems and chemical cycles. Some of these feedback systems are in fact
maintained in equilibrium by natural ecosystems (an example is Lovelock's daisy world
model, which becomes unstable when temperature rises too high). Instability could ensue
under disturbance [explain, include Greenhouse holism].

Without doubt these matters are bad enough. Demise of most of the Earth's richness19
is not a minor matter. Worse could follow.

Natural richness is the main richness, much exceeding human artifice.

�19
The general tenor of the argument is so far this:- By arguments from physical models,
and because of uncertainties, the probability that something could go badly wrong is
nonzero,20 and indeed far from negligible. Part of the argument can be put as follows: there
is a decent probability that a modest Gaia hypothesis holds. But then, there is a considerable
probability that excessive Greenhouse build up will lead to damaging system destabilization.
So containing probabilities, there at least a nonneglizible probability of such destabilization.

An analogy should now emphasize both the dubiousness of what is being proposed
under adaptationism and the precariousness of the human predicament. The proposal is to

take this ancient craft, now overloaded with human passengers and their heavy baggage, a
cargo it was never organised to carry, out on new routes and run it fast and higher than it has
ever travelled before. Even for an experimental prototype, a now very fast (air-)bus say,

with a select text crew, such a procedure, of running over new uncharted routes at speeds
and heights never attained before, would be risky enterprise. With an ancient craft, with a
heavy nonelite cargo of baggage and passengers (some whom try to interfere with the
controls), the proposal is extremely rash. For the chances that the craft will breakdown and
perhaps crash, with serious consequences to passengers and for the baggage, are greatly
elevated over the risks of proceeding as usual much more slowly. With the costs of crashing
so severe, rational operators and sensible pilots would not take them.21
Unfortunately the analogy is not at all far-fetched, but resembles what is in store for
spaceship Earth, already under significant stress with its excessive human passenger load
and their heavy ecological practices. Not only is the future itself pretty new territory, but it is
a future at terrestrial temperatures, important processes will proceed faster than ever before,

in particular all chemical processes. Simply to take the craft up there, as do-nothing and
adaptation approaches would have is to emulate the risks and hubris of Daedelus; such
approaches are aptly rarely Daedelian

4. The Sting in the Cosmic Tail: the mini-Furphy theorem and the likely
demise of homo sapiens, spp. economicus..

The trouble with the initial formulation of Murphy's law:
if anything can go wrong, it will,

From logical theories of probability such as Carnap's non-zero probabilities are rather easily
reached (perhaps too easily, with the converse feature that natural laws never obtain high
probabilities. The difficulty can be characteristed, to some extent, by restruction to physical
models).
The analogy is an old one, which we exploited before in the nuclear case; for the “bus analogy”,
see Routley and Routley. The analogy admits of much graphic variation. Instead of running the
craft at excess speed, an alternative or additional image is that of destroying the controls of the
craft. Lovelock deploys this opposite image (88 p.63), which corresponds to the demolition of
Gaians control systems.

�20
was that it was insufficiently qualified, much too absolutist, and apparently self-refuting..22

Certain crucial qualifications are required:• Replacement of the certain (certainlistic) conclusion by a somewhat weaker probabilistic
one: namely, it probably will.
• Correlative to weakening the conclusion, strengthening the premiss, by rendering it more
specific; namely, in place of ‘anything’ or ‘something’ put ‘some thing ... given a chancy
situation’.

The modified formulation is accordingly the following Mini-Furphy result:23
if some thing can genuinely go wrong, given a relatively chancy situation,
it probably will.
Here ‘chancy’ means more or less what it means according to the dictionaries: doubtful,

decidedly risky, or as we shall construe it, having a comparatively low probability vis-a-vis

its alternatives. The precise extent of relative chanciness will be explained as we go.

To prove this proposition, let us first recast it in appropriate symbolic form. Let D be
some arbitrary bad situation, a suitable disaster. Let the possibility of D's happening something's going wrong - be represented by a non-zero probability, and genuineness by
non-negligible probability. It can be assumed that that probability, P(D), is small, otherwise
the requisite conclusion would follow in any case. Let C represent the features that render
the situation chancy. Then what we aim to show is that where P(D) is small positive, P(D &lt;

C) is probable.
The proof applies a special case of Bayes' theorem, which take the following form

where there are n alternative hypotheses hi,...,hn including h:
Pv(h) x P(i &lt; h)
P(h &lt; i)
X P(hr) X P(i &lt; hr)
r = 1
Here h is the hypothesis, which in our application is D, i is the additional information (or, is
in Carnap, a new observation), which in our case is C.24 P(h &lt; i) is the probability of h

22

23

24

For this and other formulations of Murphy's law, and many loosely associated humorous maxims
with grains of truth encapsulated, see Block. As to the history of the “law”, which originated
with J.M. Chase, editor of Aviation Mechanics, see the Encyclopaedia Americana', Chase's initial
formulation in a 1955 issue read ‘If an aircraft part can be installed in correctly, someone will
install it the way”.
This little theorem was originally more accurately entitled the Murphy-Leslie theorem. It is an
adaptation, suggested by Leslie's work, of Murphy's Law. This section is overwhelmingly
indebted to Leslie; for Leslie's debts, and so the transitive debts of this section, see Leslie
himself, who deserves to be read in defence his legitimate doomsday apprehensions. The next not
indicates the limited extent to which Leslie's arguments are endorsed.
The formulation is a special case of that proved in Carnap, p.331; namely that (absolute) case
where the evidence e is elided, or e set = 1. A similar result follows, subject to slightly more
rigorous conditions, in relevant probability theory; see Routley 79 p.954.

�21
given i, or of h on condition i (the backward arrow notation, &lt;, symbolises the condition
involved and shows its direction). For simplicity we shall suppose that all the alternatives to
D are concentrated (as far as symbolic exposure goes) in one, namely D*. Then the form we
seek to apply is simply:
p(D &lt; C)

__________ P(D) x P(C &lt; D)__________
P(D) x P(C &lt; D) + P(D*) x P(C &lt; D*)'

=

The arithmetic details needed can be tabulated in a revealing form as follows:

Cases

D

D*

Initial (or prior) probability

d

1-d

m, say Vd

m/l, say 1/dl

of outcome
relative chance that C

As it is the relative chance of C that matters, we can rescale to set m = 1/d. To make C
relatively chancy, I has some modest size; specifically let I exceed 1-d/d.
Then the probability to be estimated, P(D &lt; C), is
d x 1/d
d x 1/d + (l-d)/dl

where

k

=

•

1
1+k

_
“

That is»

and P(D &lt; C) | y when k &lt; 1, i.e. when I [

p(D

&lt;

C) =

where

k

=

1,

.

Thud D is probable, at least in being more probable than not, given C, when I is of at least

modest size, i.e. given C is relatively chancy. In a merely apparently more general form of
the estimation, where we do not align m to d,

In effect we shall look at the form
P(h &lt; i) =
--------------- &lt; h)------------------------------P(h) X P(i &lt; h) + XP(hr) X P(i &lt; hr)’
n
with the sum excluding the product for h.
Though demonstrable given satisfiable exclusion and exhaustion conditions, Bayes' theorem is
not lacking critics, in part because of the surprises this bit of logic can deliver. Carnap meets the
objection that Bayes' theorem has sometimes ‘been applied to cases where it led to strange or
even absurd results’ thus: ‘This was mostly due to an uncritical use of the principle of
indifference :... [The] theorem is provable ... on the basis of those weak assumptions which
practically all theories of probability seem to have in common’ (p.331, sub 1 elided). Of course
the present applications could (just) be objected to on the grounds that the logical conditions for
the theorem to apply are not fully satisfied.

�P(D [ C)

22
d x m
d x m + (1-d) x m/l

1
1 + k’

1

as before. That is m drops out, only the relative chanciness really matters. The little Furphy

theorem follows as before.
Now to put some relevant flesh on these abstract statements and figures. Let D be
some future disaster such as the catastrophic decline, for instance, through summer or winter

phenomena of the human species, from which the enormous present population never

recovers. At worst (from a chauvinistic angle) the population, like many catastrophically
effected by human activities, goes extinct. Suppose, for a bifurcating outcome, there is a

catastrophe stage, before halfway through next century, 2050. If humans do not get their act
together before then, they go into catastrophic decline, as already indicated. If however they
do get their ecopolitical act together then humans, while they hardly live happily ever after
(poverty, inequality, domination, and other evils not being removed), they continue to persist
or even grow in numbers, perhaps fanning out through the solar system ( in the way
envisaged by too many physicists). Suppose further we are optimists, imagining that the
prior probability of D ecodisaster and human decline, is small, say 1%. That is d = .01, and
the initial probability of D*, human “success”, is .99. The figures are pretty notional.
Supreme optimists would want to set d much smaller, pessimists rather at a higher
probability.
Application Table 1.
Cases

D human decline

D* human success

Initial probabilities

1%, i.e. .01

99%, i.e. .99

Relative chanciness,

VlOO, i.e. .01

1/100 x l/l

ofC
Then the probability of human decline given
.01 x ,01
P(D &lt; C)
.01 x .01 + .99 x .01/1

1

!/2

, when I &gt; 99.

�23
It remains to fill out C, thereby showing that I is likely much much larger, and

correspondingly human decline so much the more probable in the light of additional

information, i.e. a posteriori probable in the usual jargon.

There are several high risk factors, acting in a certain concert, factors emphasized more

than a decade ago in world systems modellings (such as, most famously that, of the Club of
Rome) Malthusian factors such as human population, economic product, pollution, energy

consumption,.... It is appropriate for estimate posterier probability relative to anyone of
these, any of which can serve as C, in order to expose the riskiness of present gross human
practices. In brief, because there are several high risk factors, so there are several
appropriate relative or reference classes. Thus the posterier probability is assessed relative to
such matters as our being alive, humans being thus and so (Leslie's reference class), this
being present energy use, present wast output, present forest destruction and so forth.25
The anthropic argument considers the environmentally invidious situation of present
humans on the Earth. The argument can be carried through either in terms of sheer
population, gross numbers, or in terms of human resource grabbing, as estimated for
instance through energy consumption.
Let us consider the prospects given additional information as to the present phase of
gross human population. C will be some such proposition as: the proportional

preponderance of humans who have ever lived alive now, or to personalize it: the chance that
you or your family, is alive now.

Chart: Our present population predictment on the two scenerios.

Demise scenerio

“Success” scenerio -

representative

zjs

human numbers

human numbers

On of the weaknesses in the argument may appear to be its dependence on an appropriate choice
of relative class. For, the relative probabilities can fall away if different reference classes, not
exhibiting such growth patterns are taken, e.g. present wattle distribution, birds being thus and
so. On the other hand, probabilities can be elevated even more by selection of more unusual
reference classes cuh as our being scientists, or being computer programmers, etc..

�24
Humans have got themselves - to some extent put themselves, though much may be the

result of muddling through - into an extremely dubious, environmentally insidious and
unsustainable position, on a range of critical parameters. Their numbers are excessive, their

high energy use is excessive, their waste and their pollution are both excessive - and all
chose and other excesses are at the steep end of upward exponential curves.

Several relevant graphs are distressingly exponential, with the present in the near
vertical growth phase:

graphs

Many other similarly shaped graphs26 could be added, for instance for growth of
pollution, of waste products, of weapons (in terms of tonnes of explosive power), of other

greenhouse gases such as methane, and so on. The display typifies the accelerating human
roller coaster.

Those curves are tightly interconnected, in criss-crossing fashion. For example, the
productivity of contemporary agriculture which enables the feeding of hugh urbanised human

populations depends on a very high energy use (in term of energy efficiency, contemporary

high-tech agriculture falls below that of much traditional agriculture). The maintenance of

high populations with supplies of cheap food depends in turn on fossil fuel agriculture.
Because of the intertwining of these phenomena, there is no easy way of getting off the
accelerating roller-coaster.

26

All the graphs exhibited are drawn from Boyden.

�25
Nor, as observed, is there much effort devoted to slowing the coaster. For politicians
it would be politically risky and inexpedient to try (for them the rhetoric about an ecologically
sustainable future must remain just that, more rhetoric). For many other power holders and

brokers such ideas are ideologically excluded: growth remains the gospel. So a precarious
position becomes ever more precarious. Humans are in a decidedly chancy position, because
of their population situation and other Malthusian factors; they are becoming very disasterprone.
If humans want an acceptable future for themselves - they have virtually ruled out an
acceptable future for many other creatures, through their predominantly selfish thoughtless

greedy practices - then they will probably have to mend their ways, very considerably and

very soon. But, given the nature of the beast, that itself seems improbable.
Humans, if they seek a more assured future, should make a concerted effort to put

themselves into a less precarious position. That could be achieved by proceeding to reduce
relative risks. These relative risks, sharply reducing prospects for a reliable future, fall into
two classes:• manufactured risk factors, including weaponry such as mega-nuclear devices and elements
of biochemical warfard, and experimental equipment such as very high energy particle
accelerators (which could perhaps tunnel under a metastable state or induce a min-Big-Bang;
see Leslie).
• Accumulated risk factors, such as the hugh relative size of human population, energy
consumption, greenhouse gas production, etc..27
Despite the ideological obstacles, enormous political, religious and economic obstacles
blocking the way of requisite change, major efforts should be put into reducing both these

types of risks. Philosophers could have a significant role in breaking down the ideological
barriers and in clarifying and developing the arguments involved.

5. What ought to be done about Greenhouse?

The general result already reached, that humans collectively should reduce their risk
taking, and in particular reduce their gross numbers, extends to rational Greenhouse decision

and action theory. But that large and difficult challenge is not all that there is to try, that
should rationally be attempted.
While some increase in mean global temperatures, and all that implies, can no longer be
averted, the potentially most damaging effects can be: namely, by curtailing human-induced

27

As before, there are various different reasons why these induce risk, neo-Malthusian and
probabilistic in particular.

�26
output of Greenhouse gases. Moreover, there is an approximate upper bound upon
temperature of importance, which can serve to supply a significant limit as output. That

bound - which reduces risk taking by confining encountered situations to those where there

is some past experiential basis - is given by estimated temperatures during Altithermal and
Eemian eras. Those temperatures are estimated to have been between about 1/2 a degree and
1 degree Centigrade above contemporary (pre-1980) temperatures; so the upper bound is
about 1°C.
Not only will a continuation of current emission trends take global temperatures clean
through and way beyond that bound, so also will an alternative set-up where emission rates
are fixed more or less at current rates. The only apparent way to remain rationally within an
experiential domain is to curtail sharply trace gas emissions beginning easily in the 1990s.
That means shifting from the dominant growth paradigm; it means expensive re- and deindustrialisation. It is unlikely.
Final corollary: Humans collectively are not (particularly) rational. But we had already

guessed as much from the latest...... in the long history of human wars.
References

H.W. Bernard, The Greenhouse Effect, Ballinger, Cambridge Mass., 1980.
A. Block, Murphy's Law. Book Two, Magnum, Methuen, ...
S. Boyden, Western Civilization in Biological Perspective, Clarendon, Oxford, 1987.

L.R. Brown and others, State of the World 1989, Norton/Worldwatch, New York, 1989;
referred to as Worldwatch.
R. Carnap, Logical Foundations of Probability, Second edition, University of Chicago
Press, 1962.

R.M. Cyert and M.H. DeGroot, Bayesian Analysis and Uncertainty in Economic Theory,
Rowman &amp; Littfield, New Jersey, 1987.

‘Developing policies for responding to climatic change’, Report of the Beijer Institute,
February 1988.

Keeton,
J. Leslie, ‘Risking and World's End’, Bulletin of the Curiadian Nuclear Society 10(3)
(1989) 1-6; all references to Leslie are to this article unless otherwise indicated.
J. Leslie, ‘Is the end of the world nigh?’, The Philosophical Quarterly, to appear; referred to
as PQ.

J.E. Lovelock, Gaia. A new look at life on Earth, Oxford University Press, 1979.
J. Lovelock, ‘Are we destabilising world climate?’, The Ecologist 15(1985) 52-55.

�27
J.Lovelock, ‘Man and Gaia’, The Earth Report Monitoring the Battle for Our Environment,
(ed. E. Goldsmith and N. Hilgard) Mitchell Benzley, London, 1988, 51-64.

R. and V. Routley, ‘Nuclear energy and obligations to the future’, Inquirey 21(1978) 133R. Routley, ‘Ultralogic as universal?’ reprinted as an Appendix in Exploring Meinong's
Jungle, RSSS, Australian National University, 1979.

S. Schneider ‘Not to decide is to decide’, in Greenhouse 1988: Planning for Climate Change
(ed. T. Dendy), Department of Environment and Planning, Adelaide, 1989, 5-10.
R.P. Turco and others, ‘Nuclear winter: Global consequences of multiple nuclear
explosions’, Science 222 (1983) 1283-1292.

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              <text>GAEAN GREENHOUSE, NUCLEAR WINTER,
AND ANTHROPIC DOOMSDAY.
... climate change, like no other issue, calls the whole notion of human progress
into question. The [ever promised] benefits of newer technologies, more
efficient economics, and improved political systems could be overwhelmed by
uncontrolled global warming.
... the pace of climate change will soon overwhelm natural variability in the
earth's climate. Indeed, it can be improved with nuclear war for its potential to
disrupt a wide range of human and natural systems, [severely] complicating the
back of moneying economics and coping with other problems. Irrigation
works, settlement patterns, and food production [among others] would be
tragically disrupted ... (Worldwatch 89, p.ll, p.10)
There are many approaches to the Greenhouse problematique, upon which this philosophical
investigation focuses. These approaches, range from playing the issue down entirely,

dismissing it as not a problem, not something anyone should worry about, at the one end of
the range, to playing it up at the other. Those who play it up may even foresee the demise of

the human race, the substantially new socio-economic arrangements soon eventuate.
There is certainly plenty of room for different approaches, and for some eclecticism.

For what is being relied upon, in every case, comprises shaky and contestable arguments,
from flimsy forecasting models lacking many apparently relevant details. No one of sound

judgment, aware that weather reports for twelve hours ahead can be wildly astray, would
place a very high level of confidence on climatic forests for fifty years ahead down a very
hazardous track. But there is enough information to act; and there is information rationally
requiring action.

For things in the future are not going to be the same. It is very doubtful that they are
going to be any better (though much important economic theorizing presupposes as much,

such as the monetary discounting of the future). They are not going to be similar even,
because so many parameters important to life are changing, several at exponential rates.
Significant in these changes are likely climatic changes. The Greenhouse effect is among
those, a result of the increases of “greenhouse” gases, especially carbon dioxide and
methane, in the Earth's atmosphere, which have followed exponential paths since the highenergy phase of industrial culture. The growth in gas concentration produces, what it is
lagged by, but is now apparent, a significant increase in mean global temperatures. This has
major implications for much of life on Earth.

2

Diagram 1. Spectrum of approaches:

Course of action

Reasons offered

Short response

No problem

Refutable

No certainty

Irrational

Adaptive capacity

Exaggerated

High tech resolution

Wishful thinking

Severe dislocation
otherwise

Utopian

Individual
survival

Pointless

No action1

Moderate action

Considerable action

These very condensed responses will be expanded and explained as we proceed.

Breifly too the outcome is that there is no easy path; future humans should expect a hard
landing.
1. Investigative philosophy, argument and rational decision

The role of philosophy in such a complex problematique as that of Greenhouse is not
difficult to state briefly. Philosophy, Anglo-American philosophy especially, is concerned
above all with argument. Investigative philosophy is applied philosophy, investigating
arguments, their features - assumptions, reliability, etc. - and their generalisation to rational
processes, but outside normal philosophical topics. The generalisation to rational processes
comprehends a wider range of philosophical throughput than the orthodox range of argument
typically addressed in logic courses; to probabilistic and plausibilistic reasoning, to decision
processing and making.
A main objective in this piece of investigative philosophy is to consider certain

arguments for severe dislocation pprobabilities, as a result of Greenhouse effects, and the
resulting impact on rational decision formation and action. There are certain arguments of
particular interest radical decision and action: various neo-Malthusian arguments, and
doomsday arguments.

1

Taoist no-action would be different. It would not have undertaken excessive industrial action in
the first place.

3

The main run of arguments to considerable action are neo-Malthusian in character. The
general form of these arguments is simply this: growth in some parameter encounters limits,

with severe effects. A characteristic graphic representation is as follows:

limits

growth
parameter

time

exponential growth
pattern
J

encountering
limits

subsequent

varying unstable
behavior

The limits are often imposed just by finitude, e.g. finiteness of a resource or a sink. But

other limits can be important, for instance where new phenomena or thresholds come into
play. General Malthusian arguments loom in the background in what follows.

But a different argument, of especial concern as regard climatic changes, is the
following anthropic doomsday argument:• There is some probability that the Gaean “greenhouse effect”, generated by human
activity, will get out of control, that Gaean control mechanisms will fail, and that the Earth
will, for example, overheat (Runaway Greenhouse, or Lesser Venus Prospect, premiss).
• That result would be disastrous for human activities, and indeed for humans (Catastrophe
Prospect).

• Because of the unusual, and unusually precarious, position of humans, such a probability
of disaster is not in fact small but decidedly large

As a consequence then, the human species will probably sharply decline, and even become
extinct (Catastrophe Probability).
That is, by a rectified version of Murphy's law - that if something can go wrong then in

appropriate unusual conditions, it very probability will - an incrementally small probability is
inflated into a very large probability.

4

It would be a mistake to conclude that because the argument itself is an unlikely one,
everyone can stop worrying. The argument is but one of a substantial raft of arguments that

should have everyone worried; it is but a final intellectual string, so to say, from the

inconspicuous cosmological tail.
Such a doomsday argument no doubt puts together, in one more exact form, some of the

sorts of considerations that are troubling many people, especially concerned youth, about the
Greenhouse business: that humans (including themselves) are on a decline or extinction path.

It is no doubt not the only consideration that should be troubling them or us. For whether or
not doomsday warnings are warranted, there are other matters that should be sufficiently
worrisome, to anyone of moral integrity:• Future times are likely to be exceedingly uncomfortable for very many creatures, as
habitats are destroyed, food producing regions are eliminated, and environments seriously

impoverished.

(Many of these creatures are nonexistents, mere future existents, i.e.

creatures that do not yet exist or participate in market or voting rituals, but who -will exist and
may participate. But, despite their presently unfavourable ontological status, they are entitled

to fair and decent treatment.)
• Given such future prospects, present practices which do nothing or vanishingly little to
ameliorate these prospects, are decidedly irrational. Indeed a main message that will emerge
from the present exercise is the moral irrationality of critical large-scale human practices.
The irrationality, morally-weighed-down irrationality, of present large-scale human
practices is already conspicuous from the wintry downside of climatic prospects of which

Greenhouse warming is the upside.
Diagram 2. Macro-climatic setting.
Bands: all
boundaries fuzzy

mean
global
temperature
(degrees C)

escalating
emissions

Disequilibrium:
Venus prospect

increasing dislocation

possible adaptation
increasing dislocation

thermonuclear
war

disequilibrium: Mars
prospect

5
1860

1990

The apparatus for conducting a world-wide nuclear wars is entirely in place and indeed
on alert. The probability of such a war, even if small, is not zero. Among the many awful
effects of a large nuclear war is that of nuclear winter, which would bring about the demise
of present human civilisation, and would at the very least mean enormous dislocation for
most surviving humans and other creatures. A sufficiently diabolical chemo-nuclear war,

reaching into all inhabited parts of the globe, could indeed drive the human species close to
extinction.
The decidedly dubious rationality and morality of these nuclear arrangements - both
through what they are in themselves for what purposes, and through their moral opportunity
costs - are widely appreciated. The thesis that the arrangements and practices are immoral,
irrational, and ought to be dismantled - already much argued, and also contested2 - is not the
present concern. The thermonuclear downside is, by comparison, a very easy case to
examine philosophically, and argue, as compared with the greenhouse upside.3 For there is,
for instance, a case of sorts, for much increased use of greenhouse gases, such as CFCs in
refrigerators, a case that hardly extends very plausibly to nuclear weapons. It is a case
heavily pressed by some “developing” nations, for polluting devices already in widespread
use in more affluent places, as necessary for local standards of living.

Greenhouse and nuclear winter are more intricately connected than being the upside
and downside of meteorological phenomena. One of the high-tech solutions suggestions for
atmospheric overheating, involves the generation of wintering effects - to cool things down -

by flinging enough dust up into the atmosphere, a trick most easily achieved no doubt on the
requisite scale by nuclear explosives. Needless to say, like backburning against out-of-

control fires, artificial winter would be a pretty desperate and, given present expertise,
irrational expedient.
2. The Greenhouse debate, main policy responses, and irrational decision.

The Greenhouse debate, as to what to do, if anything, about forecast Greenhouse
effects on Earth, is intellectually disturbing. For it has revealed, as we shall soon see, that
many of those who have spoken, worse that many who have some role in decision making

For my very small contribution to this, see the War and Peace series in Discussion Papers in
Environmental Philosophy, RSSS, Australian National UniversityGlobal warming, by no means entirely certain, is assumed to be the outcome of increasing
greenhouse gas build up. Of course though some temperatures will rise, cooling will probably
occur also in some localized regions.

6
(including both experts and politicians), lack a firm grasp on decision-making in conditions

of uncertainty or possible risk.4

The main canvassed policy approaches to the Greenhouse problematique lie firmly
within the dominant social paradigm, the high-tech growth and development ideology.
Diagram 2 Broad policy responses to the Greenhouse problematique.

Dominant paradigm

Alternative paradigm

Procrastination (wait-and-see)

Soft energy paths and
alternative regulation

Adaptation (sink-or-swim)

Socio-economic
transformation

Regulation
Intervention (star wars)

We will briefly outline, and find wanting, all the dominant approaches.
• Procrastination, the prevailing response. In fact the main gooon mental and conservative
response thus far has been procrastination, or “wait-and-see” as it is more benignly known.5
The approach makes much of the uncertainties, of the shortcomings in even the most
elaborate general circulation models, of the high noise-to-signal levels. On such bases, it
contends that it is too early to do anything, except staging some meetings, organising some
review committees, undertaking some monitoring, and funding a little more “research”. It
obviously does nothing to rock the growth ideology boat.
There is the pretence that we do not know enough to act6 But it is known that carbon
dioxide, methane and other greenhouse gases are fast increasing. The main causes and
enough likely consequences are also known. Theoretical consideration, have already been

partially confirmed by rising temperatures in the eighties. Outlines of rising temperatures are
also known in broad outline, rising sea levels, and so forth. In addition, there are partial

Following Knight, some economists (try to) distinguish between uncertainty and risk. Risk is
said to obtain when some more or less objective numberable probabilities can be assigned to
outcomes, a situation not obtaining as regards the global greenhouse effect. Bayesians, who can
always assign subjective probabilities tend to eschew the distinction, e.g. Cyert and DeGroot,
also say that ‘decision making under uncertainty refers to situations in which the outcome of the
decision is not precisely predictable’ (p.3). Either way, Greenhouse involves uncertainty.
There is significant rhetorical art in the choice of classificatory labels, a rather philosophically
neglected art. A PR person must have been hired to produce the Greenhouse adaptation of
‘adaptation’.
Part of the problem is that scientists have been caught out (e.g. crying wolf) and have become
ultra-cautious. With the advent of thermodymumies, for instance, scientists begin ‘threatening
mankind with a rather swift “bad death’” as the universe random ‘Thus m. Aber, on ‘balant
ideological use of science even by scientists themselves’ (Bernard p.9).

7
small-scale models of the Greenhouse effect in action. For example a city such as MexicoCity, which is situated in the bowl-like valley is placed in an environment traps heat as well
as pollution. The ecological affects, like the human affects, are pretty dramatic even at this
small level, and hardly to be sought, or amelated elsewhere.
There is a pretence, fostered also by many scientists, that Greenhouse difficulties have
only just been discovered; a date commonly set for that watershed even is the Villiers
conference and statement of 1986 (e.g. Pittoch ....). Actually there have been Greenhouse
warmings for more than a decade, and there has been a corresponding decade of inaction.
Nor is any action of much significance presently seriously contemplated.

Back in 1979 Bernard wrote at length about and reported the substantial concern of
climate logists about Greenhouse effects. Even the magazine Nature, not noted for its green
sympathies, recorded that ‘the release of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere by the burning of

fossil fuels is, concemally, the most important environmental issue in the world today’ (May
? 1975). Bernard quotes many other concerned scientists, several asserting that ‘the
government must start dealing with this problem now’. They meant the United States

government. “The” government didn't take the hint. For more than a decade then scientists
have been emphasizing that the greenhouse threat is a major environmental problem, and that
action should be taken immediately. Over 10 years nothing of real significance to counter the
problem has happened. There has been more than a decade of inaction , during which
matters have got worse, and the time frame for evasive action disturbingly shorter. It is

already evident that requisite decision making under uncertainty is not taking place. On
straight inductive grounds, it would be reasonable to expect nothing will be done. While
there are theoretical grounds to bark up such an assessment, still it is only just beginning to
get through to a much wider public (which can exercise a marginal influence on what
politicians say) that there is - or may be, as some more reactionary modal-managering
academics would have - a problem or two.

Many scientists have joined the wait-and-see queue, with their begging bowls, hoping

for more hand-outs for research. They assume, rightly enough, that more information would
assist with rational decision-making, and also, quite wrongly, that “scientific activity” is
required for action to be taken. Physical scientists are not done in their misapprehension of

rational decision methods.
Although there is a good deal of practical experience available of statistical-type decision

making order uncertainty, for instance as regards insurance coverage and engineering
projects, decision theory, especially as regards unreputable situations, has not penetrated

very far into standard scientific methodology or much into mainstream parts of social

sciences. ‘Economists in particular have shown a talent for bringing ever problem back to a
world of certainty where all solutions are known or can be easily found.’ Natural scientists

including dematologists are, for the most part, on the same erroneous-reduction-toconlittainable-certainty trip. ‘This is not to say that economists have not worked on
uncertainty. ... however ... uncertainty is introduced and then taken out by assumption’
(Cyort and DeGroot p.l). But there are several classes of problematic situations, where

decision and action may be required, where uncertainty cannot be discarded by first,
reduction strategeness or otherwise, notably:• inheritantly probabilistic situations, such as those of indeterminacy in quantum theory;

• essentially unpredictable situations (which may be deterministic) such as those now under
investigation chaos theory;
• presently uncertain situations and outcomes, which may eventually resolve into certain

cases, or may turn into some of the above classes, where there is not time to wait for
resolution.
The Greenhouse problem is regularly put into the latter class, a standard assumption being

that with enough money and research effort thrown at it, it will resolve to decent certainty.

But it may well not; there are grounds for supposing that critical parts of climatology will fall

into the essentially unpredictable class. The standard approach of too many research
scientists is a pathetic begging-bowl posture: Supply more funding so we can go on
researching until we obtain certainty.7

There are some severe problems with this standard response. Firstly, it is irrational.
Certainty if achieved may be achieved too late. What was required for rationality was
decision making in advance of certainty. Secondly, certainty may be unobtainable. The
meteorological equations may be non additive (non additive) and so incapable of delivering
stable results over slightly fluctuating in strict data. The standard response is
methodologically unsound.
• Adaptation, learning to live with and love the Greenhouse. The policy ‘that tends to be

favoured by most economists’ is an adaptive strategy: “Let society adjust to environmental
changes without attempting to mitigate or prevent the changes in advance” We could adapt to
climate change for example, by planting alternative crop strain [themselves] ... more widely
adopted... ’ (Schneider p.8). Observe, however, that it is a decidedly restricted “adaptation”
that is being proposed, that humans adjust to the results of present economic and industrial
practices, rather than adjusting them. It is assumed that economic growth comes first, that

we do not change (e.g. through decent regulation) high energy industrial practices. A fuller

and smarter adaptation would adapt these practices. The policy is like a pernicious
agriculture policy that says, “Let farmers adjust to the results of soil erosion, salination and

7

It does not seem to have occurred to most research scientists demanding more money (even more
per article) that an important reason why they are not obtaining the funding they expect is
because their research results could, if unfavorable, act a serious drag on the industrial
establishment. They are not going to be funded to delegitimize modem industrial society.

9
so on, without attempting to mitigate or prevent these deleterious changes in advance.” Such

“adaptative agriculture”, the present predominant practice in advanced agriculture, is antienvironmental, but is given a spurious air of evolutionary inevitability and evolutionary
redistributive justice; you can't back natural evolution, which is entirely natural, can you.
Let us condense such far-from-inevitable and highly artificial mal-adaptation in the neologism
badaptation. Greenhouse adaptation, like nuclear adaptation, is badaptation (some, less
kind, would say medaptation).
There is a pragmatic, if cynical, political argument for badaptation, namely, that

unilateral action to prevent a warning is unfeasible and requisite international cooperation
unattainble. Both contentions open to doubt. Unilateral action by the USA, by far the
World's heaviest resource and energy consumer (per capita and on several other relevant

domains) backed up by pressure (familiar from other settings, such as the narcotics war) on
other nations and through the United Nations could make a major difference. Unfortunately
the USA is also the world's largest supplier of influential grown economists. In any case,
international agreements such as those in whaling and Antarctica, are attainable, and

sometimes effective. The ozone protocols, limiting production of CFCs show that results

can be achieved to limit trace gas emissions.
The adaptation proposal is presently compatible with wait-and-see; both mean no
hauling back on trace gas production. Indeed procrastination will force societies towards

badaptation. Typical of adaptation, like procrastination, is an (over-)emphasis on the

uncertainties of Greenhouse forecasts, and on the decision-theoretic paralysis such
uncertainties are alleged to produce. Characteristic of adaptation too is a minimisation of the

extent of Greenhouse modification. No doubt the impression that things won't be so very
different, or far removed from what has already been experienced, is important in getting
adaptationism more readily accepted, as a rational course of action (instead of the seemingly
irrational course it is). Thus badaptation tends to play with figures at the law end of
projected ranges of temperature increase, such as 1.5°C for 2050, when in fact present data

indicates something rather in the vicinity of 4°C - in a setting, furthermore, where fractions
of a degree centigrade may well be linked ot macro-physical and macro-biological change.
Recent modellings deliver, an average, on increase in 2°C attributable to carbon dioxide, and
it is widely thought that other trace gases will double the CO2 effect, yielding a 4°C
temperature increase.8

8

Sources. Note that methane is beginning to rival carbon dioxide as a gas where atmospheric
propostems really matter and whose present increase is excessive.

10
The colossal extent of future human dislocation has correspondingly been deliberately
underemphasized. The adaptive capacities of human arrangements, when humans are living
at the margin, to massive natural shifts, has been grossly exaggerated.
Consider agriculture alone - set aside flooded cities, sunken atoll islands, and all the

rest. Some of the Earth's major grain producing regions - upon which famine relief projects

depend - could be pushed substantially out of business. The conditions which prevailed
during the American dust-bowl experience of the nineteen-thirties were benign indeed
compared with those which threaten with mid twenty-first century Greenhouse conditions.
The mid continental summer temperatures were only 1-2° C warmer than the present
average, under greenhouse conditions they could be more than 3-4° C warmer. In the dustbowl rainfall only slipped at critical growing times (e.g. July for northern com) to 80% of
the contemporary norm; but under Greenhouse conditions it could be significantly less again.
A super dust-bowl is not improbable (for much more detail, see Bernard). Similarly for

other similar latitude Northern grain producing regions. But the high-energy industrial
superstructure is crucially based upon sufficient cheap food (bread) for the urban masses.
• Intervention, high-tech Gaean engineering. Interventionist proposals so far floated include
• New oceans in parts of the Earth's land surface lying below, at, or near sea level. These
projects would make the mega-dams of recent times look like childrens' play.
• Wintering effects. Production of sufficient dust in the atmosphere, achieved for instance
by nuclear detonations, to mitigate heating effects. Such enterprise would make modification
of the weather by cloud seeding look like childs' play.
Fortunately these and other expensive and grandiose proposals, which would call for
considerable international cooperation, are far down the planning track; with these schemes
procrastination is rational.

• Regulation, controlling free(-wheeling) enterprise.

Regulation itself, not so bureaucratically popular under that presentation in these latter days
of economic irrationalism, is of course transparadigmatic, where it belongs depend on what

measures (what sorts of constraints, rights, etc.) are proposed and how they are imposed or
enforced. If it is, for example, some industrial law-and-order, smokestack scrubbing

regulations or Greenhouse polluting rights, within the status quo, that is one thing, but if a
minimally-constrained growth paradigm is questioned and alternative socio-economic
arrangements advocated, that is quite another, and falls outside the dominant paradigm.

Such policies involving regulations controlling fossil fuel emissions especially, are

negatively labelled prevention in the predominantly American policy literature, though there

is now no preventing some Greenhouse effects; but the worse to follow could still be
prevented. What is usually covered under the label is however some regulation within

prevailing political arrangements. So energy efficiencies and savings for investment in

11
growth elsewhere is comprehensible, straight growth-curtailing non-consumption is not

contemplated. But the latter is just what alternatives do contemplate.
Democratic political arrangements do not exclude such alternatives both the power
bases of political leaders and economic prescriptions do. Adequate regulation within

prevailing socio-economic arrangements is going to prove impossible, without adjustment of
power structures and economic imperatives, in effect without far-reaching systems and a
devological adjustment. While such adjustment may be rational, it is unlikely. Power

structures have too much to lose.9
This is an opposite point to record the chauvinism and environmental shallowness of

the Greenhouse debate. Like heart disease and cancer, the Greenhouse effect is gaining
much discussion and some funding because it just may severely effect the affluent, affluent
people and affluent nations, that have a good deal to lose, in North America especially. The

impact will, however, be at least as severe in some third world nations, whose lands or much

of them will be flooded, countries which cannot afford extensive expensive dyking (or where

such effort would be in the longer term, as seas rise, pointless), countries such as Pacific

coral atoll nations and delta states like Bangladesh. But the really serious losers will no
doubt be, not humans , rich or poor, but nonhumans.

Biological diversity, already being reduced by various human activities, may be
one of the chief casualties of global worming. Massive destruction of forests,
wetlands, and even the polar tundra could irrevocably destroy complex ecosystems that have existed for millennia. Indeed, various biological reserves
created in the past decade to protect species diversity could become virtual death
traps as wildlife attempt to survive in conditions for which they are poorly
suited. Accelerated species extinction is an inevitable consequence of a rapid
warming (Worldwatch p.10).

3. Arguments to dislocation and for a Lesser Venus Prospect.

There is at least a small probability that predicted increase in mean atmospheric
temperatures will seriously interfere with most remaining natural environments and result in
the degeneration or destruction of many of them, especially forests wetlands, maritime
environments. Nor will adaptationism help here; for natural evolution is much too slow for
adaptationism to succeed (cf. Keeton pp.763-4).
Natural ecosystems will not adapt effectively to rapid climatic change,... With
regard to forests, habitats for plants and animals cannot be re-created or
transplanted rapidly. Continuing climatic changes would strain the capabilities

Holistic problems are too extensive for individuals, or even small collectives, to make much
difference acting or their own. Some are too beg even for large collectives or states, but would
require whole regions of the Earth acting in concerte. But of course some state players, such as
the superpowers, as regards nuclear winter, can make a substantial difference, or even all the
difference.

12
of management practices even in commercial tree plantations (Beijer Institute
Report pp.21-3).
The decline or demise of these systems, vast reservoirs for greenhouse gases will accelerate
the warming, and accordingly make matters substantially worse:
Trees are adapted to a narrow range of temperature and moisture levels, and
cannot cope with rapid climate change. A temperature increase of 1 degree
Celsius per decade in mid- to upper latitudes translates into a shift in vegetation
zones of 60-100 miles northward. Terrestrial ecosystems cannot migrate that
fast. Vast numbers of trees are likely to die, and new trees adapted to warmer
temperatures are unlikely to be able to replace them rapidly. During such a
disruption, huge areas of forest could die and, as they decay or bum, send large
quantities of additional CO2 into the atmosphere, accelerating the warming
(Brown p.10).

Of course the immediate climate patterns would be somewhat more complex. If enough soot
and ash from fires were flung into the atmosphere there would be a cooling effect, like that of
a small nuclear winter, before heating accelerated. The present pattern of ecosystemic loss

would also be sharply accelerated. When natural ecosystems get reduced to about 30% of
their initial size, they tend to collapse of themselves.
Moreover, there would be other significant positive feedback from ecosystems other

than the terrestrial forests, from the oceans especially. As the oceans warm, they lose their

capacity to serve as carbon dioxide reservoirs. So they too release additional gases,

including previously absorbed CO2, back into the atmosphere, further accelerating the
warming. A critical question arises as to how much danger such positive feedback poses?
As so often, informed opinions, and so probability estimates differ. However ‘several
scientists working in the area consider that positive feedback effects will force a very bleak
picture to be drawn’ (p.19 ref?)10
Unlike the interim effect of a small nuclear winter, where after a few years at most,
climatic behavior (as distinct from radioactivity levels) would presumably return towards the
previous norm, there will be no similar recovery under greenhouse impact. Technically
then, stability would be lost under the impact,11 disequilibrium induced. An eventual longterm return to some different equilibrium could well be excluded. Under new climatic

regimes plants themselves may be able to do little more than hang on for part of their own

lives. In many places conditions would be too severe for much of the “year” to permit
normal plant functioning, including what is crucial for greenhouse amelioration,
photosynthesis. In most plants, photosynthesis only occurs across a narrow band of

Second order probabilities, probabilities and uncertainties in the light of first order subjective
probabilities, enter importantly.
Stability is defined in physics in terms of return to an initial (inertial) position after small
disturbance.

13
temperatures (e.g. 6 - 34°C); outside that range the plants shut down operations.12 Even

more important, many plants would leave few or no successful successors. Even where
plants set seed, seedlings would not survive under the severe conditions expected; for
instance, they would be killed by hot dry summer conditions, or in other places by frosts to
which they are not adapted, both phenomena already familiar after clearfelling of forests.
The situation at... in southern Sahara, where there is but one ancient tree hanging on in

thousands of square kilometers of desert, a tree with viable seeds which sets no seedlings,
could be more or less replicated in many other places where forests or woody plants once
grew.

In fact we are already witnessing the demise of the trees in much of Australia. Already
dead and dying trees form a predominant feature of the Australian rural landscape. Virtually
whichever way ecologists travel in Australia where trees remain, they are confronted with

dead and dying trees 13 The reasons for the present decline of trees in rural Australia is, for
the most part, not to be attributed to early greenhouse or even pollution effects.14 It is

thought to be due to a complex of factors, including a range of insect predators whose effects
are enhanced on isolated trees left after an excessive zeal for clearing (i.e. holistic effects
enter as regards healthy persistence of trees). The relevant point is that these features are
likely to be accelerated given the additional impact of greenhouse warming on plant
functioning and reproduction.
There are several major ways through which the maintenance structures of the Earth
can be not merely awkwardly disturbed, but thrown right out of kilter - perhaps, given the

delicacy of several critical matters, never to return present norms. Most obvious and
immediately threatening is

• nuclear warfare, and therewith nuclear Winter.

But there are of course other severe shocks the planet could suffer than those chemo-nuclear
warfare, some human induced, some a “chance” matter of the planets' position in space,
namely
• a mini Big Bang, or an undermining of metastability, brought about through very high
energy experimentation (see Leslie)
• a collision with a large meteorite or asteroid.

Such uncertainties, not germane to the main climatic arguments, are listed, not to achieve a

bogus completeness, but to emphasize that complete certainty is not to expected, not

rationally.. Should we obtain it, should we obtain easy relatively unproblematic lives, then
we have, by world standards, been rather lucky. Moreover, these latter uncertainties do

The upper bound may be difficult to appreciate in most of Aotearoa. But in much of Australia,
during the summer, many plants close down their operations for much of the day.
Reported by Recher on Earthworm.
Thus coastline vegetational destruction through detergents in sewerage waters.

14

appear negligible compared with those bound up with climate, ascribable to:
• excess economic development. The practices involve a complex and sustained assault on
most of the Earth's major ecosystems, forests, seas, etc, along with the alteration of
atmospheric composition by greenhouse gases. For example, the forests are cut down,

burnt, poisoned by herbicides and acid rain, or otherwise removed or destroyed. (Therewith
too a great deal more carbon dioxide is released into the atmosphere and major sinks of

carbon dioxide are removed.) As a result of these concerted growth-and-development
activities such systems are driven to limits, and breakdown occurs. Once it occurs at some
weak point it can escalate elsewhere, like a conflagration.; thus again ecosystemic collapse
for example.
Quite apart from breakdown at or approaching limits, for instance because of systemic

overload, remarkable changes can occur in desiccative systems under stress or strain.
• excess energy or chemical loading. Though such striking examples as the chemical clock,
it has been demonstrated that dissipative systems can suddenly, and often rather
unpredictably, undergo extraordinary changes, as for instance energy flux is increased
(Prigogine and others), [describe briefly]
Such non-additive, or nonlinear, effects, characteristic of more holistic dissipative

systems, are bound to occur within the Earth's atmosphere and oceans as they undergo

compositional changes. Carbon dioxide itself provides a good example.
With small quantities its effect on the temperature of the air is proportional to the
amount added; there is a linear effect. However once the carbon dioxide
concentration in the air approaches 1%, new nonlinear effects come into play
and heating greatly increases. In the absence of a biosphere to fix carbon
dioxide, its concentration in the atmosphere would probably exceed the critical
figure of 1%. The Earth would then heat up rapidly to a temperature near to that
of boiling water. Increasing temperatures would speed up chemical reactions
and accelerate their progress towards chemical equilibrium. ... eventually ...
the Earth would become permanently cocooned in a brilliant white cloud - a
second Venus, although not quite as hot (Lovelock pp.45-6).

Fortunately for Gaean prospects, the percentage of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is now
nowhere near 1% nor likely to be pushed near 1% by projected doubting of carbon dioxide
levels under economic activity over the next 50 years15. However eventual exponential
growth will lead towards levels, and the side effect of such growth, the release of carbon
dioxide from forests and oceans and the considerable reduction in fixation of carbon dioxide

with the decline of forests, will lead in that disastrous direction rather more rapidly. The 1%

15

In the atmosphere of the very early Earth, CO2 exceeded the critical 1% figure; but solar
luminority was about 25% less than now. With increasing solar flux the Earth would have
overheated had the proposition of CO2 not been much reduced (e.g. see Lovelock 88 p.56).

15
bound constitutes just one of the many serious limits to continuation of present

developmental practices.
Now there can be no rational confidence with respect to complex dissipative systems -

about the behavior of which we presently know comparatively little - that no other
nonadditive effects will no be encountered at a much earlier stage. After all, the Gaean
system, its atmosphere, oceans and ecosystems, will be pushed into essentially
unexperienced and substantially unknown reaches. There is, for example, no experience
from past times of such elevated temperatures as Green house effects will lead to, to draw
upon. ‘There is no evidence that the land-bound glaciers in Greenland and Antarctica have
ever completely melted in the last two million years’. There is experience of much colder

periods. ‘During ice ages, the earth's average temperature has been about 5°C colder than at
present, with glaciers covering major portions of continents’ (Barth p.7). But there is no
similar experience of temperatures 4-5° C warmer than at present (in a warm interglacial

period), ‘a global increase of more than 2°C above present is unprecedented in the era of
human civilization’ (Schneider p.6)
It would accordingly be decidedly rash, rash decision makings, to assign a zero or
negligible probability to the emergence of new or unknown effects of relevance, to assume

all will go smoothly and well. That would presuppose, in any event, a completeness in
present scientific knowledge, contrary to the information we have that present investigation
of holistic systems, among much else, is still in its infancy. The probability of something
critical (e.g. perhaps radicals like hydroxyl) having been left out of estimations, of room
accordingly for something unexpected or for something to go wrong, may be small, though

experience implies it is not always so but it certainly appears to be non-zero.

For the overconfident, with excess faith in the flimsy scientific edifice, there is a
salutary lesson to be drawn from the erratic and stumbling path of the main proponent of
Gaia hypotheses, Lovelock. Lovelock, coming from a working life as an industrial chemist,
part of that time for a giant chemical transnational, had, and retained for a considerable time
after he began his holistic hypothesizing a strong antipathy for environmentalists.16 Even
Gaia was for industry and against the environmentalists; she was going to laughingly soak
up all the pollution, courtesy of the chemical companies especially, that we humans could

throw at her. In particular, we did not really need to worry much about ozone depletion or
greenhouse gas escalation.17 ‘Contrary to the forebodings of many environmentalists,

Coupled with this, there is a certain schizophrenia in Lovelock's attitude to the natural
environment. There is also a matching schizophrenia as to the fragility of life on Earth. On the
one side, it required very delicate settings and fine barring to arise; this is part of the argument for
a Gaia hypothesis. On the other side, life is ‘tough, robust, and [highly] adaptable’, virtually
indestructable (p.90). But though a flawed hero, Lovelock is a hero nonetheless.
See Lovelock 79, p.40ff; and also 88? [detail]

16
finding a suitable’ destructive agent to bring about a ‘doom scenario’ ‘turns out to be an
almost insoluble problem’ (p.40). Lovelock makes it easier for himself by helping himself to
the assumption that a doomsday scenario involves the destruction of all “life”, ‘down to the
last spore of some deep-buried anaerobic bacteria’ (p.40). But even for the least chauvinistic
of environmentalists, destruction of all humans but the select elect would be quite enough for
a decent doomsday. Lovelock's high redefinition of a environmental ‘doomsday scenario’ is
unacceptable. Lovelock does not however stay within the bound of his redefinition. He
proceeds to pooh-pooh the idea that anything much that we humans could accomplish would
make any difference to Gaia (p.41) or even to most humans, including use of nuclear
devices.
Unfortunately for Lovelock's credibility, he was writing three years before the

seemingly obvious wintering effects of a major nuclear war were realised by the accredited

scientific community. Appealing in a common scientific fashion to scientific authority, he
proceeds to minimalize the human and ecological effects of a major war. The report he relies
upon as authoritative was a 1975 (unreferenced) one of ‘the US National Academy of
Sciences ... prepared by an eight-man committee of their own distinguished members,

assisted by forty-eight other scientists chosen from those expert in the effects of nuclear

explosions and all things subsequent to them’ (p.41, italics added). Lovelock draws from
the distinguished expert report the findings that

... if half of all the nuclear weapons in the world's arsenals, about 10,000
megatons, were used in a nuclear war the effects on most of the human and
man-made ecosystems of the world would be small at first and would become
negligible within thirty years. Both aggressor and victim nations would of
course suffer catastrophic local devastation, but areas remote from the battle
and, especially important in the biosphere, marine and coastal ecosystems
would be minimally disturbed (p.41).
Three years later Turco and others proceeded to detail a very different scenario that of
widespread and ecologically damaging nuclear winter.. Not for the first time, Lovelock had

been caught out badly.

As with pollution, Lovelock has more recently shifted ground18 considerably in the
vulnerability of the Earth to human-induced disturbance. When a system such as Gaia in

homeostatis
is stressed to near the limits of regulation even a small disturbance may cause it
to jump to a new stable state or even fail entirely....

Shifting ground may be fine, especially when it is to an improved position. But it should be
done honestly and openly, not stealthily or shiftily. Lovelock proceeds to attribute a caricuture of
his own previous position to critics of the Gaia hypothesis (as a clever ‘fabrication’ which it was
not); that it is ‘an argument developed to allow industry to pollute at will, since mother Gaia will
clean up the mess (85 p.53).

17
It could be that the regulation of the Earth's climate is not far from one of these
limits. Thus if some part of climate regulation is connected with the natural
level of CO2 then clearly we are close to the limits of its regulation. This is
because CO2 cannot be reduced much below the level observed for the last
glaciation, about 180 ppm, without seriously limiting the rate of growth of the
more abundant C3 type plants. If we perturb the Earth's radiation balance by
adding more CO2 and other greenhouse gases to the atmosphere or reduce its
capacity to regulate by decreasing the area of forests or both of these together
then we could be surprised by a sudden jump of both CO2 and temperature to a
new and much warmer steady state; or by the initiation of periodic fluctuations
between that state and our present climate.
The anomalously low abundance of CO2 on Earth when compared with the
other terrestrial planets and especially the fact that the mean temperature of the
Earth is on the cool side of the optimum for regulation, suggests strongly that
the biota is regulating the climate by pumping CO2 from the air. The common
feature of most of our pollutions and of our exploitation of the land surface
seems to be unintentionally to thwart this natural process (Lovelock 85 pp5354).

The argument to the lesser Venus path, to significant disequilibrium with the Earth's
ecological support system destabilized, takes the following lines. The Earth appears to be a

discipative (far-from-equilibrium) system held at its present balance by a combination of an
(increasing) solar flux - a main energy input into the system - and its major ecological

arrangements, especially vegetation complanes and live oceans. The sheer extent to which
the resulting system differs from the stable dead system it could otherwise be is shown by
the following table for atmospheric and oceanic composition.
TABLE 1.
Substance

Carbon dioxide
A
Nitrogen
T
R
Oxygen
Argon
0
C
E
A
N
S

Water

Planetary comparisons

(principal components per cent).

Equilibrium
Earth

Venus

Lifeless
Earth

Mass

Present
Earth

99
0

98
1.9

98
1.9

95
2.7

0.03
79

0
1

trace
0.1

trace
0.1

0.13
2

21
1

63

Salt

3.5

Sodium
nitrate

1.7

96
n.a.

n.a.

3.5

traces

Surface
temperatures (°C)

n.a

477

Total pressure
(bars)

n.a.

90

290±50
60

-53

13

0064

1

The table is based upon tables 1 and 2 of Lovelock 79, pp37 and p.39.

18
The whole Earth system is accordingly far from equilibrium. Unpredictable behavior
as locals increase is therefore almost to be expected. A likely moral is presumably: stress
they system, or destabilize ecosystem controls sufficiently, and the system may be in deep
trouble. It is relevant to inquire into what evidence we have on this case.

To do so let us reconsider some of the array of arguments there are from some sort of
holistic organisation of the Earth (for a modest Gaia hypothesis). But for the participation of
the Earth's ecological support systems, plant complexes especially the Earth would not be
blessed with its present life-benign physical characteristics. The oceans would be much
saltios and too salty for most life, the air would not contain the present rich mixture of
oxygen and carbon dioxide so important for terrestrial life, and so on, perhaps most
important the Earth would be significantly hotter and too hot for most life, for what of what
does the regulating and stabilizing of present conditions. For the solar flux has increased in
intensity about 30% since life appeared on Earth, but the mean global temperatures have
exhibited no corresponding increase, but have remained relatively constant. Such an
expected consistency in the face of disturbing inputs is ascribed, under holistic approaches
that do something to explain it, to the concerted activity of plants, [detail] Lovelock and
collaberaters have devised an elementary daisy world model which reveals how a feedback
system with two types of daisies can, within limits, stabilize temperatures despite increasing
energy input. The limits are important, for as these limits are approached the maintenance
systems break down.

diagram Q
Similarly several of the well-known chemical cycles, such as those for nitrogen,

sulphur, sodium and so forth depends for their maintenance on the adequate operation of

active ecological structures. Plainly if a cycle loops through a component, such as forests,

which is severely disturbed then the cycle itself could be disrupted.
There is some probability furthermore that the foregoing changes will disturb crucial
equilibrium systems and chemical cycles. Some of these feedback systems are in fact
maintained in equilibrium by natural ecosystems (an example is Lovelock's daisy world
model, which becomes unstable when temperature rises too high). Instability could ensue
under disturbance [explain, include Greenhouse holism].

Without doubt these matters are bad enough. Demise of most of the Earth's richness19
is not a minor matter. Worse could follow.

Natural richness is the main richness, much exceeding human artifice.

19
The general tenor of the argument is so far this:- By arguments from physical models,
and because of uncertainties, the probability that something could go badly wrong is
nonzero,20 and indeed far from negligible. Part of the argument can be put as follows: there
is a decent probability that a modest Gaia hypothesis holds. But then, there is a considerable
probability that excessive Greenhouse build up will lead to damaging system destabilization.
So containing probabilities, there at least a nonneglizible probability of such destabilization.

An analogy should now emphasize both the dubiousness of what is being proposed
under adaptationism and the precariousness of the human predicament. The proposal is to

take this ancient craft, now overloaded with human passengers and their heavy baggage, a
cargo it was never organised to carry, out on new routes and run it fast and higher than it has
ever travelled before. Even for an experimental prototype, a now very fast (air-)bus say,

with a select text crew, such a procedure, of running over new uncharted routes at speeds
and heights never attained before, would be risky enterprise. With an ancient craft, with a
heavy nonelite cargo of baggage and passengers (some whom try to interfere with the
controls), the proposal is extremely rash. For the chances that the craft will breakdown and
perhaps crash, with serious consequences to passengers and for the baggage, are greatly
elevated over the risks of proceeding as usual much more slowly. With the costs of crashing
so severe, rational operators and sensible pilots would not take them.21
Unfortunately the analogy is not at all far-fetched, but resembles what is in store for
spaceship Earth, already under significant stress with its excessive human passenger load
and their heavy ecological practices. Not only is the future itself pretty new territory, but it is
a future at terrestrial temperatures, important processes will proceed faster than ever before,

in particular all chemical processes. Simply to take the craft up there, as do-nothing and
adaptation approaches would have is to emulate the risks and hubris of Daedelus; such
approaches are aptly rarely Daedelian

4. The Sting in the Cosmic Tail: the mini-Furphy theorem and the likely
demise of homo sapiens, spp. economicus..

The trouble with the initial formulation of Murphy's law:
if anything can go wrong, it will,

From logical theories of probability such as Carnap's non-zero probabilities are rather easily
reached (perhaps too easily, with the converse feature that natural laws never obtain high
probabilities. The difficulty can be characteristed, to some extent, by restruction to physical
models).
The analogy is an old one, which we exploited before in the nuclear case; for the “bus analogy”,
see Routley and Routley. The analogy admits of much graphic variation. Instead of running the
craft at excess speed, an alternative or additional image is that of destroying the controls of the
craft. Lovelock deploys this opposite image (88 p.63), which corresponds to the demolition of
Gaians control systems.

20
was that it was insufficiently qualified, much too absolutist, and apparently self-refuting..22

Certain crucial qualifications are required:• Replacement of the certain (certainlistic) conclusion by a somewhat weaker probabilistic
one: namely, it probably will.
• Correlative to weakening the conclusion, strengthening the premiss, by rendering it more
specific; namely, in place of ‘anything’ or ‘something’ put ‘some thing ... given a chancy
situation’.

The modified formulation is accordingly the following Mini-Furphy result:23
if some thing can genuinely go wrong, given a relatively chancy situation,
it probably will.
Here ‘chancy’ means more or less what it means according to the dictionaries: doubtful,

decidedly risky, or as we shall construe it, having a comparatively low probability vis-a-vis

its alternatives. The precise extent of relative chanciness will be explained as we go.

To prove this proposition, let us first recast it in appropriate symbolic form. Let D be
some arbitrary bad situation, a suitable disaster. Let the possibility of D's happening something's going wrong - be represented by a non-zero probability, and genuineness by
non-negligible probability. It can be assumed that that probability, P(D), is small, otherwise
the requisite conclusion would follow in any case. Let C represent the features that render
the situation chancy. Then what we aim to show is that where P(D) is small positive, P(D &lt;

C) is probable.
The proof applies a special case of Bayes' theorem, which take the following form

where there are n alternative hypotheses hi,...,hn including h:
Pv(h) x P(i &lt; h)
P(h &lt; i)
X P(hr) X P(i &lt; hr)
r = 1
Here h is the hypothesis, which in our application is D, i is the additional information (or, is
in Carnap, a new observation), which in our case is C.24 P(h &lt; i) is the probability of h

22

23

24

For this and other formulations of Murphy's law, and many loosely associated humorous maxims
with grains of truth encapsulated, see Block. As to the history of the “law”, which originated
with J.M. Chase, editor of Aviation Mechanics, see the Encyclopaedia Americana', Chase's initial
formulation in a 1955 issue read ‘If an aircraft part can be installed in correctly, someone will
install it the way”.
This little theorem was originally more accurately entitled the Murphy-Leslie theorem. It is an
adaptation, suggested by Leslie's work, of Murphy's Law. This section is overwhelmingly
indebted to Leslie; for Leslie's debts, and so the transitive debts of this section, see Leslie
himself, who deserves to be read in defence his legitimate doomsday apprehensions. The next not
indicates the limited extent to which Leslie's arguments are endorsed.
The formulation is a special case of that proved in Carnap, p.331; namely that (absolute) case
where the evidence e is elided, or e set = 1. A similar result follows, subject to slightly more
rigorous conditions, in relevant probability theory; see Routley 79 p.954.

21
given i, or of h on condition i (the backward arrow notation, &lt;, symbolises the condition
involved and shows its direction). For simplicity we shall suppose that all the alternatives to
D are concentrated (as far as symbolic exposure goes) in one, namely D*. Then the form we
seek to apply is simply:
p(D &lt; C)

__________ P(D) x P(C &lt; D)__________
P(D) x P(C &lt; D) + P(D*) x P(C &lt; D*)'

=

The arithmetic details needed can be tabulated in a revealing form as follows:

Cases

D

D*

Initial (or prior) probability

d

1-d

m, say Vd

m/l, say 1/dl

of outcome
relative chance that C

As it is the relative chance of C that matters, we can rescale to set m = 1/d. To make C
relatively chancy, I has some modest size; specifically let I exceed 1-d/d.
Then the probability to be estimated, P(D &lt; C), is
d x 1/d
d x 1/d + (l-d)/dl

where

k

=

•

1
1+k

_
“

That is»

and P(D &lt; C) | y when k &lt; 1, i.e. when I [

p(D

&lt;

C) =

where

k

=

1,

.

Thud D is probable, at least in being more probable than not, given C, when I is of at least

modest size, i.e. given C is relatively chancy. In a merely apparently more general form of
the estimation, where we do not align m to d,

In effect we shall look at the form
P(h &lt; i) =
--------------- &lt; h)------------------------------P(h) X P(i &lt; h) + XP(hr) X P(i &lt; hr)’
n
with the sum excluding the product for h.
Though demonstrable given satisfiable exclusion and exhaustion conditions, Bayes' theorem is
not lacking critics, in part because of the surprises this bit of logic can deliver. Carnap meets the
objection that Bayes' theorem has sometimes ‘been applied to cases where it led to strange or
even absurd results’ thus: ‘This was mostly due to an uncritical use of the principle of
indifference :... [The] theorem is provable ... on the basis of those weak assumptions which
practically all theories of probability seem to have in common’ (p.331, sub 1 elided). Of course
the present applications could (just) be objected to on the grounds that the logical conditions for
the theorem to apply are not fully satisfied.

P(D [ C)

22
d x m
d x m + (1-d) x m/l

1
1 + k’

1

as before. That is m drops out, only the relative chanciness really matters. The little Furphy

theorem follows as before.
Now to put some relevant flesh on these abstract statements and figures. Let D be
some future disaster such as the catastrophic decline, for instance, through summer or winter

phenomena of the human species, from which the enormous present population never

recovers. At worst (from a chauvinistic angle) the population, like many catastrophically
effected by human activities, goes extinct. Suppose, for a bifurcating outcome, there is a

catastrophe stage, before halfway through next century, 2050. If humans do not get their act
together before then, they go into catastrophic decline, as already indicated. If however they
do get their ecopolitical act together then humans, while they hardly live happily ever after
(poverty, inequality, domination, and other evils not being removed), they continue to persist
or even grow in numbers, perhaps fanning out through the solar system ( in the way
envisaged by too many physicists). Suppose further we are optimists, imagining that the
prior probability of D ecodisaster and human decline, is small, say 1%. That is d = .01, and
the initial probability of D*, human “success”, is .99. The figures are pretty notional.
Supreme optimists would want to set d much smaller, pessimists rather at a higher
probability.
Application Table 1.
Cases

D human decline

D* human success

Initial probabilities

1%, i.e. .01

99%, i.e. .99

Relative chanciness,

VlOO, i.e. .01

1/100 x l/l

ofC
Then the probability of human decline given
.01 x ,01
P(D &lt; C)
.01 x .01 + .99 x .01/1

1

!/2

, when I &gt; 99.

23
It remains to fill out C, thereby showing that I is likely much much larger, and

correspondingly human decline so much the more probable in the light of additional

information, i.e. a posteriori probable in the usual jargon.

There are several high risk factors, acting in a certain concert, factors emphasized more

than a decade ago in world systems modellings (such as, most famously that, of the Club of
Rome) Malthusian factors such as human population, economic product, pollution, energy

consumption,.... It is appropriate for estimate posterier probability relative to anyone of
these, any of which can serve as C, in order to expose the riskiness of present gross human
practices. In brief, because there are several high risk factors, so there are several
appropriate relative or reference classes. Thus the posterier probability is assessed relative to
such matters as our being alive, humans being thus and so (Leslie's reference class), this
being present energy use, present wast output, present forest destruction and so forth.25
The anthropic argument considers the environmentally invidious situation of present
humans on the Earth. The argument can be carried through either in terms of sheer
population, gross numbers, or in terms of human resource grabbing, as estimated for
instance through energy consumption.
Let us consider the prospects given additional information as to the present phase of
gross human population. C will be some such proposition as: the proportional

preponderance of humans who have ever lived alive now, or to personalize it: the chance that
you or your family, is alive now.

Chart: Our present population predictment on the two scenerios.

Demise scenerio

“Success” scenerio -

representative

zjs

human numbers

human numbers

On of the weaknesses in the argument may appear to be its dependence on an appropriate choice
of relative class. For, the relative probabilities can fall away if different reference classes, not
exhibiting such growth patterns are taken, e.g. present wattle distribution, birds being thus and
so. On the other hand, probabilities can be elevated even more by selection of more unusual
reference classes cuh as our being scientists, or being computer programmers, etc..

24
Humans have got themselves - to some extent put themselves, though much may be the

result of muddling through - into an extremely dubious, environmentally insidious and
unsustainable position, on a range of critical parameters. Their numbers are excessive, their

high energy use is excessive, their waste and their pollution are both excessive - and all
chose and other excesses are at the steep end of upward exponential curves.

Several relevant graphs are distressingly exponential, with the present in the near
vertical growth phase:

graphs

Many other similarly shaped graphs26 could be added, for instance for growth of
pollution, of waste products, of weapons (in terms of tonnes of explosive power), of other

greenhouse gases such as methane, and so on. The display typifies the accelerating human
roller coaster.

Those curves are tightly interconnected, in criss-crossing fashion. For example, the
productivity of contemporary agriculture which enables the feeding of hugh urbanised human

populations depends on a very high energy use (in term of energy efficiency, contemporary

high-tech agriculture falls below that of much traditional agriculture). The maintenance of

high populations with supplies of cheap food depends in turn on fossil fuel agriculture.
Because of the intertwining of these phenomena, there is no easy way of getting off the
accelerating roller-coaster.

26

All the graphs exhibited are drawn from Boyden.

25
Nor, as observed, is there much effort devoted to slowing the coaster. For politicians
it would be politically risky and inexpedient to try (for them the rhetoric about an ecologically
sustainable future must remain just that, more rhetoric). For many other power holders and

brokers such ideas are ideologically excluded: growth remains the gospel. So a precarious
position becomes ever more precarious. Humans are in a decidedly chancy position, because
of their population situation and other Malthusian factors; they are becoming very disasterprone.
If humans want an acceptable future for themselves - they have virtually ruled out an
acceptable future for many other creatures, through their predominantly selfish thoughtless

greedy practices - then they will probably have to mend their ways, very considerably and

very soon. But, given the nature of the beast, that itself seems improbable.
Humans, if they seek a more assured future, should make a concerted effort to put

themselves into a less precarious position. That could be achieved by proceeding to reduce
relative risks. These relative risks, sharply reducing prospects for a reliable future, fall into
two classes:• manufactured risk factors, including weaponry such as mega-nuclear devices and elements
of biochemical warfard, and experimental equipment such as very high energy particle
accelerators (which could perhaps tunnel under a metastable state or induce a min-Big-Bang;
see Leslie).
• Accumulated risk factors, such as the hugh relative size of human population, energy
consumption, greenhouse gas production, etc..27
Despite the ideological obstacles, enormous political, religious and economic obstacles
blocking the way of requisite change, major efforts should be put into reducing both these

types of risks. Philosophers could have a significant role in breaking down the ideological
barriers and in clarifying and developing the arguments involved.

5. What ought to be done about Greenhouse?

The general result already reached, that humans collectively should reduce their risk
taking, and in particular reduce their gross numbers, extends to rational Greenhouse decision

and action theory. But that large and difficult challenge is not all that there is to try, that
should rationally be attempted.
While some increase in mean global temperatures, and all that implies, can no longer be
averted, the potentially most damaging effects can be: namely, by curtailing human-induced

27

As before, there are various different reasons why these induce risk, neo-Malthusian and
probabilistic in particular.

26
output of Greenhouse gases. Moreover, there is an approximate upper bound upon
temperature of importance, which can serve to supply a significant limit as output. That

bound - which reduces risk taking by confining encountered situations to those where there

is some past experiential basis - is given by estimated temperatures during Altithermal and
Eemian eras. Those temperatures are estimated to have been between about 1/2 a degree and
1 degree Centigrade above contemporary (pre-1980) temperatures; so the upper bound is
about 1°C.
Not only will a continuation of current emission trends take global temperatures clean
through and way beyond that bound, so also will an alternative set-up where emission rates
are fixed more or less at current rates. The only apparent way to remain rationally within an
experiential domain is to curtail sharply trace gas emissions beginning easily in the 1990s.
That means shifting from the dominant growth paradigm; it means expensive re- and deindustrialisation. It is unlikely.
Final corollary: Humans collectively are not (particularly) rational. But we had already

guessed as much from the latest...... in the long history of human wars.
References

H.W. Bernard, The Greenhouse Effect, Ballinger, Cambridge Mass., 1980.
A. Block, Murphy's Law. Book Two, Magnum, Methuen, ...
S. Boyden, Western Civilization in Biological Perspective, Clarendon, Oxford, 1987.

L.R. Brown and others, State of the World 1989, Norton/Worldwatch, New York, 1989;
referred to as Worldwatch.
R. Carnap, Logical Foundations of Probability, Second edition, University of Chicago
Press, 1962.

R.M. Cyert and M.H. DeGroot, Bayesian Analysis and Uncertainty in Economic Theory,
Rowman &amp; Littfield, New Jersey, 1987.

‘Developing policies for responding to climatic change’, Report of the Beijer Institute,
February 1988.

Keeton,
J. Leslie, ‘Risking and World's End’, Bulletin of the Curiadian Nuclear Society 10(3)
(1989) 1-6; all references to Leslie are to this article unless otherwise indicated.
J. Leslie, ‘Is the end of the world nigh?’, The Philosophical Quarterly, to appear; referred to
as PQ.

J.E. Lovelock, Gaia. A new look at life on Earth, Oxford University Press, 1979.
J. Lovelock, ‘Are we destabilising world climate?’, The Ecologist 15(1985) 52-55.

27
J.Lovelock, ‘Man and Gaia’, The Earth Report Monitoring the Battle for Our Environment,
(ed. E. Goldsmith and N. Hilgard) Mitchell Benzley, London, 1988, 51-64.

R. and V. Routley, ‘Nuclear energy and obligations to the future’, Inquirey 21(1978) 133R. Routley, ‘Ultralogic as universal?’ reprinted as an Appendix in Exploring Meinong's
Jungle, RSSS, Australian National University, 1979.

S. Schneider ‘Not to decide is to decide’, in Greenhouse 1988: Planning for Climate Change
(ed. T. Dendy), Department of Environment and Planning, Adelaide, 1989, 5-10.
R.P. Turco and others, ‘Nuclear winter: Global consequences of multiple nuclear
explosions’, Science 222 (1983) 1283-1292.

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                <text>For all enquiries about this work, please contact the Fryer Library, The University of Queensland Library.&#13;
</text>
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&lt;div id="dublin-core-identifier" class="element"&gt;&#13;
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                    <text>THE MODERN CITY AS AN ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEM
It is widely assumed, for instance by philosophers, most of whom are

urban creatures, that large modern cities are valuable institutions and

whatever the very serious costs and deprivations of modern city living, the
advantages considerably outweigh the costs.

There are those who are not

persuaded that that is so.
The image of the mob is part of our image of the city,J

and the

city is the carrier of the best and the worst of civilization
(S. Diamond, In Search for the Primitive p.167)
- but the latter is also a pretty dubious customer according to Diamond.

Note:
1.

The modern city as a reducer of variety

2.

The metropolitan state, with landscope dominated by the city.

The

drain, power relation, etc.
3.

The loss of contact with the natural

4.

The way commerce controls the city: the secondary and substitutional

role of people.

�</text>
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                  <text>In one obituary, Sylvan's handwriting was said to have "looked like the oscilloscope for a patient in intensive care", and thus "not for the timid".</text>
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              <text>THE MODERN CITY AS AN ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEM
It is widely assumed, for instance by philosophers, most of whom are

urban creatures, that large modern cities are valuable institutions and

whatever the very serious costs and deprivations of modern city living, the
advantages considerably outweigh the costs.

There are those who are not

persuaded that that is so.
The image of the mob is part of our image of the city,J

and the

city is the carrier of the best and the worst of civilization
(S. Diamond, In Search for the Primitive p.167)
- but the latter is also a pretty dubious customer according to Diamond.

Note:
1.

The modern city as a reducer of variety

2.

The metropolitan state, with landscope dominated by the city.

The

drain, power relation, etc.
3.

The loss of contact with the natural

4.

The way commerce controls the city: the secondary and substitutional

role of people.

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                <text>&lt;a href="https://antipodean-antinuclearism.org/items/browse?search=Richard+Sylvan&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bjoiner%5D=and&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=&amp;amp;range=&amp;amp;collection=&amp;amp;type=&amp;amp;user=&amp;amp;tags=&amp;amp;public=&amp;amp;featured=&amp;amp;exhibit=&amp;amp;geolocation-mapped=&amp;amp;geolocation-address=&amp;amp;geolocation-latitude=&amp;amp;geolocation-longitude=&amp;amp;geolocation-radius=10&amp;amp;submit_search=Search+for+items"&gt;Richard Sylvan&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2160">
                <text>&lt;span class="MuiTypography-root-125 MuiTypography-body2-126"&gt;The University of Queensland's &lt;a data-testid="rek-series" href="https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/records/search?page=1&amp;amp;pageSize=20&amp;amp;sortBy=score&amp;amp;sortDirection=Desc&amp;amp;searchQueryParams%5Brek_series%5D%5Bvalue%5D=Richard+Sylvan+Papers%2C+UQFL291&amp;amp;searchMode=advanced"&gt;Richard Sylvan Papers UQFL291&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;,&lt;/span&gt;&amp;nbsp;Box 76, item 679</text>
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                    <text>MORRL fWERS WHER - EM-JIROtVEtfrOLLV?
Begond moraL extens ion isms.

Some

find

us

of

mereig

not

ourseives

at

with

odds

mainstream

environmentaL thinking - which remains shaLLow, heaviig exptoitative, and LikeLg

disastrous, not

ontg

for

mang other species but for mang humans as weLL - but

uneasg atso with main deeper environmentaL approaches, most of which now emanate
from North Rmerica. ELsewhere I have, to mg cost, taken issue with Deep Ecotogg,

a movement with European origins quickig captured Ln CaLifornia; but here I wLsh
to crLtLcLse forms of Norat Extensionism that now have a main base Ln Southern
USF)!, forms that etaborate moraL standtng, consLderabLLLtg, and rLghts theorLes.

the crLtLcLsm wLLL not be puretg negative; posLtLve atternatLve posLtLons

Rgain

wLLL beg Ln to emerge Ln earLg mornLng outLLne.
extensLonLsms extend moraL Ltg and convent Lona L chauvLnLstLc moraL

MoraL

apparatus

conventLonaL

Lts

begond

(but

certaLnLg

subjects and areas where Lt has not been appLLed,

certaLn

confLnes to

unwarranted)

or eLse, more LLkeLg,

has been used for dLscrLmLnatLon and other negatLve purposes. Theg sLmpLg extend

wag

the moraL apparatus wLthout much Ln the
assumptions

vatue,

(equaL

appLLed to a wider

cLass

equat
of

rLghts,

of

adjustment,

consLderatLons, etc.) sLmpLg

equaL

a

(Rs

subjects.

moraL

egaLLtarLan

wLth

tgpe,

generaL

moraL

ex tens Lon isms have been described and criticised Ln some detaiL Ln EE, p.lSSff.,
under

and

the

tgpicaL and usefuL weapon
movements

of

Liberation

with

proceed

couLd

Ln Rodman.) MoraL ex tens LonLsm is a

MoraLisms

Nature

LabLe

more

rLghts

and

accurate

movements
Less

but

equipment). Seen from a conservative opposition, moraL
to

moraLitg

bend

to

iLLegitimate

certain

interests,

etc),
are

equaLitg,

standing,

but in ang case evergthing is sufficientLg in order, at Least

on the boundaries, as it

ex tens Lon isms

endeavour

not onLg do the

since

(rights,

such

impressive

pubLLcLg

extensLonLsms

purposes,

extensions make nonsense of the notions invoLved

(though

is!

from

Seen

a

wider

perspective,

environmentaL

not aLwags unjustified in where theg go, but Ln how theg go,

in the pseudo-egaLitarian facades of the extensions, and more important in where
theg stop. For though priviLege is widened and so diiuted,

it remains. The zones

of extension remain too Limited, and things outside the usuai
as

forests,

species,

ecosgstems,

continue

mistreatment, expioitation and so on (see EE,
things

be

to

p.llf.1).

Nor

can

such

substantiaL

to

open

the

sorts

of

invoLved pLausibLg be brought within the extension foLd (though isoLated

efforts are not Lacking); for theg appear to Lack requisite
which

extensions,

extensions

operate,

such

as

sentience,

LndividuaLitg, or whatever. For exampLe,

the

verg

characteristics

pain-receptivitg,

idea

of

an

on

interests,

environmentaL

ethic, which serves to protect uninhabited environments and to Justifg requisite
respect

for

naturat

sgstems

and

communities,

founders

on the moraL rights

position propounded bg Regan in defence of certain animats (RR p.35^ff).

�Mang

a

Ls

MoraLLtg

weapon,

purpose

depLoged bg pressure and

often

interest groups. Throughout Modern hLstorg Lt has tgpLcaLLg been used to
and

justLfg

wLde

a

actLvLtg

of

range

and

hostLLe

practices

ground

naturaL

to

envLronnents. HuMans are entLtLed to thLs or that, whLch interfere; thetr

needs

generate these or those requLreMents, whLch ought to be Met

there

though

even

are costs to LocaL envLronnents, and so forth. Those opposed to MoraLLtg - there

Ls a Long and dLstLnguLshed phLLosophLcaL chaLn froM Lao-tsu
and PLgden - have a poLnt

MoraLLtLes

Lt

when

MoraL-poLnts-of-vLew

and

to

coMes

The

MoraLLtg.

such

HLnckfuss

through

daMage

of

seeM substanttaLLg hLgher than the

often

benefLts conferred. For the restrLctLons theg LMpose are heavg, and

work

often

the wrong wags. R sort of cost/benefLt assessMent of MoraLLtg thus gets under
wag2, supposedLg gLetdLng negatLve resutts.

Mang are the arguMents for MoraLLtg, begLnntng wLth the cLaLM that Lt Ls

oneseLf and one s LLfe wLthout LapsLng Lnto Morat taLk,

conduct

to

LMpossLbLe

concepts, practLces and, generaLLsLng, back Lnto MoraLLtg. Part of the

response

to such fauttg arguMents Ls atwags that there are dLstLnctLons, LnsLsted upon bg
LeadLng MoraL theorLsts theMsetves, between vaLue Matters and MoraLLtg,

tougher

dLstLnctLon,

(practLcaL

hard

j^s

(whLch

axLoLogg

to

to

avoLd)

MaLntaLn,

between

there

Ls a further

deontLc

expressLons

Rnd

deontLes.

and

practLcat

between

expedLent oughts and shouLds for Lnstance) and MoraL ones. ULth

and

such dev Lees, antL-MoroLLsts, who do have a

soLLd

case

agaLnst

objectLve

or

absoLute MoraLLtLes, can escape MoraL hooks.

Hagbe
the

net

a

carefuL

practLtLoner can shun deontLc dLscourse, but wouLdn t

on the treatMent of envtronMents be worse rather than better?,

LMpact

soMe

of the grossest practLces? The quest Lons can

doesn t

MoraLLtg

coLLect

a range of answers, LncLudLng such uncharLtabLe ones as: Not so cLearLg

constraLn

that one wouLd notLce. The MaLn LMpact of MoraLLtg
affaLrs; and even here onLg the grossest

appear

to

be

turned

around

through

abuses,

of

an

Ls

Lnput

on

chauvLnLstLc,

as

such

froM

sLaverg,

huMan

MoraLLtg.

huMan

Even so the

persuavLve force and LnfLuence of MoraL consLderatLons, properLg redLrected, are
not thLngs to be LLghtLg abandoned. For rLghtLg dLrected theg

posLtLveLg

Ln

thLngs

contrLbute

couLd

that Matter socLaLLg and envLronMentaLLg. In partLcuLar,

MoraLLtg affords soMe needed protect Lon and, especLaLLg as rectLfLed, offers the
prospect of More, More protectLon,

Less dLscrLMLnatLon. But actuaL protectLon Ls

tgpLcaLLg provLded, where Lt Ls, through

verg

channeLLed

MoraL

ftowLng,

through
aLL

too

LegaL
often,

rather
to

the

than
wrong

dLfferent

LnstLtutLons;
wLth

fraMeworks,

part Les,

such

as

the

Lt

Ls

the benefLts

strong

and

estabLLshed.

HakLng MoraLLtg work the rLght wags, where Lt does ftgure serLousLg, Ls,
Moreover, uncoMfortabtg LLke MakLng weapons work for

peace

(MoraLLtg

beLng

a

MaLn force behLnd wars and preparatLon for wars), More LLke than Lt ought to be.

-2-

�Nor is Lt nearLg as easg as Lt was: beating swords Lnto pioughshares, to provide

an assauit on the environMent instead of other

creatures,

subMarine to peaceful purposes (genuineLg peacefut ones,

or

a

prettg

easg

feat coMpared wLth converting an Fl-11 fighter-boMber or a Modern

technoLogicaL
LLke

was
that

course,

of

is;

Ln the Liest, theg re peacenakers). For Locat chauvLnLsn, Ln one fom

guns

another

or

(huMan,

Ls now deeptg

natLonat, state or race),

LLkeLg,

More

entrenched Ln Most bureaucratLc arrangeMents and an LntegaL part

supportLng

of

scLences and technoLogg. Even so, whatever Locat practLces, MoraL theorg

socLaL

can be rectified; the theorLsLng can be accoMpLLshed, even Lf a new MoraLLtg

not

and

appLLed,

successfuttg

Must

awaLt

Ls

Lts post-RrMeggedon dag. Thus the

protected battte to dutg expand MoraLLtg goes on.

There are two Ma Ln battLe—LLnes over whLch LdeoLogLcaL wars

antL-MoraLLsts)
equated)

nottons:

MoraL

status,

rLghts,

sag, even an outsLde surveg such as thLs

But the tern

can

scarceLg

escape

attogether

MoraL

def Ln Lt tons

Ls so stack (as dLet tonarg

reveaL)

that

tern (Ln LatLn ortgLn Just a substitute for the Greek expressLon for

to have becoMe Linked to features and behaviour of accountabLe
such

MoraL

group:

narrower

the

ang

Ls bound to be partLg LegLsLatLve. R Ma Ln Modern tendeneg Ls for the

use

ttght

of

as to what Makes soMethtng, a consLderatLon or perMLssLon, MoraL.

Lssue

coMMon

cLuster

consLderatLon, retevance,
a

on

foLLowLng

These LLnes wLLL be surveged Ln turn; needLess to

.

...

the

standing,

consLderabLLLtg,... The second LLne concentrates
perMissions,

to

are fought as regards MoraL extensLon Lssues, LLnes parportedLg

MarkLng MoraL outer bounds. The fLrst LLne concerns
(often

(guaLnt

ethicai )

(hunan)

actors,

as character, disposition, action, virtue. These are the areas where MoraL

attributes are at hoMe. Hence MoraL notions tend to occupg inner pLaces

Ln

the

Much Larger evaLuative circLe, and not to extend without sone forcing to naturaL
that are not accountabLe actors. PartLg for these reasons too, the terM

objects

MoraL , Much favoured Ln ex tens Lona List enterprises, tends

to

be

shunned

Ln

The

notion

of

deeper environMentaL theorg.

SiMoraL

RgaLnst MoraL standing and siMpiistic ethicaL tgpoLogies.

standing,

introduced

notion of LegaL standing, is coning to pLag

environMentaL
heavg,

but

ethics.

It

is

anaiogg

questionabte

bg

a

Major,

with the RngLo-RMerLcan
but

d3Maging,

danaging because, verg briefLg,

rote

it wouLd paint a

rather arbitrarg, bLack/white boundarg - segregating off those that

have not froM those
territorg.

that

have

MoraL

standing

-

across

Much

conpLex

More

Rs to its rote, it Ls soMetiMes ctaiMed that adoption and defence
criterion

in

of MoraL standing is

probieM soLving;

absoiuteLg basic

reasonabLg addressing

of

a

in environMentaL thinking and

the Lssue of MoraL

standLng

Must

be

vLewed as a benchMark of ang pLausLbLe "environMentaL ethic"' (PP, pl6). None of
thLs

Ls

so

evLdent,

especLaLLg

gLven

the

MurkLness of the not Lon of MoraL

�standing. In the sane vein,

an

a necessarg condition ... for

Lt is stated that

ethicaL theorg is the Most [}] defensibLe criterion of moraL standing

adequate

Such statements are suretg overstatements.

For,

Ln

pLace,

fLrst

the

there can be, and Lndeed appear to be eth Les, which count as environmentaL ones,
which do not LncLude a not Lon of moraL

ecoLogLcat

Rodman s

deep

Naess s

(e.g.

ecotogg,

sensLbLLLtg). Secondtg, etaboratLons of these theorLes can

cLaLms to adequacg, wtthout introducing, and perhaps expLLcLttg

warranted

make

standing

rejecting (for the sorts of reasons gLven betow), a notLon of morat standing.

For these sorts of reasons, too, Regan's

moraL

of

notLon

attempt

(Ln

NP)

to

a

make

standing Lntegrat to the verg Ldea of an environmentaL ethic,

part of the conditions of adequacg for such as ethic, is far off course (as weii

as ahistoricai, a piece of

footnoted

Regan s

retrospective

account

of

Legisiation).

as

But,

it

happens,

standing, according to which a being has

moraL

morat standing if and onig if we moratig ought to consider how it is affected bg
a given action or poiieg, both enabies elimination of the notion

as a parasitic middieman) bg substitution using the

exposed

(thus

biconditionaL

invoLved

in

the conditions of adequacg, and aiso enabies straightforward satisfaction of the

conditions

tgpes of ethics that are hardLg environmental. Consider a forest

bg

sgstem about

be

to

buiidozed,

or

the

Moon

about

to

be

bg

tourized

an

Rmerican—based transnational Hang the development or progress ethics these dags

that

wiii

at Low

we ought to consider how the forest or the Moon wiLL be

that

affected, but then cLaim that we shouid proceed, though perhaps

in

a

modified

wag. Thus, in such contexts, the forest and the Moon have moraL standing. Rn so,
such

a

deveiopment ethics meets Regan s conditions for an environmentaL ethic;

for the forest and the Moon are nonhuman beings, and indeed nonconscious beings,

which have moraL standing. The resuLt is not what Regan intended; for he proceed
to suggest (p.21^,p.3O) that intrinsic vaLue is a necessarg condition
standLng,

something

his

footnoted

for

moraL

account does not guarantee. The LegaListic

notion of moraL standing is not so cLear and distinct after aLL.
Rn

initiaL tacticaL point against the notion of moraL standing concerns

its origin, on the modei of LegaL standing. LegaL standing is

for

ang

sufficientLg

comprehensive

notion

of

a

sometimes entering into moraL

consideration (which can be true of aLmost angthing). For one reason,
some decidedtg restrictive

assumptions,

concerning

interests

and

whatever has such standing. But mang things of vaLue, which enter

assessment

on

modeL

dubious

it imports

rights

into

ethicaL

occasions, do not have, and are not the sorts of things that can

significantig have, interests or hoLd rights. LegaL standing aLwags operates
terms

of

having

of

thing

in

certain sorts of interests, which can be represented, whereas

what has or deserves environmentaL standing mag not have interests,
sort

of

that

couLd

or

be

the

have interests, even as derived (as in the case of

LegaL persons, such as companies) from those of its members. More often

-4-

indeed,

�Legat

have

to

standing

to have certain rights, duties, protectton, etc.,

is

begtnntng with the rtght of betng abLe to proceed to the courts.

room

Of course there ts constderabte

standtng

not ton

the

widen

to

Legat

of

tn RustraLia can even exctude environmentaL organtsattons) and

(which

"cLaimants

to admit, through representatton, other

to

the

PresentLg,

courts.

for sure, the modeL ts Much too narrow, restrtcttng access to certatn capitalist
cLaimants. But there are severe conceptuat dtfftcutttes tn the wag

and

persons

of broadentng the standtng not ton

objects,

agatn

because

to

encompass

Limitations

the

the

mang

requisite

environmentaL

nottons of tnterests and rtghts

impose. Organtsattons of persons, such as partnershtps, coattttons and so on, do
not exceed (easg stretchtng at Most of) these Limits, stnce tnterests and rtghts

accrue frow coMponent members: untnhabtted ecosgsteMs,
the

MonuMents,

and

bg a brazen, and tMptaustbte, overrtdtng of

Ontg

constderabtg.

do,

Like

naturat

these conceptuat ttMttattons (such as Stone ts prepared to fancg Rmerican courts

tndutgtng tn) can the in-buiLt severe tnternat restrtcttons of the

wodet

Legat

be overcome.
coutd

be

recogntsed,

account

of

the

Stttt the tnadequactes of Lts Legat 3natogg
anaLogg

behtnd,

Left

unimpeded

fresh

a

and

now

standtng

woraL

rather
propose

free-fLoattng not Lon offered. Van De Veer and Pterce are rash enough to

an expLLcatton of
Recordtng to them,

can be construed atong these LLnes.

whtch

For ang thtng X, X has woraL standtng Lff the continued extstence of X

fISl.

tnterests

Lts

theg sag

Ln

that

weLL-betng

have postttve moraL weight

stLpuLattng

theg re

the

but

this;

theg re

or

(PP. p.3). RctuaLLg,

not

free

simpig

to

given that Lt ts a notton wtth some currencg aLreadg, soMethtng theg

sttputate,

recogntze Ln proceeding at once to

consider various

to their

standard answers

basic question Llhich things have MoraL standing? . The account proposed is wore

in

LittLe curious, not to sag obscure and scarceLg graMMaticat. Later theg

a

than

effect

substitute

a

tortuous

Less

nameLg

account,

generaLLtg

(in

interpretation)

MS2. X has moraL standing iff the (continued) existence

positive moraL weight (see e.g. p^., plG:
pureLg

since

future

items

mag

have

ancestors). Either wag the account is
weight

and

having

moraL

continued
some

moraL

circutar,

or

shouLd however be
significance,

since

having

X

of

wetfare

has

deLeted,

as mag dead

positive

moraL

standing are interdependent notions (cf. Goodpaster.

p-311). In fact some of the probLems with the account coutd have been avoided bg

cutting out the troubLesome middLe part and moving on to the simpLer, expLLcitLg
circutar,

H33.
But

has

X

then

as

moraL standing Lff X possesses (or obtains) positive moraL weight.

a

expLication,

the definition might aimost as weLL drop out; Lt

expticates nothing, connecting some near sgnongms onLg.
Perhaps it is better to ask: Uhat work does the notion do?

-5-

The

troubie

�Ls

except

that

theories, whLch LegLsLate as to what has moraL

partLcuLar

on

standing, the notion Ln fact does verg

because

hoMe

Ma Ln

whose

eth Les,

chauvLnLstLc

base

does

whLch

LLes

wLthLn

the

not

extend

or

traveL

unsatLsfactorg;

wLth

as

coMpetence,

or

m s Ln sorts of reason for theLr Lnadequacg are weLL

The

personhood).

are

(such

cLassLfLcatLons

bLoLogLcaL

socLopsgchoLogLcsL dLstLnctLons (such as LLnguLstLc capacLtg or

potentLaL

standLng

MoraL

Homo sap Lens or of the zooLogLcaL bLngdon) or wLth

spec Les

the

of

the wLder

to

onLg unstabLe and rather arbLtrarg, but tend to

not

ctassLfLcatLons

ethLcaL

MeMbershLp

are

theg

trad Lt LonaL

of

weLL

for

ethLcs,

It Ls one of those

confLnes

envLronMentaL settLng. RLL the MaLn crLterLa proposed

confuse

envLronmentaL

Ln

work

Ls LLttLe agreement about what determLnes Lt.

there

not Lons,

LLttLe

enough documented Ln PP (and Ln Much other earLLer LLterature, e.g. EE)

DespLte the enthusLasM shown for the not Lon of Morat standLng, then,

no

satLsfactorg crLterLon for Morat standLng eMerges, or Ls Ln ctear sLght, Ln PP -

or

Lt

eLsewhere

It remaLns to be denonstrated that there Ls a stabLe,

seens.

non-arbttrarg context-LnvarLant notLon of MoraL standLng worth pursuLng.

Rather

the notLon tends to force awkward choLces (e.g. those offered Ln PP on p.S.) The

for

reason

the

needs

what

cost-benefLt
LMperatLves

be

to

Looked

at

presuppose

a

Morat

Ln

appLLcatLons

assessments,

(whLch

thLs dLffLcuLt notLon, that does no present

Lt wouLd decLsLvetg

Ls evLdent enough:

usefuL work,

space,

about

enthusLasM

and

deLLMLt

of

the

categorLcaL

of

deLLMLtatLons

behLnd

proposed

some

notLon, for Lnstance use of the dLstLnctLon to reduce the
humanLstLc/chauvLnLstLc

foLd

(partLg

moraL ). MoraL standLng Ls not a MoraLLg

bg use of the term

achLeved

Ls

search

unLverse, usuaLLg of persons), and so

Morat

search space towards the confLnes of the

thLs

MoraL

confLLct Lssues, utLLLtarLan

forth. There are as weLL More sLnLster uLterLor purposes
appLLcatLons

the

neutraL notLon, but a fraMework and cuLturaLLg dependent one; hence some of

Lts

LLmLtatLons.
ConsLder

standLng

moraL

Lnstead

of

work, Lnstead of straLghtforward pragmatLcs, what

supposed to confer or remove? It Ls assumed that Lf X has moraL

standLng

(m-s) then moraL agents have presumptLve obLLgatLons, and dutLes to X,

e.g.

Let

to

Lt

theg

otherwLse

not

atone,
do

not

to

confLne

Lt

or underMLne Lts Lnterests; but

(cf-p.3-p.tt). Or, to put Lt the other wag around,

thLng has m-s Lt Ls entLtLed to conttnued exLstence, pursuLt of

whereas

Lf

Lacks m-s,

Lt

Lt does not have thLs protectLon,

3

Lnstead there Ls entLtLement to Lnterfere wLth Lt .

def Ln Lt Lon

of

moraL

standLng

...

Lf

somethLng

weLL-beLng Just does not LtseLf moraLLg count

Lts

Lf a

Lnterests,

Lt does not count,

....

Indeed, so Lt Ls
Lacks

(p.t+).

The

moraL

saLd,

standLng,

defLnLtLon

Bg

Lts

however

deLLvers no such resuLt; a further LmpLausLbLe assumptLons, (reductLon of weLght
to weLL-beLng, equaLLtg condLtLons for countLng) from an underLgLng
moraL

wLthout

pLcture

of

assessment are LmpLLcLtLg Lncorporated (a utLLLtarLan pLcture where Ltems
m-s

are

dLscounted,

and

trade-offs

contempLated, p.16).

-6-

of

Ltems

wLth

m-s

are

soon

�Such

appLication

an

if

division;

accordingtg

LmpLies

an

unfortunate

aLL-or-nothing

item is tn tt gets (carefut) constderatton, otherwise Lt gets

nothing - exacttg what the Legat anatogg impLies: a proper heartng

Lf

be

and otherwise nothtng. Hhat this bLack-and-white division shoutd

standing

contrasted

with ts not removaL of att distinctions, but rather a wore sophisticated ethicat

such

tgpoLogg,

that of the annutar picture (of EE, p.107 and DC, p.2). The

as

tgpoiogg is based on a Listing of ethicaiLg re Levant

such as having vaiue, weLL-being,
appropriate
p.!2).^

the

character

aLL-or-nothing

from

at Least Modified becomes evident

of

various

(e.g. p.5) to keep it afLoat, e.g. duties

capacities,

so

and

and

forth;

to

moraL

standing

distinctions

soon

duties)

(direct

to

needs

be

introduced

as

opposed

to

(indirect, and perhaps derivative, duties). The wain strategg

regarding

duties

autonomg,

and

postuLates and princ ip Les are geared to these (cf. aLso PP

ethicaL

That

preferences,

features

adopted in PP to save the aLL-or-nothing context-independent

boundarg

consists

in appeaL to the speciaLLg-adjusted notion of presumptive duties. MoraL standing

is

assumed

to be necessarg and sufficient for presumptive duties: specificaLLg

PSI. floraL agents
iff

But

have a presumptive dutg to

X has moraL standing (this takes up the content of signposted item 1, p.t*.).

presumptive

are

duties

even

more

prone

to

be

bg

upset

circumstances than the oider prima facie duties (which the notion
the

notion

overriding

expands);

standing,

p.S),

the

forged

connections

things

than

without

much too simpLe, as wiLL

are

for

appear. FirstLg, a more comptex cLassification of things is required

purposes

so

operates even more as a theorg-saving device. But even as so hedged

around, and so extended (bg derivative duties, duties regarding
moraL

decentLg]

X [to treat it moraLLg

moraL

a hard division into moraL countabLes and others, a nonarbitrarg

cLassification such as that of the annutar picture. SecondLg, rights and duties,

which the notion of moraL standing is supposed to bound. Link rather with vaLue,
and extent of vaLue (see SM).

Much of the importance ascribed to moraL standing or moraL consideration
comes from confLating it with vaLue consideration, which is in turn equated with

having some (non-negLigibLe) vaLue, bearing
account,

and

counted,

perhaps

(if

sometimes

that

wouLd

be

taken

into

in ang compLete vaLue assessment. Though moraL

attributes are evidentLg a subcLass
commonpLace

vaLue

of

surprising,

vaLue
as

attributes,
e.g.

in

the

confiation

CaLLicott).

is

Possessing

intrinsic or inherent vaLue is even offered sometimes as an aLternative to moraL
status (cf. PP, p.16 fn 3); but more often the confusion is Less bLatant.

Indeed

PP begin bg warning us about sLipperiness (fn 3), soon stides itsetf from m-s to
intrinsic

vaLue

with their being
evident,

and

considerabLe,

(p.S)

and before Long has identified moraL standing of things

vaLuabte

prove

in

damaging.

Goodpaster

themseLves

Towards

Lapses

(p.I6).

Such

equations

are

not

the end of his essag, on being moraLLg
from

-7-

moraL

considerabiLitg

into

�that

Hag that natters for ctains wade. For exanpte,

Ln

vatue-for-itsetf,

psgchotogicat or hedonLstLc capacities

sophLstLcated

unnecessaritg

seen

Lt Ls true

when Lt cones to Locating the ntnLnaL condLtLons for sonethLng s deserving to be

Lts

for

vatued

own

(p.320);

sake

Lt not so obvious that theg are too

but

sophLstLcated for the capture of norat consLderabLLLtg. R sLnLLar conftatLon

at

work Ln Goodpaster s

hgpothesis that that there Ls a nonaccLdentaL affLnLtg

between a person s or a socLetg s conceptLon of

and

vatue

ontg

—

consLderabLLLtg

to

appears

obtaLn

where

vatue Ls

unreduced

(LLLLcLtg) contracted to a range where norat considerations enter;

for

exanpte

tn Goodpaster's sotitarg LLLustration, the setting is hedonisn (when

as

where,

of

conceptLon

Lts

(p.3t*). The affLnLtg — nore than accLdentat for vatue and

noraL consLderabLLLtg
vatue

Ls

no doubt norat considerabititg Ls, so far as norat natters are attowed to enter,

characteristicattg bounded at botton bg sone sentience criterion).

The biocentric criterion for norat considerabititg that Goodpaster Leaps
to (p.313) has itsetf to be differenttg Looked at if

exchanged for vatue-in-itsetf. For Life is
point

even

norat

the

obvioustg

Less

stopping

vatue consideration. Rssune, for instance, that Wars or the Moon has

for

estate

no [significient] Life. Theg stitt have vatue; indeed theg nag have reat
vatue

verg chauvinistic vatue "neasure ) now that theg are beconing hunantg

(a

accessibte

nining, residentiat and other transfiguring purposes). Suppose

(for

further, what is not at att untiketg, that

sgstens

natch

that

Moon

the

has

fornations

sone

shoutd

be

the

that

thensetves,

into account in ang environnentat inpact assessnent of

taken

projects interfering with parts of the Moon. But

insist

or

naturat nonunents of the Rnerican arid Lands. It is a

the

defensible ctain, these dags, that the Moon nonunents have vatue in
which

is

considerabititg

Lt

woutd

be

LnptausLbte

to

Moon nonunents are norattg considerabte; for theg are not the

right sorts of things (as a natter of significance) to have noraL attributes.

It

is

just

not

the

feature of having intrinsic vatue that shoutd be

separated fron that of having norat status. Sone of the

circte have
suggests

different

sone

exanpte,

For

connotations.

notions

beLng

Ln

noraL

the

consLderabLe

norat dinension, sone weight to be taken into account,

suitabte

not neretg sone retevance. Consideration atso characteristicattg

requires

the iten in question has interests or at Least a

such

tetos),

an

that

agent

discussion-setting

can

phrase

be

deserves

norat

weLL-being

towards

considerate

notions are deptoged that wag (eg. p.31

does

norat

retevance,

R

different

get

nere

artifacts

are

norattg

etc.,

dependent,

quarrg

that

(a

Goodpaster s

Rnd nornattg the
notion

do

presunabtg

nornattg
woutd

not.

Nor,

not

it

erroneoustg,

reLevant on occasions (for sinitar reasons

norat significance differs fron standing). MoraL retevance renains

context

Like

that

another different notion sonetines

equated with norat standing (e.g. PLuhar p.^7), though
since

does

nornattg an organisn'; PP p.3

inpose these Linitations, e.g. those of awe, respect,
appear,

(as

or

consideration ).

certain organisns'; and in Goodpaster's Leap.)

woutd

norat

an

etusive,

has evaded contenporarg norat phitosophers of

-8-

�high standing, despite Much effort put Lnto
other

chase.

the

however,

Since

these

are not goLng to be put to serLous work - Most of theM are, Like

notLons

MoraL standing, better MothbaLLed or

-

scrapped

we

qutetLg

can

bgpass

the

vaiue

the

nuances and differences.

CertaLnLg MoraL considerations and vaiue interconnect,

wider notion and Moraiitg,

if

wag

theg

inportant

in

which

not

at

derivative,

Least

with

R

dependent.

Most

connect is through LiMitat ions on interference.

MoraLitg preciudes the gross reduction of vaLue.

LittLe

R

More

preciseLg,

a

actor is not norMaLLg entitLed to interfere deLiberateLg in such a wag as

MoraL

to reduce signifLeantLg overaLL vaLue (or risk the various possibiLitg of such
reduction^). But exact forMuLation of such noninterference princ ip Les is a
sensitive Matter

MainLg

because

deontic

principLes

do

not excLude

soMe

vaLue, provided it is sufficientLg Linited - a Matter to which we

of

reduction

-

shaLL be obLiged to return.
Bg contrast with MoraL considerabiLitg,

and

standing

Like,

the

vaLue

notions are fundaMentaL, and not at aLL easiLg avoided, even bg anti-Moraiists,
in the regions of environMentat ethics.^ SoMe of the anaiogue notions are

however, e.g. a thing warrants vaLue consideration iff it has vaLue; it

triviaL

is of vaLue reLevance iff it has nonnegiigibte

vaLue

circuMstances);

the

(in

Even so the ana Logue notions heLp in shifting the issues and showing where
the reaL prob ten Lies with the group of MoraL notions, naneig in what Makes
soMething Morai.
It
this notion too that has induced the unwarranted
narrow ing of focus,
to chauvinistic concerns. For a coMMonp Lace answer,
certainig wrong,
to what deternines what is MoraL is: hunan concerns. Rather,
etc.

what

is

MoraL

has

to

do

with interest-independent vaLue and with a certain

iMpartiaLitg and Lack of discrininations (i.e. in More oLd-fashioned forMs, with
justice
and
goodness),
features
refLected
fornaLLg
in
suitabLe
universaLizabiiitg of principie.^
So conceived, MoraL Matters do not terMinate
at

narrower

certain

ethicaL

tgpes,

which excLude the wider environnent. The

width of concern wouLd be better revested bg repLacing

ethicaL*.

equivaLent

ethics

a

of

(For

coMparison,

rec Lass ification

as

consider

"environMentat

bg

MoraL

its

originaL

the effect in environMentat
MoraLs"

environMentat

or

Moratitg").

$2.

Rgainst environMentaLLg-restrictive rights packages.

EthicaL standing does

not striettg get or grant a thing rights. Standing gets an iteM
door

for

hearing.

a

hearing;

in

an

ethicaL

it Mag, or Mag not, be conceded or granted rights in the

Rights inpLg sone standing, but not vice versa; sone standing is even,

if gou Like, a proper part of a right. MhiLe such an equation is not Much excuse
for identifging standing and rights (short
assuMption

that

of

the

astonishing

but

prevaLent

aLL reLations are identities), stiLL too often the differences

are giossed over, having MoraL rights is

equated

with

having

MoraL

standing

�The stoppage between the notions Goodpaster exptoits (p.3I8)

CaLLicott).

(e.g.

Ln converting conditions on having rights into conditions

(expioitation

consideration

free

not

exersibie rights is Much Less piausibie

for

Underneath

consideration).

MoraL

these equations and conventions Lie important assunptions;

triviaL

MoraL

deserving

since wh3t is piausibie for

costs,

of

for

just

not

the

More

that what has a status therebg has a right, for instance to get in

one

but

the ethicaL door,

consideration

are

assuMption

the

rendered

that

equivaLent

having

and

rights

standing

or

a coMMon Middie terM, such as

through

having interests, being capabLe of being represented, being abLe to benefit. For
exaMpte, an iteM has MoraL standing (or deserves MoraL consideration) iff it has

iff it has (or even have) rights.

(or can have) interests, i.e.

iMpiicit

appear

but

(with

Minor

Such

equations

quaLifications) in Goodpaster, and exp Lie it

etsewhere, for a wide notion if "interests" extending to aLL Living things;

but

Much More coMMontg theg appear (e.g. as in Freg) for a verg Much More restricted

of (huManoid) interest.

notion

If such fauLtg equations did hoLd, what has been

said against MoraL standing wouLd appLg to that extend aiso against rights.

But

theg do not, and rights require More independent investigation.

contrast

Bg

with

anti-Moratists, who wouLd reject (MoraL) rights taLk

and institutions aitogether, and with Mang

utiLitarians,

who

view

notion

of

considerabte suspicion at Least, it wiLL be argued, in
g
passing, that rights are aLrcght . The chief targets for criticisM wiLL be
(MoraL)

rights

with

certain

unduLg

narrow

theories

rights,

of

which wouLd have, if theg stood,

decidedLg unfavourabLe environMentat consequences. RLthough
for which he has iLLegitiMateig bagged the titie

view,

Regan's

particuLar

the rights view

(as if

an aniMat rights supporter had to adopt his sort of view), is verg far froM the

attention,

worst of these theories, it is worth singLing out for speciaL

it

has

score

heaviLg

been

proMoted

since

in environMentat ethics Literature and it does

exceedingig weLL, coMpared with its usuaL chauvinistic rivaLs,

in certain

areas of Major environMentat concern, such as the (Mis-)treatMent of aniMats.
R

theorg

of

rights

a

coMprises

representation (in the fashion of other

package,

which can be given fornaL

theories)

genetic

as

containing

the

foLLowing coMponents:
D. a definition of a right, and

P. further postuLates (perhaps independentLg argued for) deLiMiting rights.
Rs

MatheMaticaL

exaMpLes

(such

as those of vector space and categorg) reveaL

there is a good deat of stippage between D

ord inarg

usage

controts

and

P.

But

because

of

the

More

on phiLosophicaL theories, onLg so Much in the wag of

postuLates can be puMped into the definitions offered. The package aLso coMMontg
includes as weLL

0.

a

set

of canonicaL forMS into which aLL (nondiscarded) rights Locutions or

cases can be put, and perhaps aLso (with ground prepared through C)
R. a set

of

reduction

scheMes

for

eiiMinating

transLation, reduction ruLes, etc.

-10-

rights

Locutions,

e.g.

bg

�The

of rLghts advocated bg Regan convenLentLg Lends

theory

partLcuLar

LtseLf to separatLon Lnto these components, as weLL as suggestLng

genetLc

such

breakdown. It begLns wLth a neat defLnLtLon of rLght drawn from HLLL,

accordLng

to whLch a rLght Ls, roughLg, a vaLLd (or suffLcLent) cLaLm whLch socLetg shouLd

It

guarantee.

Ls coup Led wLth a serLes of prLncLpLes or postubates, each gLven

some Lndependent support, of whLch the most basLc Ls the rLght of
and

treatment.

respectfuL

to

patLents

canonLcat

RLthough

expLLcLtLg addressed, one does emerge, whLch takes the form

to

[not]

, where

-

onLg rLghts-hotder on the theorg, but Lt

X[s]

of

The rLght

as

for

Lnstance

not

Ln

to

permtts

(the

pLuraLLsatLon

partLcuLar to some sort of utLLLtarLan anatgsLs, Ls strongLg resisted
the rLghts vLew

features

onto LndLvLduaLs). FLnaLLg reductLon of rLghts, Ln

back

dLstrLbutLng

context

not

are

The basLc form Ls sLnguLar, appLgLng to LndLvLduaLs, who are the

harm .

LncLuded

forms

Lntroduces an LnfLnLtLvaL ctause LndLcatLng a tgpe of

to

actLon or actLvLtg. The cLauses mag be negated,

unduLg

agents

moraL

has a LLttLe

more

thLs

LrreducLbLe

the

Ls

Lt

poLnt,

(Ln

rLghts vLew as opposed to a mot Leg arrag of reduct LonLstLc posLtLons, wLth 'the'
sLgnLfgLng a coLLectLve.)

be

UhLLe Regan s rLghts package wLLL

crLtLcLsed,

Ln

sLgnLfLeant

rejected, through Lts varLatLon a dLfferent rLghts theorg wLLL emerge.

respects

Some of the crucLaL prLncLpLes Regan arrLves at depend
theg

and

heavLLg

upon

-

though

do not foLLow from - defLnLtLon of rLght(s) he defends. Hnd severaL of the

unnecessarLLg restrLctLve features of the vLew do fLow from eLaboratLon of

thLs

defLnLtLon, Ln partLcuLar the LLmLtatLon of rLghts to certaLn LndLvLduaL thLngs,

to

anLmaLs. It Ls Lmportant then to begLn wLth, and hard to avoLd, the

certaLn

Lssue of defLnLtLon.
To ground the varLant defLnLtLon and theorg of rLghts to be reached
fLrmLg Ln usage, consLder fLrst the maLn reLevant sense^' of rLght (to) gLven bg

the Oxford EngLLsh DLctLonarg, vLz.

11.7 JustLfLabLe cLaLms, on LegaL or

grounds, to have or obtaLn some thLng, or to act Ln a certaLn wag.

of

gLven

rLghts

sLmLLar core:
hLm

the

Ln

bg

MLLL

(whLch

of

...

account

Regan cLaLms to endorse, p.369.) contaLns a

a person s rLght ....[Ls] a vaLLd cLaLm upon socLetg
possessLon

The

moraL

somethLng

socLetg

to

protect

ought to defend...', MLLL

provtdes, however, an Lmportant Lnsurance or cover cLause, as to who Ls supposed
to cover the cLaLm, whLch the OED account does

whLch

Regan

after a brLef dLscussLon aLso correctLg omLts (begLnnLng p.270). That Ls,

rLght

not

LncLude,

and

quLckLg contracts to the Less than adequate vaLLd cLaLm; but the force of MLLL s

Lnsurance

cover

Ls

supposed

to foLLow, prLmarLLg Ln vLrtue of what Ls pushed

Lnto the Ldea of a cLaLm. Rs Lt turns out,

Regan, now
features

of

rLghts

LmLtatLng

FeLnberg s

Lt does foLLow, but not Ln that wag.

trLcks,

trLes

to

puLL

substantLve

out of the notLon of a cLaLm. But the notLon does not bear

the weLght theg trg to Lmpose upon Lt; a stronger rope Ls needed for

-11-

such

acts

�than ciaim can suppig. The cruciai act, which tries to read anticipated features
of the notion of riqht into that of ciaim, faiis at the outset:

is entitied to treatment of a certain kind

is to assert that someone...

...

To wake a ciaim
and

that the treatment is due or owed directig to the individuai ... in question. To

a

make

individuais,

ciaim thus, invoives both ciaims-to and ciaims-against...

(p.271). Such an anaigsis of making a

ciaim

imports

much

the

that

ordinarg

notion does not support, nameig, in the first piace, that it invoives or asserts

entitiement, entitiement to treatment of a certain sort, secondig, that it is a
transaction between individuais^,
thirdig, that the imputed treatment is owed
it is a ciaim-against given individuais. But in making

directig to the ciaimant,

such ciaims as that one has visited Mount Rthos, has seen the iark ascend,

at

tea

one

sunset,

doing ang of those things in ang straightforward

not

is

sense. There is nothing significant due or owed,
directed at

other

took

individuais

in

the

the

demanding

assertions

wag,

or

at

need

not

be

aii;

and

no

entitiement to speciai treatment is asked for. Ciaim is a transitive verb, so it
as

requires

weii

as subjects, ciaimants, objects, ciaims, propositionai items

tgpicaiig introduced bg

or 'to . Someone who makes a

that

ciaims

ciaim

that

something or to (have or have done) something. But that is aii. Onig some ciaims

are directed against others, onig some ciaims are entitiements.

Rnd

if

is

it

ciaims that are entitiements that are to be distinguished, it wouid be better to
start with entitiements (cf McCioskeg).

Just such a fresh start wiii be made, in the first stage of modification
of

the

definitions

OED

integration

and

it with Miii's definition. Upon

of

separating off iegai rights (which Regan correctig distinguishes in prettg

much

the standard wag, p.267), the foiiowing then resuits:
M2.

Vaiid

entitiement, on morai grounds, to something (of a correct categorg).

The changes (from 11.7) deserve some justification. Firstig,

or

have

obtain

or

something,

characteristic fiii to

to

in

act

a

certain

"justifiabie

justifiabie

to

(to) something , iogicaiig adds iittie content. For each

something

entaiis

and
mag

to

be

entitiement
ciaims

sufficient,

ent ireig

warrant

vaiid.

from

Thirdig,

and

ang case entitiing ones, and that

in

are

i.e.

dubious ciaims-against preconceptions,
without

be

regarded

appears

most

need

not

ciaim

restrict

to
on

but

aiso

the

ciaim

because

make

or

the
sheds

unduig

and

expected ciass of rights havers or
haver

of

a

it, but it is hard to escape the assumption that if

something has a ciaim then it shouid be the sort of thing

potentiaiig?)

important

entitiement

hoiders, what can have or ho id rights, to ciaimants. Of course the

right

as

grounds

morai

ciaim , not mereig for the reasons given, that

improves upon

invoived

an

sort of justification, which as it turns out is not fuiig

some

adequate, can be given, whereas for a right the derivation

has

converseig

an entitiement to have something. Secondig,

is not strong enough; a ciaimed entitiement
if

(To)

phrase

wag , which gives the

of the sorts of entitiement is an entitiement to something,
entitiement

the

stake

that

ciaims. Thus use of the term

-12-

can

ciaim

(at

ieast

makes it an

�even tougher uphiLL struggLe to work the powerfut rights medicine on

behatf

of

wttd animats and wiLde messes. Of course too, what cLaims are wade coutd be wade

through

indirectLg,

representatives;

the tern

but

representatives" suggests

verg easiig that rights havers have interests to be represented. Opportunitg

wake

the

to

interests" shouid not be afforded

rights" to

dubious inference from

bg the basic definition; and "entitLement" gives appropriate distance.

R Lot hangs on choice of basic

(as

then

terms

other

in

chaiienging

phiiosophicai areas, such as the fundamentsLs of reasoning), even if it seems to

right'

newcomers, as it does to dictionaries, that

entitLement

cLaim'

and

are more or Less interchangeabLe (each is characterised in standard dictionaries

partLg in terms of the others)
tautoLogous.

and

expticative

satisfactorg

UeLL,

Like

definitions

that

M2

definitions

virtuaLLg

are

are

but

anaLgtic,

preferabLg not trivaLLg circuiar, eLse informativeness is sacrificed. R weakness

of the entitLement account (hard to credit after Regan's attack upon it) is that

it risks the Latter. Mhat is needed in pLace of
entitLement,

putative

entitLement'

expression,

right , i.e. it

a

since

doesn t

a

becomes an entitLement, or right, when vaLiditg is

that

appropriateLg estabLished, and so on. From this angLe,

better

something,

is

write

in

To

vaLiditg.

avoid

a

is

sLightLg

a reaL or supposed

to

amounts

sometimes

cLaim

cLaim'

these

probLems

with

avaiiabie terminoiogg, there is a case for coining a rather immediate expression
basic definition

something,
R

vaLid

in that something (after

fiLL

to

into

in M2) and avoid disappearance of the

VaLid

something,

on

to something , which couLd embrace Lots of items other than rights).

term

suitabie

entitLement,

titiement ;

is

which

a

or

a

is

titiement

aLLeged

or

putative

mag or mag not be correctLg vaLidated, en-ed (cf. titLe *6.

That which justifies or substantiates a cLaim; a
aLLeged

(e.g.

vacuitg

quant ificationaL

recognised

right',

Const,

with

cLaimed .) R titiement is a transformation

ground

inf.

of

a

or

right;

of

to,

suitabie

hence,

an

of the thing

in,
deontic

principLe,

cat Led a susta in ing principLe. For instance, the form It is mostig permissibie
[for X] to R , where suitabie, gieLds the titiement form There is a titiement
[for

X]

R .

Requirements

for

what conditions objects (Rs) and

suitabiLitg,

subjects (Xs) shouLd satisfg, are investigated in what foLLows.
Before trging for a mark-3 definition of right (to),
MiLL,

as

interpreted bg Regan (pp.270-1). MiLL

titiements are to be vaLidated:

depend

on

compLiance

its

independentLg

estabLished'

the vaLiditg of

with

(p.270),

derivation from these correct moraL

stack, the vaguer

a

right (to)

moraL

principLes

us

return

a

right,
whose

correct
that

he

beiieves,

takes

up,

must

have been

vaLiditg

principLes.

to

as to how

provides...guidance

princ ip Les

i.e.

Let

It

is

the

removing

the

"moraL grounds" (cf. M2 and 11.7). Then in the mark-3 version,

is a

M3. VaLid titiement,

from

correct

moraL

principLes,

appropriate) item. The LogicaL form is aLmost immediate:

-13-

to

some

(categoriaLLg

�H3S.

premLsses

correct worst prtncLpLes

SustaLnLng prtnctpLe as
to R

vaLLd dertvatton
cone Lus con

There Ls a tttLement to
R

RssumLng evergthtng Ls Ln order Ln the scheme H3S, the inference to a rLght-to R
Ls

then

LmmedLate,

bg

f13. The whoLe pattern Ls at once duLg reLatLvLsabLe to

suLtabLe havers. Thus X has a rLght to R Lff

X

has

a

tttLement,

vaLLd

Trow

correct woraL prtncLpLes, to R, somethtng that a suLtabLe reLatLvLsed derLvatLon

wag

estabLLsh.

candLdates

The

fLLL

to

R provLde a famLLLar LLst, e.g.

out

freedom from unnecessarg sufferLng, respectfuL treatment, satLsfg

sound

LLfe,

needs,

support, rewarding work, a fatr go, etc.. Bg no means aLL of these

candLdates can be vaLLdated, wLthout at Least
severaL

basLc

restrLct

the

quaLLftcatLon,

consLderabLe

and

categorg of subjects, L.e. the LogLcaL sort of Ltem that

can have the purported tttLement.

Such a scheme, as f13S

not

(whLLe

entLretg

wLthout

adequate

eLaborated notLon of tLtLement) both enabLes further features of
and revests much about rtghts.

derLved

important addttLon to the deftnLtLon of

ought

to

protect

can

hoLders,

be

regards

as

correct

moraL

rLght , of a requLrement

and

therefore

rLghts, to Lnsure protectLon,
dLffuse

correLatLve

dutLes

3pptg

prtncLpLes,
to

Ls

no

doubt

Ls thus a consequentLaL

over

vaLLd

characterLstLc poLnt of

R

tLtLements.

as socLetLes

Lt

transmLt

uphoLd,

feature.

SLmLLarLg

such

obLLgatLons to uphoLd rLghts are not
feature

from

thetr

character. In parttcuLar, the FeLnberg-Regan cLaLm-agaLnst component

of thetr proposed anaLgsts Ls not part of the meanLng of
that

soctetg

that

that reLevant soctettes ought to

part of the deftnLtLon of rLghts, but a LogLcaLLg emergent
dertvatLve

be

separated as a consequence; Lt Ls not (as

uphoLd them. But such functors, as obLLgatLon to

derLvatLons;

to

rtghts

In the fLrst pLace, Lt shows that HLLLs

dLcttonarg defLnLtLons atso LndLcate) a deftntng feature. For

true

duLg

3

rLght,

but

somethtng

foLLows from the prtncLpLes sustatntng a rLght to somethtng. For Lnstance,

Lf Lt Ls generaLLg permtsstbLe to LLve
others,

free

from

unnecessarg

suffering

then

moraL agents are therebg prohtbLted from causing unnecessarg sufferLng;

-14-

�and

prohLbLtLon

the

functor

Ls

transnLtted

the

down

cLaLn-agaLnst certain, tgpLcaLLg unspecLfLed, norat agents

R

derLvatLon.^

Ls

consequentLaL

a

feature of vaLLd tLtLenents to, transnLtted fron the sustaLnLng noraL prLncLpLe.

(ThLs

Ls

whg

Regan

can aLwags easLLg nanage to fLLL out a cLaLn-agaLnst forn

where a McCLoskeg ent Lt Lenent can be estabLLshed; see RR p.231).
SecondLg, the schene and defLnLtLon nake Lt evLdent that

seLf-evLdent

puretg

or

rLghts.

axLonatLc

a

aLwags

defence

It foLLows, then, that ang theorg

rLghts bg reference to such derLvatLons.

cLaLns

are

no

For ang rLght that stands up, that

connands the tLtte, has a vaLLd derLvatLon. Rnd there Ls

Lags

there

of

that

seLf-evLdent rLghts (such as FIcCLoskeg s), or axLonatLc rLghts

to

(such as DworkLn's), and ang decLaratLons, constLtuttons or bLLL of rLghts (such
as

that

RnerLcan)

the

announces seLf-evLdent rLghts,

Ls nLstaken. RLghts are

aLwags derLvatLve fron other parts of an ethLcaL sgsten.
ThLrdLg, the theorg shows dLrectLg the "derLvatLve character" of rLghts,

and hetps to LndLcate the extent of theLr eLLnLnabLLLtg. For Lf rLghts are ever

to be estabLLshed, then there nust, Ln the end, be correct noraL prLncLpLes,

as

there are, fron whLch tLtLenents do derLve. Thus a requLrenent of ground hoLds,
are

rLghts

and

generated

fron other noraL prLncLpLes, Ln partLcuLar those of

pernLssLon and obLLgatLon. RLghts are derLvatLve, not Ln the sense that there Ls

a precLse recLpe for transLatLng rLghts dLscourse out - ang adequate transLatLon
renaLns wLthLn the rLghts cLrcLe, of entLtLenent, cLaLns,

etc.

-

but

Ln

the

derLvatLonaL sense, that theg derLve fron another part of the deontLc area, that

argunents and JustLfLcatLons for then go back to deontLc prLncLpLes.

Because

of

theLr nuLtLpLg derLvatLve character, rLghts are dLspensLbLe

after a fashLon, and at sone cost. So theg

envLronnentaL

ethLcaL

enterprLses.

not

are

But

Ln

essentLaL

absoLuteLg

a

strongLg

for

LndLvLduaLLstLc

rLghts-orLented socLetg, such as the USR, where rLghts notLons (and partLcuLarLg
LndLvLduaL propertg notLons) are taken verg serLousLg,

Lt Ls a snart strategg to

nake heavg use of then, after the node of Regan. EnvLronnentaL posLtLons can do

thLs aLso, bg derLvLng approprLate tLtLenents.

RLghts are not nereLg derLvatLve, because, for Lnstance,

of

the

force

theg are accorded and the rotes theg can pLag when adnLtted. Rs RnerLcan wrLters

stress, rLghts are anong the weLghtLest of

others

(hence

the

Lnportance

Ln

a

noraL

consLderatLons,

whLch

noraL or evLronnentaL cause of obtaLnLng

rLghts accredLtatLon). RLghts certaLnLg have Lnportant protectLve and

rotes,
of

Ln

persuasLve
so

Lnsurance

sheLterLng Ltens fron powerfuL actors and Lnterests. For those sorts

prLncLpLes,

and

truno

on.

argunentatLve

reasons

too,

Lnputed

rLghts

are

Lnportant

Ln

reLnforcLng

gettLng others to take Ltens serLousLg, to treat then decentLg,

Ln

The

socLaL

advantages

LnstLtutLonaLLsatLon

of

rLghts

accordLngLg

offers

not to be taken LLghtLg or abandoned. For these sorts

of reasons, too, rLghts are not superfLuous (as Freg Ls LncLLned to suggest:

-15-

he

�aLso incLined to suggest, not aLtogether consistentLg, that there aren t ang

is

woraL rtghts, p.7, p.17). Granted that for Mang purposes we can proceed back

Lt ts not a consequence that Me

prtnctpLes froM which rtghts derive; stLLL,

the

can get a Long as weLL without theM, stLLL Less that there
potnt

no

ts

advantage

or

Set-theorettctans can get a Long without nunbers; woMen can get

theM.

to

to

aLong wtthout thetr bras, soMe of theM teLL us; nucLear reactors can

get

aLong

wtthout doubLe shteLdtng, so Russ Lan experts used to teLL us.

R fourth set of consequences of the rtghts package offered Ls that there
Ls no basts for various restrtcttons wtdetg tMposed upon the having

senttence,

tnterest,

as

such

etc.

(a

rather

now

rtghts,

of

faniLiar test). Constder

tnterests ftrst, stnee an "tnterests" restr Let Lon on rights-havers Ls pervasive.
Nothtng Ln the deftnttton and dertvatton schene gtven, or Ln
Ln

the

Ln suttabLLLtg requtreMents). Yet a cruciaL

theg coutd be incorporated,

Ln

defLntttons

McCLoskeg, MiLL, ...), requtres such tnterests (though

(OED,

vLctnttg

other

preMtss

the issue of whether things other than persons, aninats especiaLLg, can have

rights Links rights-hoLding with interest. R tgpicaL bridge princLpLe is

RI. OnLg iteMs which (can) have MoraL rights (cf. Freg, p.5). Rs Freg
RI

is

observes,

not obvious (he Later appLies a strong forM of RI, without 3ngthing Much

in the wag of argunent, nonetheiess), and has

had

Mang

with

notabtg

rivaLs,

interests
repLaced bg other candidates put up for gaining MoraL standing
(rationaLitg, Language, sentience, etc. - the saMe tiresoMe List).^

How then does the interest requireMent, RI, gain its wide

accreditation

and grip? For an astonishing series of bad reasons (as FreedMan Ln effect brings

out),
1)

inc Lud ing: we

Usage;

speak of Ltens Lacking interests (individuaLitg, etc.) as

don't

possessing rights (thus Ln effect McCLoskeg).
and

non-usage

to

has

be

backed

In fact we do,

bg other consideration if arbitrariness and

prejudice are to be avoided (FreedMan pp.

160-1).

2) RbgsMaL anaigses, such as TooLeg s anaLgsis of X has a right to R as
to refrain fron actions that wouLd deprive hiM
(again dissected bg FreedMan p.161 ff.)^

it

of

and

coupied

3) Mistaken thenes, such as Feinberg s (drawn fron McCLoskeg) that

protection of an interest, and hence [it is ciaiMed] for
right

it

cLaiM).

Must

have

Nothing

characteristicaLLg

an

interest

however

requires

afford

(FreedMan,

is

that

reasoning

a right is a

sonething

to

a

have

p.16^., who upsets the inferred
the

protection

rights

that

of an interest; as far as the Meaning of

goes it can be of a thing or a sgsteM. t*)

exercising

roughig

if R desires X, then others are under a prina-facie obLLgation

with

sgnongnous

have;

others

and

Confusion

of

having

right
with

right

a

a right (pp.162-3), or even with being abLe to cLain a right. Though

these are evidentLg different, and entaitMents froM having to exercising

or

to

cLaining evidentLg faiL, such confLations are encouraged bg easg but unwarranted

transition,

such as those froM having a cLaiM to Making or being abLe to Make a

cLain. But, to reiterate, rights have nothing highig intiMate

-16-

to

do

with

the

�Mak Lng

bg

c La LMS

of

a

hoLder (though no doubt an art Lou Late Maker of cLaLMS

hoLds soMe advantage Ln achLevLng Lts and others cLaLns).

R

creature

or

LteM

wLth cLaLMS Mag have no abLLLtg or coMpetence to Make or present theM; or be the
sort of thLng that can. ^a) ContractLons of rLghts to a subcLass of rLghts, such
as exercLsabLe rLghts,

Lndeed

Lnterest-protectLng rLghts, accountabLe rLghts, etc. Then

conatLve requLreMents do foLLow (e.g. what has an exercLsabLe rLght Must

presunabLg at sone stage be suLtabLg aLLve and capabLe

but

reLevant

actLvLtg),

requLreMents foLLow froM the subcLassLfLcatLon LnvoLved, not froM the

such

notLon

of

rLght.

of

For

Lnstance,

the

Lnterest-protectLng

aspect

of

tnterest-protecttng rLghts foLLows froM the Lnterest-protectLng restrLctLon, not

froM

the

notLon of rLghts, whLch Mag serve to protect thLngs LackLng interests

(especLaLLg under chauvLnLstLcaLLg-favoured hLgh redefLnLtLons of

Lnterests).

R reLated cLuster of poLnts appLLes to attenpts to

rLghts

restrLct

to

persons or to LndLvLduaLs, atteMpts aLso tgpLcaLLg underpLnned bg the assuMptton

that

what has or can have rLghts Must have Lnterests, or desLres, or a suLtabLe

conatLve LLfe, or whatever. But nothLng Ln the notLon of rLghts restrLcts rLghts

to persons, or to

LndLvLduaLs,

or

persons" Ln a generous LegaL sense; nothLng restrLcts theM to
LndLvLduaLs

and

"persons".

RLL

these

restr Let Lons

on

rLght-hoLders are Lnposed, wLthout Much or suffLcLent justLfLcatLon, usuaLLg for
LdeoLogLcaL reasons, such as bLockLng LegLtLMate cLaLMS on behaLf of daMaged

dLsadvantaqe LteMs or sgsteMs, MerLtLng protect Lon.

or

�§3.

and rebuiLding environMentaLLg.

the rLghts vLew

Deconstructing

Most iMportant, Regan's sharp LiMitation of rLghts

LndLvLduaL

to

Consider,

a

subjects,

LLMLtatLon whLch has a Most daMaging effect on the abLLLtg of hLs rLghts vLew to
cope

decentLg

spec Les,

concernLng rare 3nd endangered
(e.g.

Regan s

pp.395-6).

prob Lens of our tines, such as those

envLronnentaL

Major

wLth

forest

does

restrLctLon

ecosgsteMs,

wLLderness,

foLLow

froM

not

even

etc.

hLs

own

defLnLtLon of a rLght, as a vaLLd ciaiM. Rather the restrLctLon Ls progressLveLg
LnfLLtrated,

as

postuLates

the

concerning

are eLaborated. It is not

rights

uniforMig inf titrated (and in other work Rgan appears to abandon restrictions to

individuaLs, e.g. HP, p.32). For instance at a cLosing stage (in

p.39S)

RR,

a

arguMent against priviLeged status for rare or endangered species begins,

brief

because paradigMatic right-hoLders are individuaLs

(In

sgLLogistic

extended

IndividuaLs

forM the arguMents runs: ParadigM3tic right-hoLders are individuaLs.

not acquire ang further rights if theg beLong to rare or endangered species.

do

Therefore, paradigMatic right-hoLders do not so acquire further rights. So

the

rights view does not acknow Ledge ang priviLeged MoraL status on the part of rare

endangered

or

species

right-hoLders needn t be

individuaLs,

aniMais.)

of
so

The

restricted

beginning

after

aLL,

onLg

the

species

(with

a

if

are

paradigMs

MoraL

the

about

or

MeMbers

species

e.g., as Hutiean entities, certaintg then

treated,

individuaLs, at Least BoodnanesqLg). But earLier Regan

view

as

Look

undercutting the brief argunent. For siMpig consider sone

further

non-paradignatic right-hoLders, such as endangered species

theiisetves.

it

Makes

of

announces,

rights

The

Species

are not

individuaLs, and the rights view does not recognise the MoraL rights of

species

to

is

view

3ngthing

rights

individuaLs.

(p.3S9). Thus individuaLs, whatever theg are (no characterisation

is actuaLLg offered),

are

not

MereLg

the

right-hoLders;

paradigMatic

theg

right-hoLders. The More conciiiatorg paradigMatic Line gives wag to the

exhaust

iron-fisted thene of

(p.361),

according

the
to

aLLeged

individuaListic

nature

of

MoraL

rights

which the notion of MoraL rights cannot be neaningfuLLg

appiied other than to individuaLs (p.36I). Rs far as evergdag, MoraL

and

LegaL

usage goes this just isn t true; there is no such categoriaL restriction.

Uhg

trg

to

iMpose

such

an

iMpLausibLe and environnentaLLg daMaginq

atoMistic restriction on a rights view? Or, siMiLarLg, on a MoraL standing view?
EMending the brief arguMent awag froM anti-environMentaL ends indicates whg.

a

rebuiit

rights view, an individuaL Mag acquire More rights, and warrant More

protection, bg be Longing to an endangered group,

in virtue of princ ip Les such as

that significant endangered species ought to be protected.
creatures

wouLd

hoLd

different

But

then

different

rights, contradicting Regan's assuMption that

aLL aniMaLs are equaL* (p.395) - at Least in rights heid,
this,

On

but as a Matter of definition) in

and

basis

(the

of

inherent vaLue'. Here is the source of

the troubLe, of individuaListic restrictions, not the basic account
but the adjoined equaLitg assuMptions.

-18-

of

rights,

�restriction to individuats Ls not just an optionaL extra Ln Regan s

The

package, that can simpig be pee Led off.

rLghts

appt LeatLons

of

super-imposed

theorg,

the

but

Ls

essentLaL

wLth

for

the

given

coherence

a super-individuaL, such as a specLes,

If

postuLates.

equaLLtg

hetd rLghts on an equaL basts

It Ls requLred not ontg Ln major

Lt,

composLng

LndLvLduaLs

the

then

the

wouLd both have more rLghts than Lts LndLvLduaLs (those of aLL

super-individuaL

Lts components) and the same rLghts (cf.DE

on

bLocentrLc

egaLitarianism;

DC,

Furthermore, equaLLtg assumptLons are verg heavLLg depLoged Ln foLLowing

p.3S).

through LmpLLcatLons of the LndLvLduaL rLghts view, where dLfferentLaL treatment

of different sorts of creatures Ls repeatedLg ruLed out bg appeats to equaLLtg.

IntegraL as equaLLtg assumptLons are to Regan s LndLvLduaL-rLghts

view,

theg are neLther part of more ordLnarg ref Leet Lons on rLghts nor part of what Ls

meant bg rLghts, but addLtLonat postuLates. Theg can accordLngLg be removed, and
deconstructLon

on

of

the

rLghts

exactLg

view

thLs

Ls

EquaLLtg

done.

assumptLons concernLng moraL rLghts are supposed, Ln the fLrst pLace, to

from

dLrectLg

dLstLnguLshLng moraL rLghts, for Lnstance unLversaLLtg

features

absoLute

are

quaLLt Les, theg do

Ls

aspect ref Leets

and equaLLtg features (p.267). But aLL thLs "equaLLtg

rLghts

foLLow

that

(p.368). It does

not come Ln degrees

not foLLow that one Ltem cannot have more rLghts than another (because, e.g., of

Ltems

the sort of thLng Lt Ls), or therefore that aLL

bund Les

equaL

that

have

have

rLghts

of (even baste) rLghts. Nor does equaLLtg of basLc rLghts foLLow

from unLversaLLtg requLrements, but ontg a

certain

Ln

LmpartLaLLtg

treatment

(often confused however wLth egatttartanLsm).
equaLLtg

NeLther

nor

assumptLons

LndLvLduaLLstLc restrtctLons emerge

then; and Ln fact theg do not fLgure eLsewhere Ln the anaLgsLs of rLghts
To

them

fend

we

have

to

foLLow

gLven.

the text past the anaLgsLs, through to the

LntroductLon of the fundamentaL respect prtncLpLe and the

rLght

respectfuL

to

treatment (p.277 ff.), where both equaLLtg and LndLvLduaLLtg enter Ln a bLg wag,

both

beLng

imported

parts of the theorg of Lnherent vaLue (and assocLated

as

justLce prLncLpLe) from a previous chapter. For what Ls
rLght

those

of

who

have

argued

Ls

basic

the

Lnherent vaLue to... respectfuL treatment

(p.277),

where Lnherent vaLue Ls bg def Ln Lt Lon confLned to LndLvLduaLs and somethLng

aLL

suLtabLg conatLve LndLvLduaLs (those subject-of-a-Life) have equaLLg.

ConsLder

subjects'

vaLue

as

- what we LL caLL Lnherent

LndLvLduaLs

vaLue. ... aLL who have Lnherent vaLue have Lt equaLLg

p.23S ff.).

(pp p.37;

Inherent vaLue Ls thus a theoretLcaL notLon, conforming

sLmLLarLg
to

HR

various

postuLates, notabLg LndLvLduaLLtg and equaLLtg. ObviousLg the theorg of Lnherent
vaLue

can

be

varied,

pLace of Lnherent vaLue,

LndLvLduaL

as Regan effectiveLg admits (p.362). Consider, then,

Ln

LnLtLaL or connate vaLue,

X,

or not, as foLLows: the vaLue of X,

defined,

for

ang

Ltem

if ang, as an Ltem (and not as a

mere receptacLe). In pLace of the equaLitg postuLated for Lnherent vaLue, Lt
assumed

that,

for

Ls

ang X and Y of the same ethicaL tgpe, X and Y have the came

-17-

�connate vaLue. Then, white connate vaLue Ls not verg Mett characterised,

Ls

Lt

as adequateLg specified as Lnherent V3tue, and can carrg Lts work-Load.

showing

Before

that Let s Look at differences, and Limitations, of the

notion. Mhite inherent vaLue is an aLL-or-nothing

(certain

affairs

individual

tgpes have Lt, nothing eLse does, but has zero vaLue), connate vaLue Ls not. Not
that have (non-zero) connate vaLue need have equaL positive vaLue or

tgpes

aLL

positive vaLue at aLL. DeviLs, certainLg if theg existed, wouLd
negative

vaLue

connate

disboLicainess,

if

(their

ontoLogicaL

no

nonexistence

proofs

objects are to be beLLeved.) Connate

doubt

have

decidedLg

to

adding

their

the existence of top connate vaLue

of

are

vaLues

somewhat

thus

initiaL

Like

LeveLs of perfection. Connate vaLue Ls, Like inherent vaLue properLg understood,
at

an

best

initiaL

assignment.

The

assignments

Like those of initiaL

are

probabiLLtg under a principLe of indifference (particuLarLg

vaLue;

connate

out

themseLves

presumptive

those

of

inherent

vaLue invoLves a further tgpoLogg). UntiL actors, objects, sort

their

bg

initiaL

Life-stgLes,

can

which

vaLue,

then

intrinsic vaLue gets cLarified; compare a

be

theg

states

worLd-Lines,
posteriori

a

diminished as

or

increased

receive

probabiLLtg

assignments.

Thus too connate vaLue is not aLL that is taken into account in discerning moraL
and so Ln deriving rights. Further vaLue-making or vaiue-detracting

prtncLpLes,

features of things which affect intrinsic vaLue are aLso reLevant.
0 criticaL question is whether connate vaLue can serve to

carrg

enough

(not aLL, of course) of the requisite argument; in particuLar, that to a respect

principLe.

appears

Examination

to

show that it can, at Least to this extent:

insofar as the argument (pp.277-9) based on

respectfuL

fact,

Ln

individuat

bg

to

item

substitute

connate

made

is

principLe,
principLe

as

aLso

to

repLace

required,

nameig

resuLts

defence

of

the

modified, succeeds. It does, as inspection of the
bg

shows,

where

the

the same substitutions as before. The modified

principLe Looks near-anaLgtic: Ue are to treat those items

which

have

connate

that respect their connate vaLue (pp.2t+8). The modified respect

wags

in

and

presupposed

argument (pp.258-60) for the modified respect principLe soon

vaLue

right

throughout, and to verifg bg inspection that aLL detaiLs

that evergthing does work as weLL, given that the

modified

the

features of moraL rights. But it is straightforward to verifg

concerning

respect

to

inherent

for

work just as weLL. Minor use of some points aireadg

those

vaLue

succeeds, so does that based instead on connate vaLue. It

treatment

suffices,

inherent

principLe appLies of course to species and sgstems, as weLL as for

individuaLs,

and so does the expanded right to respectfuL treatment.

Much of the remainder of Regan's text can be simiLarLg reinterpreted,
but again bg no means aLL.15 (Limitations of space, time, and energg preciude a

fuLLer

de-

and

re-construction). Some initiaL indication onLg of the expanded

environmentaL rights theorg
offered.

But

it

which

repLaces

the

moraL

rights

view

wiLL

be

is important to observe right awag, that mang of the goats of

-20-

�the anLmaL rights Movement, as Regan conceives Lt
Largetg intact under the expanded rLghts

theorg

(e.g.

can

PP,p.32),

perhaps

(minus

remain

totaLitg

the

cLaims), for instance, the theme of aboLition of the use of animats Ln scLence.
But not aLL the further postulates of Regan's rLghts view remain intact,

most notabLg that of vegetarianism, which Ls not a consequence of themes of

rLghts movement. Nonethe Less?

animat

the rLghts view hotds that the LndLvLduaL

h3s a dutg to Lead a vegetarian Mag of LLfe
supererogatorg;

Lt

(p.351,p.3^.6) to

thLs

permLssLbLe

Ls

vegetarianism Ls

(p.39!+);

But

(p.3^6).

obLLgatorg'

cone Lus Lon

the

appear

to

most

the

arguments

the

not

Ls

Lt

that

Ls

estab LLsh

not

to consume the products of commercLaL animat agrLcuLture (LncLudLng

Since the anLmaL Lndustrg routLneLg

presumabLg eggs and pureLg bread sausages).

vLoLates the rLghts of these anLmaLs, for the reasons

Ls

Lt

given,

wrong

to

purchase Lts products. That Ls whg, on the rLghts view, vegetarLanLsm Ls moraLLg

obLLgatorg, (p.3SI,LtaLLs added). Rs an argument to vegetarLanLsm (a

vegetarLan

beLng, one who abstaLns from anLmaL food, and LLves on veqatabLe food, and,
'16
----usuaLLg eggs, mitk, etc
), the argument Ls a major nonsequLtur (Likewise the
argument, p.3^.6)^\ For there are mang wags of obtaLnLng anLmaL food whLch do

not LnvoLve commercLaL anLmaL agrLcuLture or commercLaL practLces (the no

proper

of

focus

Regan's

sLnce

attach,

such

practLces

tgpLcaLLg

dLsrespectfuL and insensitive use and rLghts vLoLatLons). Examp Les
of

practLces

huntLng-gatherLng

LLfestgLes,

of

doubt

Lead

LncLude

to
the

the gardenLng cuLtures of the

Pie Lanes La and PoLgnesia, of subsLstence farmLng and of some of the new communes.
Regan's further argument (Lt wouLd be unfaLr to stick hLm wLth the awfuL page

3nd

351

with

eatLng

dogs) commLts hLm, moreover, to the moraL LmproprLetg of

(as

these extensive tradLtLonaL LLfestgLes

weLL

as

mtnor

ones),

newfangLed

Lnsofar as theg LnvoLve the kiLLLng of pLgs and fLsh and occasLonaL wLLdLLfe and
so

R chLef reason gLven Ls that

on.

end
theLr

LLves are brought to an untLmeLg

antmaLs'

(e.g. p.39^.). But suppose, to dLspose fLrst of strLct
tLme

has

come,

vegetarLanLsm,

that

or, more straLghtforwardLg, that theg are aLreadg dead.

Mhat precLudes respectfuL use?
Rn expanded rLghts theorg does not entaLL vegetarLanLsm - ang more

connected

theorLes,

such

as

aLL

that

consLderatLon, or rLvaL theorLes such as

restrLctLons,

wLthout

further

Large

sent Lent

utLLLtarLanLsm,

are

Longer

no

sentient

or

entaLL

moraL

deserve
such

dLetarg

assumptLons. For there are mang tgpes of

circumstance where Lt Ls perfectLg permLssLbLe to

which

beLngs

than

eat

dead

creatures,

things

which wLLL not now attain sentience (as DC

exp Lains and argues). The more probLematic area Ls not that of consuming what is

aLreadg dead, but of causing

prematureLg,

Ln

order

death

(or,

to

a

Lesser

extent,

Letting

die)

to achieve that option or, to gieLd it as a bg-product.

For this appears to infringe rights to Life and LLveLihood and to vioLate

moraL

standing of creatures interfered with so drasticaLLg.

Rppears to. For even ethicaL theorLes that now concede various rLghts to

-21-

�anLmaLs

bauLk

anLmaLs.

Rnd

at

for

sone

patLents,

Papuans

the

rLghts

extensive

to LLfe and LLveLhood to

own vLew provLdes, Ln the categorLaL dLstLnctLon between

Regan's

noraL agents and moraL
treatment,

such

admLttLng

ground

of

treatment

dLfferentLaL

further

and pLgs, a

peopLe

dLstLnctLon Ln whLch Regan hLmseLf takes refuge when pressed.
Regan s

dLfferentLaL

justLfgLng

for

So how tLght

Ls

Ln partLcuLar when reconsLdered as appLgLng agaLnst

arguMent,

tradLtLonaL LLfestgLes rather than agaLnst modern commercLaL practLces? The buLk

of the crucLaL argument

ff.)

dLd

not

treat

resources.

Nor

dLd

theg

(p.3{+^);

receptacLes

does

sLmpLg

cuLtures

tradLtLonaL

renewabLe

(p.3t*3

appLg.

not

anLmaLs just as resources, stLLL Less as
as

anLmaLs

treat

Lnstruments

mere

excLude some kLLLLng of anLmaLs - or do theg? It wouLd seem that
of

tradLtLonaL

unLLke

peopLes,

provLsLon (p.3t*3), are

prLncLpLe

dubLous

admLtted

commercLaL
under

derLved

supposedLg

who

farmers

Regan's
from

prLncLpLe

LLbertg

respect prLncLpLe, p.332). R

the

LncLudLng

fundumentaL respect prLncLpLe LtseLf. On a straLght readLng

requLres

whLch

that

treatment

creatures

of

vaLue

Lnherent

are

however

Some

excLuded.

Ls

not

of

for

prLncLpLe,

the

countervaLLLng

respectfuL
No

excLuded.

LnfrLnged because a creature of Lnher- nt vaLue
persLst, come what mag.

There

use

Ls respectfuL of the kLnd of vatue theg have

(p.277), such uses of anLmaLs are not

wLth

a

(p.331,

stgLe of better tradLtLonaL practLces Ls excLuded under the more

the

Ln

practLces

the

vLoLate the respect

crLtLcaL quest Lon Ls whether the respectfuL use of anLmaLs,
food,

Papua,

pLgs before kLLLLng. CarefuL, respectfuL practLces do not

exchanged

often

or

consLder the respectfuL treatment of mang hunter-gatherer

groups Ln aborLgLnaL RustraLLa, or the practLces of gardenLng peopLes Ln

who

Large

and

Bg

does

rLghts are therebg

a

acquLre

not

Ln

LndLctLons

Lnterference
rLght

text

Regan s

to

(and

eLsewhere Ln hLs "preservatLon prLncLpLe") whLch wouLd go far towards sustaLnLng
the vegetarLan concLusLons he faLLs to reach, and therebg to ruLLng

tradLtLonaL

the bLoconatLvLst assumptLons

that Lt Ls

LLfestgLes

LnadmLssLbLe.

Such

are

aLwags wrong to destrog LLfe (verg specLat cLrcumstances apart perhaps), that Lt
Ls never permLssLbLe to reduce vaLue catastrophLcaLLg the wag that

LLfe

anLmaLs

brLnqtrg

to an untLMeLg end does. But Ln fact Regan does not endorse such

prLncLpLes, strongLg rejectLng prLncLpLes LLke the pacLfLst prLncLpLe

use

or

harmfuL

destructLve

wLth

LncompatLbLe

bLoconatLvLst

the

vLoLence

"LLbertg"

assumptLons,

no

(p.287);

prLncLpLes

matter

as

Lnterpreted.

dLffLcuLt

how

wouLd

maxLMLae

never

to

bLoconatLvLsm appears

Lndeed

to

NonetheLess,

LLve bg, are hLghLg

appeaLLng to mang ethLcaL pacesetters and theorg desLgners, especLaLLg
who

an

to

mang

vaLue. But theg throw the whoLe naturaL order Lnto ethLcaL

dLsorder; predatLon, fuLL terrLtorLaL defence and mang other commonpLace naturaL
happenLngs are thrown Lnto ethLcaL doubt or
MorLd

magbe a

Ls

not

verg

rendered

LnadmLssLbLe.

ilagbe

The

RequLred the wag Lt surprLsLngLg Ls (LesLLe's thesLs) after aLL;
dLfferent

predator-free

sLn-eradLcated

RequLred, where V3tue j^s maxLmLzed?

-22-

post-naturaL

worLd

Ls

�$4.' Ti'tt'eMsnts

and

substantiaL prob tews.

tivehood:

and

predation, territoriatitg

other

the dust that status-quo-supporting phiiosophers

Despite

have raised, there is no doubt, tooking through the ctoud, but that
* Rnimats have various interests, mang of then of the
human

as

those

of

instance, sustenance, survivat, sex, species, sheiter (see

for

animats,

sort

sane

e.g. RR, PR).

* Rnimats

have

various

For exampte, theg have, in the same wag that

rights.

humans do, a right to iive free from unnecessarg suffering, and

from

excessive

interference.
these ciaims are substantiaitg independent (having interests is Logicaitg

Mhite

neither necessarg nor sufficient

significant

connections,

inasmuch

rights),

having

for

as

rights

are

nonethetess

protect

permissibie

there

to

serve

worthwhiie interests which more powerfui operators, such

de-foresters,

as

mag

otherwise override or ignore. There is no doubt, furthermore, that present human
practices

sgstematicaLLg infringe animai rights, especiatig those tied to their

interests. For exampie, much animai
suffering.

causes

experimentation

unnecessarg

quite

there is a powerfui case for changing these practices (compare

Thus

and contrast Freg p.t*.), a case both enhanced,

and

easier

obtain

to

positive

action upon, bg the due admission of relevant rights. Rttainment of the sorts of
sociai

protection

the widespread admission of rights can iead to shouid not be

underestimated, in the wag it is bg utiiitarians and anti-moraiists.
Granted animats have rights, some of them

higher

humans

rights

nohumans,

widespread

a

have,

main

animats

phenomenon

of

predation,

a

par

with

those

that

question (pace Freg) concerns which

outstanding

particutartg,

on

have.

Because

especiatig

of

the

essential to the continued tivetihood of

mang creatures, the issue can took tike an exceedingtg difficult

one

(and

one

comes to grief upon). There are undoubtedtg serious confticts of interest

Regan

induced through the phenomenon, some of them unavoidable as when

a

herbivore s

interest in continued existence ctashes with a carnivore s interest in continued

sustenance,

avoidabte

others

as

in

human

Predation is not of course the ontg source of
territoriatitg,

slaughter of whates and dotphins.
serious

conflict

of

interests;

for instance, C3n atso iead to serious encounters, particutartg

in situations of expanding poputations (thus too the issues are connected).
Such matters as predation, territoriatitg and population
been

converted

into

increase

serious prob terns bg mistaken atomistic views of vaiue and

associated excessive ciaims as to rights. Removing these defective

the

but

integral

part

much

of atomistic non-utititarian positions such as Regan's,

hotds that vaiue (or utititg) is a feature, at bottom, of atomistic
as

themes

probtematic. The vatue theorg involved, tgpified bg utilitarianism

reduces
an

have

individuats,

that

those

items

items

such

(constituting the base ctass) have a fixed

-23-

�(equaL) vaLue whLLe theg persist, which Ls not substitutibLe for

and

that

vaLues

(derived)

Ls

ecosystems,

of

whaLes

additive

an

simpLy

functLon

the

of

aLLenabLe,

such

structures,

organised

and

or

atoms

as

Lt.

within

CharacteristicaLLg aLso theses of maximization and preservatLon of present vaLue
are incorporated Lnto the theorg. On such assumptions, predatLon

and

LnvoLve a reductLon Ln vaLue, at Least Ln the shorter tern, and so a
infringing

path,

and

maximization

preservatLon

enhances the prob Lens bg postuLating a rLght to

has

that

LndLvLduaL

(Lnherent)

LnLtLaL

to

everg

simiLarLy

woraL

exLstence

(and

vaLue

suboptimaL

The rights view

desLderata.

contLnued

Like

the

considerabLLitg posLtLons add to the dLffLcuLtLes). But the assumptions LnvoLved
shouLd be removed. Both the wag the probLems are generated fron the assumptions,

and the reasons for revising the vaLue

eLsewhere

than

which are wore

LncLude

sun

the

of

predators,

theLr

LndLvLduaL

escaLation

The

the

of

theg

though

components,

be hLghLg vaLuabLe Ln theLr own rLght, wLth

mag

LLves of herbLvores substituted for wLthtn
vaLue.

detaLL

Ln

the Breen SerLes, especLaLLg OC ^). Host important, ecosystems,

(Ln

tgpLcaLLg

expLaLned

are

assumptions,

the

through

probLems

wLthout

system,

reductLon

of

theorLes deserves,

rights

however, some eLaboratLon.
R

serLous

cLash

of

Lnterest,

as

between carnLvores and herbLvores,

fortunateLg does not therebg Lnduce an imcompatibLLLtg

rLghts,

of

unLess

too

Lnterests are eievated to rLghts. But just thLs appears to happen when the

many

extensLve (but not LnvarLabLe) Lnterests of LLvLng creatures

exLst are sharpLg upgraded to unquaLLfLed rLghts to LLfe (a

Ln

contLnuLng

mistaken

to

eLevatLon

that Ls common Ln ethLcaL thought). The rLght to LLfe of a success Lon of gnus Ls
LnfrLnged

bg

LLon whLch aLso has a rLght to sustenance to sustaLn Lts LLfe.

a

MLth the advance of technoLogg Lt wouLd now be possLbLe
cases

of

to

Lnterfere

some

Ln

predatLon, e.g. that of the remaLnLng Large carnLvores, to uphoLd gnu

rLghts , bg switchLng the carnLvores to an appropriate vegetarian dLet (and, to

avoLd cuLLLng, our spLended contraceptLve technoLogg couLd be

appLLed

hoLd

to

gnu popuLatLon Ln check). But to deaL wLth aLL cases of predatLon and assocLated

issues

in

these

bizarre sorts of wags Ls not onig practicaLLg LmpossLbLe; but

at

further, such extensLve interference with naturaL ecosgstems is LtseLf,
verg

Least,

dubiousLg

permissibLe.

High-tech vegetarLan-stgLe resoLutLons of

probLems of predatLon, territoriaLitg and so on, are

On

contrary,

the

virtuaLLy

aLL

the

remaining

naturaL

radicaLLg

unsatisfactory.

systems containing Large

carnLvores shouLd be Left substantiaLLg intact or restored towards their naturaL

states. These ecosystems ought to persist, and have a

Can t

an

rights

to,

right

fLourishing LnvoLves reguLar vioLation of aLLeged absoLute

though

their

rLghts to Life.

to LLfe be Left intact (L.e. mereLg moraLLg extended from

unauthentic human setting), and the probLems skirted around? Rfter aLL, some

confLict,

and

inconsistency

even, of

rights,

obLigations

and

so

on,

is

inevitabLe, and can be LogLcaLLg Lived with in these Latter paraconsistent dags.

Some

can,

but

not too much. ConfLict shouLd be confined to exceptionaL (often

-24-

�significant) sorts of cases. In these terns,

bg

accommodated

Mag

of

up

confLLct

sgstematic

reguLar

such

confLLct

anatogous

S3tisfactoriig

It Ls too reguLar,

deontLc

does

sgstem

not

because theg remove part of the poLnt of deontLc

cases,

structures: for then much too much
rather

not

of rLghts or prLncLpLes.

confLLet

sgstematic and commonpLace. R sufficientLg effLcLent
muLtipLg

is

predatton

Ls

time

cases.

R

confLLct,

repuzziing

spent

undermines

MhLch

fash Lon to deaL wLth

sattsfactorg

more

redecLdLng

and

the

point and force of

prLncLpLes, is revision of principLe. Furthermore, a confLLct of rights approach
(no more than a confLLct of vaLues approach:

right.

feeL

doesn't

p.33)

DC,

at

aLL

Lion Ls not acting MrongLg or infringing rights MhoLesaLe, everg Meek

R

Mhen it mag kLLL an anteLope or other creature.

R

aLternative, atreadg indicated, consists then in Minding in

superior

excessive titLement concessions, so as to avoid extensive confLLct. R strong and
Legitimate interest in a continuing LiveLihood

to

right

does

not

an

give

unquaLified

Life, which can be conferred against associated predators. It affords

onLg a defeasibLe right, which can be forfeited or Lapse.

In these terms, a Lion

that takes a Meaker aged gnu, taiLing or separated from a herd, does not vioLate

Lts defeasibLe right to Life. The
different.

Mith

situation

their

take

chances.

rights to Life are not

predatorg

is

essentiaLLg

not

LLL-equipped or reck Less humans who put themseLves Ln or find

LJeak,

themseives in threatening situations, such as
traveL

humans

animats

or

wiiderness

If theg therebu Lose their Lives, their defeasibLe

therebg

or

action

highspeed

infringed

animats

where

(and

defending

their

animats

are

territories

LnvoLved,

not

shouid

be

HL id animats such as gnus are aLmost aiwags on Mitderness traveL,

persecuted).

except when imprisoned in zoos; theg properLg take their

chances

with

naturaL

predators.

Rs pursuit of this approach suggests, a hetpfuL wag of coming
with

predation

and

Like

issues

happens,

what

grips

is through zoning, or more generaLLg through

bioregionaLLsm, which zones regions of the earth s surface
what

to

and

eisewhere.

is protected, what Ls permissibie and right, Ln wiiderness

can be significantLg different from that in urban areas. R tiger that moves

of

out

a wiiderness to a supposedLg easier Life in a citg where incautious citizens

are pLentifuL, cannot expect 3nd doesn t merit the same treatment as Lt did

wiiderness, nameLg being Left LargeLg atone. Moreover, with bioregions

big

For

wiiderness

as

Locus,

Lt

is

much

to think hoLLsticaLLg,

easier

predation as an LntegraL and significant part of

such

a

rich

naturaL

the
as

to see

structure

rather than isoLated action of individuaLs without a further just ifg ing setting.

(The

adjustment

of

ethicaL principtes to regions, and Large communities, need

invoLves no Loss of universaLizabLLitg;

wiiderness

is an appropriatetg generat

notion, not get a proper name.)
The

action

of carnivores (LncLuding traditionaL peoptes) in wiiderness

areas, in taking preg conservativeLg,

Ln defending their territories and so

-25-

on,

�LnvoLves

no

LtseLf

Ln

infringeMents of rLghts then, whether what Ls taken Ls

huMan or not (Ls "repL3cabLe" or not). There Ls Moreover no need
for Lnstance Lf a carnLvore had coMsuMed a

career.

that

tresspassLng

Darwin

Ln

earLg

hLs

brash utLLLtarLan wouLd LnsLst, or pretend, that, when aLL the

a

OnLg

deng

Lts frequent vioLence and death, nag LnvoLve Loss of vaLue, as

with

predatLon,

to

undo-abLe cowputat tons are done, the sufferLng and Losses

and

repLacenents

of

sgsteMS, net vaLue of overaLL naturaL processes Ls aLwags approxtMattng

naturaL

MaxtMaLLtg. On the other stde,

thought

Lt wouLd be a supreMe technoLogtcaL opttMtst

sgsteMS couLd perforw nearLg as sattsfactortLg,

huMan-engtneered

that

even on a qutte Modest scaLe. HuMan

breakdown,

who

efforts,

whtch

especLaLLg

are

prone

to

soMettMes Make soMe SMaLL iMproveMents around the edges; MostLg

can

theg reLg upon expottLng what Ls aLreadg there or nearbg. Rs a worktng ruLe, the

More huMans interfere wLth naturaL processes, the More probLeMs

the

as

there

are

and

More thtngs go wrong. Med LeaL experience wLth intervention, even in Matters
norMaLLg

straightforward

huMan

chLLdbirth,

provide

weLL-docuMented

ruLe at work. The chances of huMans iMproving, technicaLLg or

the

of

evidence

as

MoraLLg, upon Nature Ln wLLderness areas Ls exceedLngLg sLight. To adapt one

the

ecoLogicaL

Laws

to

of

encapsuLate the working ruLe: Nature generaLLg does

better than huMans. Its coroLLarg Ls: CurtaLL excessive

huMan

interference

Ln

naturaL regions.

It does not Matter if, because of predation and the Like, vaLue

a Lwags

as

poLiticaL

high

wickedness,

evoLutionarg

not

it Might be. Mith the persistence of sin and prevaLence of

as

Ls copious reason for conjecturing that we do not

there

inhabit the best of possibLe worLds. Besides we 3re free to specuLate
Long

is

process

-

that

the

no doubt a rather restricted, heaviLg interfered

with, and verg hit and Miss business - did not turn out as perfectLg as Lt Might

have. Major ecosgsteMs certainLg do not appear to have evoLved
adapted

in

weLL

wag

a

to (or anticipating, so to sag) the 3rrivai of Modern huMans with their

enorMOUs destructive capacitg and wLLL to power. But, even apart froM the advent
it is far froM cLear that Nature

of such huMans,

provides

rather Nature satisizes (an adjustMent of ecoLogicaL

an

optiMat

sgsteM;

Law" argued for eLsewhere:

see SM).
The facts of satisization do not put Nature out of step

with

deontic
best

MoraLLtg,

principLes. For deontic principLes aLso answer back eventuaLLg to

sufficient LeveLs of vaLue, not to MaxiMaL consequences (see

were

with

that

vaLue

SH).

Even

it

be Maximized, obLigation certainLg does not require Lt.

Predation can take a rightfuL pLace Ln such a satisizing

environnent;

naturaL sgsteMS which have evoLved with predation seeM to offer quite
and often dazzLing,

Lf

LeveLs of vaLue.

Richard SgLvan
via Bungendore

-26-

for

the

adequate,

�RustraLia 2621

NOTES

1-

For aLL that I an crLtLcaL of Much of

that

thought

environmentaL

Lt far

of southern and western Rmerican schooLs,

out

fLows

the

surpasses the drearg and reactionary anti-environmentaL dross that

emerges

typLcaLLy

the

froM

prestigious

More

universities

Ln

LndustrLaL north-eastern USR and British LLght-engLneerLng centres

LLke Oxford.
2.

May

ThLs

a

strike

MoraL

as

theorist

aiMost

cost/benefit ana Lysis of (mainstream) econoMics -

as curious as a

order

in

aLso

and having reaL point - wouLd strike econoMists. But the cases are
different.

assessMents

Cost/benefit

depend on a vaLue theory of

soMe (perhaps degenerate) sort, but not necessarily on MoraLity.
3-

EntitLement to whom? On traditionaL views, and
amounts

what

choice

seLf-appointed chosen,

(p.!*).

makers

entitLement

a

to

in

There

are

probiems

according

PP,

to

we free and rationaL

use

regarding

of

contexts, since entitLement moves in the

these

rights-circLe and items with m-s May Lack rights.

The annuLar picture is open to the separate charges of being but a
devious sort of moraL ex tens ion ism and of introducing or invoLving
a

moraL hierarchy, both of which set scenes for condemnation. But

neither charge is justified in a form that wouLd do damage.

MoraL

notions are not extended, rather their proper significience ranges

and

catagoriaL

features

are

investigated and put to principLed

work. Rs to the matter of hierarchy, the

dLvisions

of

ref Leets

cLassification

things in terms of such features, where theg appLy,

as capacities and capabiiities. This wouLd yieLd a hierarchy

these

features ranked, which on the annuLar picture they are not.

(Even if they were and a hierarchy
aLL

Not

probiematic.

resuLted,

hierarchies

are

need

that

damaging,

e.g.

ciassificatoru ones, such as BioLogicaL divisions may
oniy

were

when

be.

not

be

mereLy

It

is

hierarchies serve to distribute, or become a means to,

power or priviLege or favour,

that

theg

warrant

the

criticism

hierarchies have encountered. That criticism wouLd have deservedLy
been

directed

at

certain

power

hierarchies are of this sort.)

-27-

hierarchies;

but

not

aLL

�UorrLes

about LnstaLLLng a MoraL power hterarchg or pecktng order

and accoMpangtng MoraL eLLtes are one reason whg sone philosophers

an

(west go qutteLg atong wLth eLLtes) operate wtth

LMpoverLshed

ethLcaL tgpotogg. For instance, a Mtsp Laced egaLLtartantsM appears
both

as

deep ecoLogg, Ln bLo-con3ttvtsM 3nd Ln rLghts vLews such

Ln

where both Lnherent vaLue and the equaL basLc rLghts

Regan's,

Lt supports behave Ln an aLL-or-nothLng fash Lon.

5.

StwLLar funng busLness Ls goLng on

standLng

vaLue-Ln-LtseLf

wLth

Freg,

Ln

equates

who

worst

and proceeds to bound Lt

(p.!+S),

beLow, not bLocentrLcaLLg as Ln Goodpaster, but bg sentLence. ThLs

part

happens as

coLLapse

of

a

of

wore

wLdespread

huwanLstLc

utLLLtarLan

Major ethtcaL dtsttnctLons, wLth rLghts as a further

casuaLLtg.

6.

PossLbLLLtg

and

forws of nonLnterference prLncLpLes

probabtLLtg

are basLc to the Ma Ln

arguwents

the

to

LMMoraLLtg

of

nucLear arrangements: see LiP.

7.

But

Fox

has

M3de

a sustaLned - though now apparentLg parttaLLg

repeated - attewpt to do so, tn hts crtttctsM of axtotogg. Such an

attempt

Ls

bound to faLL. VaLues are baste and LnescapabLe (theg

enter even Lnto truth cLatms). Thus, for Lnstance, a crtttctsM
woraLLtg

as

Ln

a

generaL

bad

Lnstttutton,

cost/beneftt record and, has wrought Much
enMeshed

whtch

damage,

Ls

of

has a poor

thoroughtg

Ln vaLue concerns. RntL-MoraLtsm depends on axLoLogg;

Lt

does not sustain and antt-axtoLogg.

8.

UnLversaLLzabLLLtg Ls used Ln the text because Lt Ls famLLLar. But
what

are reaLLg Lwportant are LntersubstLtutLvLLg and reptaceMent

prLncLpLes, whtch underLLe generaLLztbLLLtg and other features.

8.

SoMe of opposttton and standard objeettons to rLghts

taLk

resuLt

froM Mtsgutded ontoLogtcaL assuMpttons. For exaMpLe, Lt Ls aLteged

that

rLghts

are

verg curtous sorts of entctLes, untversaLs that

sctence casts no LLght upon and does not need. RccordtngLg,

prtncLpLe

of

such

p3rstMong,

as

OccuM s

weLL

as

provLdtng

a

pasttng

such

propertLes,

such

as

betng

objeettons

of such crude LnstruMents as

OccoM s razor: consutt JB, Lndex). Creatures have
have

a

razor, such ent Lt Les

shouLd be dLscarded. Object-theorg shortcLrcuLts

(as

bg

derLvatLve

rLghts;
froM

rLghts

certaLn

obLtgattons; but rLghts do not exLst, soMewhere, or at aLL. RLghts

are LogtcaLLg weLL-enough behaved nonexLatent objects.

-28-

�10.

The not Lon of right[sj, though -a coMparativetg Modern

Ls

one,

a

verg coMpLex one, sone of the conpLexLtg beLng ref Leoted Ln the 20
right' LLsted Ln the OED. Rn atteMpt to

senses of the substantive

brLng sone order and sgsteM to thLs coMptexLtg Ls Made Ln SN.

RLthough

the

takes

anaLgsis

frow

off

one Ma Ln OED sense, the

eLaboratLon wLLL Lead bg or through other connected
1.3

as

whLch

that

MoraLLg just or due

concerned

Ls

(as in

LnvoLveMent

activities);

be

no

issues concerning opportunitg (as in

rights to work) or LLbertg (as in rights

state-iMposed

such

equitg or ... which is

right-doing ). But there wiLL

Main

Ln

wLth

senses,

not

to

in

participate

are priMariig issues for MoraL

these

actors.

11.

reLevant

or coMMunities to capabie or

individuats

within

theM,

i.e. he reguLarLg resorts to individualizing strategies.

The

status of iterated deontic princ ip Les invoLved in such

exact

arguMents can be Left open, e.g. whether OOC is entaLLed bg 00
is

or

further substantive principie which can be asserted when 00

a

is.
13.

Not aLL these substitutes are incoMpatibLe, fortunateLg for
who

Leaps

to the cone Lus ion that sentience,

beings and the "higher

...

is

an

the fact that huMan

aniMats have experiences or MentaL

states

the uLtiMate and fundaMentai basis of the ctaiM that theg
(p.^3). No arguMent at aLL

are possessors of MoraL rights

than

appeaL

to

(other

is to be found for this ciatM, a

authoritg)

surprising OMission in an author who is fond of LaMbasting

for

Freg,

faiLure

suppig

to

others

arguMents (e.g. p.7) - especiaLLg in the

MereLg citing

Light of his eartier reMarks that

sentieneg

as

a

criterion for the possession of MoraL rights neither shows that it

is one nor even creates the presuMption that it is, ... untiL soMe
respects are provided ...

arguMents in these

subsequent chapters, such arguMents

are

. Rs we shaLL see in

scarce

on

the

ground

(p.33).

lit-

Too Leg s

anaLgsis

standard

account

substituting

can

"right

of

for

desires ,

an

wouLd Mark out

onLg

subcLass

rights,

of

be

upgraded,

and brought into Line with

(adopted

to"

Ln

EE,

p.176),

chooses or wouLd chose . Even so Lt

iMportant

roughLg

consequentiai

exercisabLe

criticisM teLLs against EE).

-2?-

feature

rLghts

(a

of

a

siMLLar

�IS.

Rn important exanpLe is the argunent
which

bg

broken

is

concedLng

to

that

vaLue,

equat
not

p.33,

PP

aLL hunans, serLousLg

genet LeaLLg defectLve and weLL-endowed contractuaLLg-capabLe, need
have equat connate vaLue, and thus renoving the preniss.

16.

London,1932).

RecordLng to the Concise EngLLsh DLcttonarg (Onega,

the

But

qutte

not

Ls

natter

not a reputation of

sLnpLe,

so

vegetartantsn on the basts of the avaiLabititg of dead aninats

decisive.

carefuL definition, which wouLd however render

nore

R

sone hunter-gathers (and even sone cannibats) vegetarians, is

'one who Lives whoLLg or principaLLg

OED account,

so

upon

the

vegetabie

a person who on principle abstains fron ang forn of aninaL

foods;

food, or at Least such as Ls obtained bg the direct destruction of

Life'.
17.

that

not

decisivetg

support vegetartantsn, even

inproved

connerciat

faming

does

UtLLitarianisn
invoLving

s Laugh ter

and

of

so Regan correctLg contends (p.3S0 suns up his extensive

aninats,

argunent).

Ln

Rnd

fact

fLawed

the

case

utititarian

vegetartantsn Ls effectiveLg abandoned in the recent work

for

of

one

choice

of

of its Leading proponents, Singer (see DC, p.36).
13.

sone

Uhite

such

terntnoLogg

distinction

singuLarLg

is

unfortunate

given

the

non-obsoiete

patient . Most aninats are not patients.

senses of the noun
13.

the

inportant,

is

For exanpLe, in a range of, adnittedLg difficuLt, confiict

such

as Lifeboat situations (p.32^,p.351), and nore inportant, as

regards interspecies reL3tions (p.357 ff.). and

threats

to

rabid

foxes

to

the

crunch;

hunans aLwags outrank aninats. (So nuch for the

then

strict

norat restrictions, grounded in ... inherent vaiue , the sane

aLL

and

hunans (e.g. p.353). Despite his discLainers, Regan s

egaLitarian princ ip Les ring hoLLow when Lt cones
for

cases,

for

subjects-of-a-LLfe, on the strength of which even carefuL and

respectfuL

defective

farngard
greater

C3n

practices

vaLue

assunption

be

p.3^.2).

condenned,

R

is snuggLed into the rights

view, seriousLg detracting fron its environnentaL depth

(see

DE,

si).

20.

On bioconativisn see CaLLicott; Leading ideas go back to -Jainisn.

21.

Predation bg Large carnivores can

conpared

with

hunan

travet

be

usefuLLg,

sporting

and

predation

(no

accident

of

-30-

course)

favourabig,

accidents. UhiLe the

nunber of kiLLings annuaLLg are of a siniLar order

aninaL

and
of

nagnitude,

appears

to invoLve

�rather Less suffertng and pstn. Rnd though
reduct ton

tn

vatue

tn

the

removat

tt

tnvotve

may

some

of on-gotng ttves, tt atso

offers some very constderabte compensattng ecosystemtc beneftts.

REFERENCES

J.B.

A
t

Catttcott,
On
the
tntrtnstc
vatues
of
nonhuman
spectes'
tn
The Preservatton of Spectes (e.d. B.G.Norton) Prtnceton Untverstty Press,
1386; pp.138-172.

R. Dworktns, Taktng Rtghts Sertousty, Duckworth, London,

1377.

J.

Fetnberg,
The rtghts of antmats and unborn generattons, tn Phttosophy and
Envtronmentat Crtsts (e.d. M.J. Btackstone) Untverstty of Georgta Press;
Rthens, 1371+, pp. 1+3-68.

U.

Fox,

R postcrtpt on
2(1+) (1385) 17-23.

deep

ecotogy

and

tntrtnstc vatue , The Trumoeter

The enttty-restrtctton of rights: Notes on a fashion tn ethtcs
B. Freedman,
Hetaphttosophy 12(1381) 153-168.
R.G. Frey,
Interests and Rtghts. The Case Rgatnst Rntmats,
1880.

K.E. Goodpaster,
308-325.

Ctarendon,

Oxford,

On betnq moratty constderabte , Journat of Phttosophy 75(1378)

I. H tnckf uss, The Morat Soctety: Its Structure and Effects, rev used ve rs con,
Untverstty of Queenstand, 1386.

J. Lestte, Vatue and Extstence, Oxford, 1373.
H.J. McCtoskey, Respect for humans morat rtghts versus maxtmtztng good
tn
Uttttty and Rtghts (e.d. R.6. Frey), Btackwett, Oxford, 1385 pp.121-136.

C. Ptgden, Nthtttsm: a Defence, Ph.D Thests, LaTrobe Untverstty,

1385.

E.B. PLuhar, The Justtftcatton for envtronmentat etttc , Envtronmentat Ethtcs
5(1383 )l+7-61.

T. Regan, The Case for Rntmat Rtghts, Routtedge &amp; Kegan Paut, London, 1383;
to as HR.
T. Regan, On the nature and posstbtttty of on envtronmentat ethtcs',
Envtronmentat Ethtcs 3(1381) 13-31+; referred to as NP.
J. Rodman,

Theory and practtce tn the envtronnentat Movement: notes towards an

-31-

�ecoiogg of experience', Ln The Search for Rbsotute VaLues Ln a Changing
UorLd, InternationaL CuLturaL Foundation, New Yorh 1978, pp.1+5-56.
J. Rodman, Ecoiogg sensibiLitg , in Ethics and the Environment (ed. D. Scherer
and T. Rttig), Prentice HiLL, NJ, 1983, pp.88-92; reprinted in VanDeVeer
and Pierce, pp.185-8.

R. RoutLeg, RLLeged probLems in attributing beLiefs and intensionaiitg to
animats , Inquirg 21+ (1981) 387-L17; referred to as PR.
R. Rout Leg,
In defence of cannibaLism. I. Tgpes of admissibte and LnadmissibLe
cannibatism , Green Series, RSSS. RNU; referred to as DC.

R. Rout Leg, Exp Loring Pie inong's JungLe and Begond, RSSS, RustraLian NationaL
Universitg, 1979; referred to as JB.
R. Rout Leg, Liar and Peace I On the ethics of Large-scaLe nucLear Mar and
nucLear-deferrence and the poLiticaL faLL-out , Green Series, RSSS, RNU
1981+; referred to as UP.
R. and V. Rout Leg, Human chauvinism and environmentaL ethics , in Environmental
Ph i Losophg (e.d. D. Plannison and others) RSSS, RustraLian NationaL
Universitg, 1980, pp.98-189; referred to as EE.
'
1

T. Rgan,

The case for animaL rights'

in VanDeVeer and Pierce, pp.32-39.

%

C.D. Stone, ShouLd Trees have Standing? Towards Legat Rights for NaturaL Objects
Kaufmann, Los RLtos, 197!+.
R.

SgLvan,
R critique of deep ecoiogg',
1+1(1985); referred to as DE.

Radicatj^hiLosophg

1+0(1985) ana

R. SgLvan, SuppLanting maximization, and other utiLitarian assumptions, in
Western ethicai ideoiogg , Topci, 1986, to appear; referred to as SN.
D. VanDeVeer
and
C. Pierce (e.ds), PeopLe, Penguins, and PLas tic Trees,
UadsMorth, CaLLfornia, 1988; referred to as PP.

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              <text>MORRL fWERS WHER - EM-JIROtVEtfrOLLV?
Begond moraL extens ion isms.

Some

find

us

of

mereig

not

ourseives

at

with

odds

mainstream

environmentaL thinking - which remains shaLLow, heaviig exptoitative, and LikeLg

disastrous, not

ontg

for

mang other species but for mang humans as weLL - but

uneasg atso with main deeper environmentaL approaches, most of which now emanate
from North Rmerica. ELsewhere I have, to mg cost, taken issue with Deep Ecotogg,

a movement with European origins quickig captured Ln CaLifornia; but here I wLsh
to crLtLcLse forms of Norat Extensionism that now have a main base Ln Southern
USF)!, forms that etaborate moraL standtng, consLderabLLLtg, and rLghts theorLes.

the crLtLcLsm wLLL not be puretg negative; posLtLve atternatLve posLtLons

Rgain

wLLL beg Ln to emerge Ln earLg mornLng outLLne.
extensLonLsms extend moraL Ltg and convent Lona L chauvLnLstLc moraL

MoraL

apparatus

conventLonaL

Lts

begond

(but

certaLnLg

subjects and areas where Lt has not been appLLed,

certaLn

confLnes to

unwarranted)

or eLse, more LLkeLg,

has been used for dLscrLmLnatLon and other negatLve purposes. Theg sLmpLg extend

wag

the moraL apparatus wLthout much Ln the
assumptions

vatue,

(equaL

appLLed to a wider

cLass

equat
of

rLghts,

of

adjustment,

consLderatLons, etc.) sLmpLg

equaL

a

(Rs

subjects.

moraL

egaLLtarLan

wLth

tgpe,

generaL

moraL

ex tens Lon isms have been described and criticised Ln some detaiL Ln EE, p.lSSff.,
under

and

the

tgpicaL and usefuL weapon
movements

of

Liberation

with

proceed

couLd

Ln Rodman.) MoraL ex tens LonLsm is a

MoraLisms

Nature

LabLe

more

rLghts

and

accurate

movements
Less

but

equipment). Seen from a conservative opposition, moraL
to

moraLitg

bend

to

iLLegitimate

certain

interests,

etc),
are

equaLitg,

standing,

but in ang case evergthing is sufficientLg in order, at Least

on the boundaries, as it

ex tens Lon isms

endeavour

not onLg do the

since

(rights,

such

impressive

pubLLcLg

extensLonLsms

purposes,

extensions make nonsense of the notions invoLved

(though

is!

from

Seen

a

wider

perspective,

environmentaL

not aLwags unjustified in where theg go, but Ln how theg go,

in the pseudo-egaLitarian facades of the extensions, and more important in where
theg stop. For though priviLege is widened and so diiuted,

it remains. The zones

of extension remain too Limited, and things outside the usuai
as

forests,

species,

ecosgstems,

continue

mistreatment, expioitation and so on (see EE,
things

be

to

p.llf.1).

Nor

can

such

substantiaL

to

open

the

sorts

of

invoLved pLausibLg be brought within the extension foLd (though isoLated

efforts are not Lacking); for theg appear to Lack requisite
which

extensions,

extensions

operate,

such

as

sentience,

LndividuaLitg, or whatever. For exampLe,

the

verg

characteristics

pain-receptivitg,

idea

of

an

on

interests,

environmentaL

ethic, which serves to protect uninhabited environments and to Justifg requisite
respect

for

naturat

sgstems

and

communities,

founders

on the moraL rights

position propounded bg Regan in defence of certain animats (RR p.35^ff).

Mang

a

Ls

MoraLLtg

weapon,

purpose

depLoged bg pressure and

often

interest groups. Throughout Modern hLstorg Lt has tgpLcaLLg been used to
and

justLfg

wLde

a

actLvLtg

of

range

and

hostLLe

practices

ground

naturaL

to

envLronnents. HuMans are entLtLed to thLs or that, whLch interfere; thetr

needs

generate these or those requLreMents, whLch ought to be Met

there

though

even

are costs to LocaL envLronnents, and so forth. Those opposed to MoraLLtg - there

Ls a Long and dLstLnguLshed phLLosophLcaL chaLn froM Lao-tsu
and PLgden - have a poLnt

MoraLLtLes

Lt

when

MoraL-poLnts-of-vLew

and

to

coMes

The

MoraLLtg.

such

HLnckfuss

through

daMage

of

seeM substanttaLLg hLgher than the

often

benefLts conferred. For the restrLctLons theg LMpose are heavg, and

work

often

the wrong wags. R sort of cost/benefLt assessMent of MoraLLtg thus gets under
wag2, supposedLg gLetdLng negatLve resutts.

Mang are the arguMents for MoraLLtg, begLnntng wLth the cLaLM that Lt Ls

oneseLf and one s LLfe wLthout LapsLng Lnto Morat taLk,

conduct

to

LMpossLbLe

concepts, practLces and, generaLLsLng, back Lnto MoraLLtg. Part of the

response

to such fauttg arguMents Ls atwags that there are dLstLnctLons, LnsLsted upon bg
LeadLng MoraL theorLsts theMsetves, between vaLue Matters and MoraLLtg,

tougher

dLstLnctLon,

(practLcaL

hard

j^s

(whLch

axLoLogg

to

to

avoLd)

MaLntaLn,

between

there

Ls a further

deontLc

expressLons

Rnd

deontLes.

and

practLcat

between

expedLent oughts and shouLds for Lnstance) and MoraL ones. ULth

and

such dev Lees, antL-MoroLLsts, who do have a

soLLd

case

agaLnst

objectLve

or

absoLute MoraLLtLes, can escape MoraL hooks.

Hagbe
the

net

a

carefuL

practLtLoner can shun deontLc dLscourse, but wouLdn t

on the treatMent of envtronMents be worse rather than better?,

LMpact

soMe

of the grossest practLces? The quest Lons can

doesn t

MoraLLtg

coLLect

a range of answers, LncLudLng such uncharLtabLe ones as: Not so cLearLg

constraLn

that one wouLd notLce. The MaLn LMpact of MoraLLtg
affaLrs; and even here onLg the grossest

appear

to

be

turned

around

through

abuses,

of

an

Ls

Lnput

on

chauvLnLstLc,

as

such

froM

sLaverg,

huMan

MoraLLtg.

huMan

Even so the

persuavLve force and LnfLuence of MoraL consLderatLons, properLg redLrected, are
not thLngs to be LLghtLg abandoned. For rLghtLg dLrected theg

posLtLveLg

Ln

thLngs

contrLbute

couLd

that Matter socLaLLg and envLronMentaLLg. In partLcuLar,

MoraLLtg affords soMe needed protect Lon and, especLaLLg as rectLfLed, offers the
prospect of More, More protectLon,

Less dLscrLMLnatLon. But actuaL protectLon Ls

tgpLcaLLg provLded, where Lt Ls, through

verg

channeLLed

MoraL

ftowLng,

through
aLL

too

LegaL
often,

rather
to

the

than
wrong

dLfferent

LnstLtutLons;
wLth

fraMeworks,

part Les,

such

as

the

Lt

Ls

the benefLts

strong

and

estabLLshed.

HakLng MoraLLtg work the rLght wags, where Lt does ftgure serLousLg, Ls,
Moreover, uncoMfortabtg LLke MakLng weapons work for

peace

(MoraLLtg

beLng

a

MaLn force behLnd wars and preparatLon for wars), More LLke than Lt ought to be.

-2-

Nor is Lt nearLg as easg as Lt was: beating swords Lnto pioughshares, to provide

an assauit on the environMent instead of other

creatures,

subMarine to peaceful purposes (genuineLg peacefut ones,

or

a

prettg

easg

feat coMpared wLth converting an Fl-11 fighter-boMber or a Modern

technoLogicaL
LLke

was
that

course,

of

is;

Ln the Liest, theg re peacenakers). For Locat chauvLnLsn, Ln one fom

guns

another

or

(huMan,

Ls now deeptg

natLonat, state or race),

LLkeLg,

More

entrenched Ln Most bureaucratLc arrangeMents and an LntegaL part

supportLng

of

scLences and technoLogg. Even so, whatever Locat practLces, MoraL theorg

socLaL

can be rectified; the theorLsLng can be accoMpLLshed, even Lf a new MoraLLtg

not

and

appLLed,

successfuttg

Must

awaLt

Ls

Lts post-RrMeggedon dag. Thus the

protected battte to dutg expand MoraLLtg goes on.

There are two Ma Ln battLe—LLnes over whLch LdeoLogLcaL wars

antL-MoraLLsts)
equated)

nottons:

MoraL

status,

rLghts,

sag, even an outsLde surveg such as thLs

But the tern

can

scarceLg

escape

attogether

MoraL

def Ln Lt tons

Ls so stack (as dLet tonarg

reveaL)

that

tern (Ln LatLn ortgLn Just a substitute for the Greek expressLon for

to have becoMe Linked to features and behaviour of accountabLe
such

MoraL

group:

narrower

the

ang

Ls bound to be partLg LegLsLatLve. R Ma Ln Modern tendeneg Ls for the

use

ttght

of

as to what Makes soMethtng, a consLderatLon or perMLssLon, MoraL.

Lssue

coMMon

cLuster

consLderatLon, retevance,
a

on

foLLowLng

These LLnes wLLL be surveged Ln turn; needLess to

.

...

the

standing,

consLderabLLLtg,... The second LLne concentrates
perMissions,

to

are fought as regards MoraL extensLon Lssues, LLnes parportedLg

MarkLng MoraL outer bounds. The fLrst LLne concerns
(often

(guaLnt

ethicai )

(hunan)

actors,

as character, disposition, action, virtue. These are the areas where MoraL

attributes are at hoMe. Hence MoraL notions tend to occupg inner pLaces

Ln

the

Much Larger evaLuative circLe, and not to extend without sone forcing to naturaL
that are not accountabLe actors. PartLg for these reasons too, the terM

objects

MoraL , Much favoured Ln ex tens Lona List enterprises, tends

to

be

shunned

Ln

The

notion

of

deeper environMentaL theorg.

SiMoraL

RgaLnst MoraL standing and siMpiistic ethicaL tgpoLogies.

standing,

introduced

notion of LegaL standing, is coning to pLag

environMentaL
heavg,

but

ethics.

It

is

anaiogg

questionabte

bg

a

Major,

with the RngLo-RMerLcan
but

d3Maging,

danaging because, verg briefLg,

rote

it wouLd paint a

rather arbitrarg, bLack/white boundarg - segregating off those that

have not froM those
territorg.

that

have

MoraL

standing

-

across

Much

conpLex

More

Rs to its rote, it Ls soMetiMes ctaiMed that adoption and defence
criterion

in

of MoraL standing is

probieM soLving;

absoiuteLg basic

reasonabLg addressing

of

a

in environMentaL thinking and

the Lssue of MoraL

standLng

Must

be

vLewed as a benchMark of ang pLausLbLe "environMentaL ethic"' (PP, pl6). None of
thLs

Ls

so

evLdent,

especLaLLg

gLven

the

MurkLness of the not Lon of MoraL

standing. In the sane vein,

an

a necessarg condition ... for

Lt is stated that

ethicaL theorg is the Most [}] defensibLe criterion of moraL standing

adequate

Such statements are suretg overstatements.

For,

Ln

pLace,

fLrst

the

there can be, and Lndeed appear to be eth Les, which count as environmentaL ones,
which do not LncLude a not Lon of moraL

ecoLogLcat

Rodman s

deep

Naess s

(e.g.

ecotogg,

sensLbLLLtg). Secondtg, etaboratLons of these theorLes can

cLaLms to adequacg, wtthout introducing, and perhaps expLLcLttg

warranted

make

standing

rejecting (for the sorts of reasons gLven betow), a notLon of morat standing.

For these sorts of reasons, too, Regan's

moraL

of

notLon

attempt

(Ln

NP)

to

a

make

standing Lntegrat to the verg Ldea of an environmentaL ethic,

part of the conditions of adequacg for such as ethic, is far off course (as weii

as ahistoricai, a piece of

footnoted

Regan s

retrospective

account

of

Legisiation).

as

But,

it

happens,

standing, according to which a being has

moraL

morat standing if and onig if we moratig ought to consider how it is affected bg
a given action or poiieg, both enabies elimination of the notion

as a parasitic middieman) bg substitution using the

exposed

(thus

biconditionaL

invoLved

in

the conditions of adequacg, and aiso enabies straightforward satisfaction of the

conditions

tgpes of ethics that are hardLg environmental. Consider a forest

bg

sgstem about

be

to

buiidozed,

or

the

Moon

about

to

be

bg

tourized

an

Rmerican—based transnational Hang the development or progress ethics these dags

that

wiii

at Low

we ought to consider how the forest or the Moon wiLL be

that

affected, but then cLaim that we shouid proceed, though perhaps

in

a

modified

wag. Thus, in such contexts, the forest and the Moon have moraL standing. Rn so,
such

a

deveiopment ethics meets Regan s conditions for an environmentaL ethic;

for the forest and the Moon are nonhuman beings, and indeed nonconscious beings,

which have moraL standing. The resuLt is not what Regan intended; for he proceed
to suggest (p.21^,p.3O) that intrinsic vaLue is a necessarg condition
standLng,

something

his

footnoted

for

moraL

account does not guarantee. The LegaListic

notion of moraL standing is not so cLear and distinct after aLL.
Rn

initiaL tacticaL point against the notion of moraL standing concerns

its origin, on the modei of LegaL standing. LegaL standing is

for

ang

sufficientLg

comprehensive

notion

of

a

sometimes entering into moraL

consideration (which can be true of aLmost angthing). For one reason,
some decidedtg restrictive

assumptions,

concerning

interests

and

whatever has such standing. But mang things of vaLue, which enter

assessment

on

modeL

dubious

it imports

rights

into

ethicaL

occasions, do not have, and are not the sorts of things that can

significantig have, interests or hoLd rights. LegaL standing aLwags operates
terms

of

having

of

thing

in

certain sorts of interests, which can be represented, whereas

what has or deserves environmentaL standing mag not have interests,
sort

of

that

couLd

or

be

the

have interests, even as derived (as in the case of

LegaL persons, such as companies) from those of its members. More often

-4-

indeed,

Legat

have

to

standing

to have certain rights, duties, protectton, etc.,

is

begtnntng with the rtght of betng abLe to proceed to the courts.

room

Of course there ts constderabte

standtng

not ton

the

widen

to

Legat

of

tn RustraLia can even exctude environmentaL organtsattons) and

(which

"cLaimants

to admit, through representatton, other

to

the

PresentLg,

courts.

for sure, the modeL ts Much too narrow, restrtcttng access to certatn capitalist
cLaimants. But there are severe conceptuat dtfftcutttes tn the wag

and

persons

of broadentng the standtng not ton

objects,

agatn

because

to

encompass

Limitations

the

the

mang

requisite

environmentaL

nottons of tnterests and rtghts

impose. Organtsattons of persons, such as partnershtps, coattttons and so on, do
not exceed (easg stretchtng at Most of) these Limits, stnce tnterests and rtghts

accrue frow coMponent members: untnhabtted ecosgsteMs,
the

MonuMents,

and

bg a brazen, and tMptaustbte, overrtdtng of

Ontg

constderabtg.

do,

Like

naturat

these conceptuat ttMttattons (such as Stone ts prepared to fancg Rmerican courts

tndutgtng tn) can the in-buiLt severe tnternat restrtcttons of the

wodet

Legat

be overcome.
coutd

be

recogntsed,

account

of

the

Stttt the tnadequactes of Lts Legat 3natogg
anaLogg

behtnd,

Left

unimpeded

fresh

a

and

now

standtng

woraL

rather
propose

free-fLoattng not Lon offered. Van De Veer and Pterce are rash enough to

an expLLcatton of
Recordtng to them,

can be construed atong these LLnes.

whtch

For ang thtng X, X has woraL standtng Lff the continued extstence of X

fISl.

tnterests

Lts

theg sag

Ln

that

weLL-betng

have postttve moraL weight

stLpuLattng

theg re

the

but

this;

theg re

or

(PP. p.3). RctuaLLg,

not

free

simpig

to

given that Lt ts a notton wtth some currencg aLreadg, soMethtng theg

sttputate,

recogntze Ln proceeding at once to

consider various

to their

standard answers

basic question Llhich things have MoraL standing? . The account proposed is wore

in

LittLe curious, not to sag obscure and scarceLg graMMaticat. Later theg

a

than

effect

substitute

a

tortuous

Less

nameLg

account,

generaLLtg

(in

interpretation)

MS2. X has moraL standing iff the (continued) existence

positive moraL weight (see e.g. p^., plG:
pureLg

since

future

items

mag

have

ancestors). Either wag the account is
weight

and

having

moraL

continued
some

moraL

circutar,

or

shouLd however be
significance,

since

having

X

of

wetfare

has

deLeted,

as mag dead

positive

moraL

standing are interdependent notions (cf. Goodpaster.

p-311). In fact some of the probLems with the account coutd have been avoided bg

cutting out the troubLesome middLe part and moving on to the simpLer, expLLcitLg
circutar,

H33.
But

has

X

then

as

moraL standing Lff X possesses (or obtains) positive moraL weight.

a

expLication,

the definition might aimost as weLL drop out; Lt

expticates nothing, connecting some near sgnongms onLg.
Perhaps it is better to ask: Uhat work does the notion do?

-5-

The

troubie

Ls

except

that

theories, whLch LegLsLate as to what has moraL

partLcuLar

on

standing, the notion Ln fact does verg

because

hoMe

Ma Ln

whose

eth Les,

chauvLnLstLc

base

does

whLch

LLes

wLthLn

the

not

extend

or

traveL

unsatLsfactorg;

wLth

as

coMpetence,

or

m s Ln sorts of reason for theLr Lnadequacg are weLL

The

personhood).

are

(such

cLassLfLcatLons

bLoLogLcaL

socLopsgchoLogLcsL dLstLnctLons (such as LLnguLstLc capacLtg or

potentLaL

standLng

MoraL

Homo sap Lens or of the zooLogLcaL bLngdon) or wLth

spec Les

the

of

the wLder

to

onLg unstabLe and rather arbLtrarg, but tend to

not

ctassLfLcatLons

ethLcaL

MeMbershLp

are

theg

trad Lt LonaL

of

weLL

for

ethLcs,

It Ls one of those

confLnes

envLronMentaL settLng. RLL the MaLn crLterLa proposed

confuse

envLronmentaL

Ln

work

Ls LLttLe agreement about what determLnes Lt.

there

not Lons,

LLttLe

enough documented Ln PP (and Ln Much other earLLer LLterature, e.g. EE)

DespLte the enthusLasM shown for the not Lon of Morat standLng, then,

no

satLsfactorg crLterLon for Morat standLng eMerges, or Ls Ln ctear sLght, Ln PP -

or

Lt

eLsewhere

It remaLns to be denonstrated that there Ls a stabLe,

seens.

non-arbttrarg context-LnvarLant notLon of MoraL standLng worth pursuLng.

Rather

the notLon tends to force awkward choLces (e.g. those offered Ln PP on p.S.) The

for

reason

the

needs

what

cost-benefLt
LMperatLves

be

to

Looked

at

presuppose

a

Morat

Ln

appLLcatLons

assessments,

(whLch

thLs dLffLcuLt notLon, that does no present

Lt wouLd decLsLvetg

Ls evLdent enough:

usefuL work,

space,

about

enthusLasM

and

deLLMLt

of

the

categorLcaL

of

deLLMLtatLons

behLnd

proposed

some

notLon, for Lnstance use of the dLstLnctLon to reduce the
humanLstLc/chauvLnLstLc

foLd

(partLg

moraL ). MoraL standLng Ls not a MoraLLg

bg use of the term

achLeved

Ls

search

unLverse, usuaLLg of persons), and so

Morat

search space towards the confLnes of the

thLs

MoraL

confLLct Lssues, utLLLtarLan

forth. There are as weLL More sLnLster uLterLor purposes
appLLcatLons

the

neutraL notLon, but a fraMework and cuLturaLLg dependent one; hence some of

Lts

LLmLtatLons.
ConsLder

standLng

moraL

Lnstead

of

work, Lnstead of straLghtforward pragmatLcs, what

supposed to confer or remove? It Ls assumed that Lf X has moraL

standLng

(m-s) then moraL agents have presumptLve obLLgatLons, and dutLes to X,

e.g.

Let

to

Lt

theg

otherwLse

not

atone,
do

not

to

confLne

Lt

or underMLne Lts Lnterests; but

(cf-p.3-p.tt). Or, to put Lt the other wag around,

thLng has m-s Lt Ls entLtLed to conttnued exLstence, pursuLt of

whereas

Lf

Lacks m-s,

Lt

Lt does not have thLs protectLon,

3

Lnstead there Ls entLtLement to Lnterfere wLth Lt .

def Ln Lt Lon

of

moraL

standLng

...

Lf

somethLng

weLL-beLng Just does not LtseLf moraLLg count

Lts

Lf a

Lnterests,

Lt does not count,

....

Indeed, so Lt Ls
Lacks

(p.t+).

The

moraL

saLd,

standLng,

defLnLtLon

Bg

Lts

however

deLLvers no such resuLt; a further LmpLausLbLe assumptLons, (reductLon of weLght
to weLL-beLng, equaLLtg condLtLons for countLng) from an underLgLng
moraL

wLthout

pLcture

of

assessment are LmpLLcLtLg Lncorporated (a utLLLtarLan pLcture where Ltems
m-s

are

dLscounted,

and

trade-offs

contempLated, p.16).

-6-

of

Ltems

wLth

m-s

are

soon

Such

appLication

an

if

division;

accordingtg

LmpLies

an

unfortunate

aLL-or-nothing

item is tn tt gets (carefut) constderatton, otherwise Lt gets

nothing - exacttg what the Legat anatogg impLies: a proper heartng

Lf

be

and otherwise nothtng. Hhat this bLack-and-white division shoutd

standing

contrasted

with ts not removaL of att distinctions, but rather a wore sophisticated ethicat

such

tgpoLogg,

that of the annutar picture (of EE, p.107 and DC, p.2). The

as

tgpoiogg is based on a Listing of ethicaiLg re Levant

such as having vaiue, weLL-being,
appropriate
p.!2).^

the

character

aLL-or-nothing

from

at Least Modified becomes evident

of

various

(e.g. p.5) to keep it afLoat, e.g. duties

capacities,

so

and

and

forth;

to

moraL

standing

distinctions

soon

duties)

(direct

to

needs

be

introduced

as

opposed

to

(indirect, and perhaps derivative, duties). The wain strategg

regarding

duties

autonomg,

and

postuLates and princ ip Les are geared to these (cf. aLso PP

ethicaL

That

preferences,

features

adopted in PP to save the aLL-or-nothing context-independent

boundarg

consists

in appeaL to the speciaLLg-adjusted notion of presumptive duties. MoraL standing

is

assumed

to be necessarg and sufficient for presumptive duties: specificaLLg

PSI. floraL agents
iff

But

have a presumptive dutg to

X has moraL standing (this takes up the content of signposted item 1, p.t*.).

presumptive

are

duties

even

more

prone

to

be

bg

upset

circumstances than the oider prima facie duties (which the notion
the

notion

overriding

expands);

standing,

p.S),

the

forged

connections

things

than

without

much too simpLe, as wiLL

are

for

appear. FirstLg, a more comptex cLassification of things is required

purposes

so

operates even more as a theorg-saving device. But even as so hedged

around, and so extended (bg derivative duties, duties regarding
moraL

decentLg]

X [to treat it moraLLg

moraL

a hard division into moraL countabLes and others, a nonarbitrarg

cLassification such as that of the annutar picture. SecondLg, rights and duties,

which the notion of moraL standing is supposed to bound. Link rather with vaLue,
and extent of vaLue (see SM).

Much of the importance ascribed to moraL standing or moraL consideration
comes from confLating it with vaLue consideration, which is in turn equated with

having some (non-negLigibLe) vaLue, bearing
account,

and

counted,

perhaps

(if

sometimes

that

wouLd

be

taken

into

in ang compLete vaLue assessment. Though moraL

attributes are evidentLg a subcLass
commonpLace

vaLue

of

surprising,

vaLue
as

attributes,
e.g.

in

the

confiation

CaLLicott).

is

Possessing

intrinsic or inherent vaLue is even offered sometimes as an aLternative to moraL
status (cf. PP, p.16 fn 3); but more often the confusion is Less bLatant.

Indeed

PP begin bg warning us about sLipperiness (fn 3), soon stides itsetf from m-s to
intrinsic

vaLue

with their being
evident,

and

considerabLe,

(p.S)

and before Long has identified moraL standing of things

vaLuabte

prove

in

damaging.

Goodpaster

themseLves

Towards

Lapses

(p.I6).

Such

equations

are

not

the end of his essag, on being moraLLg
from

-7-

moraL

considerabiLitg

into

that

Hag that natters for ctains wade. For exanpte,

Ln

vatue-for-itsetf,

psgchotogicat or hedonLstLc capacities

sophLstLcated

unnecessaritg

seen

Lt Ls true

when Lt cones to Locating the ntnLnaL condLtLons for sonethLng s deserving to be

Lts

for

vatued

own

(p.320);

sake

Lt not so obvious that theg are too

but

sophLstLcated for the capture of norat consLderabLLLtg. R sLnLLar conftatLon

at

work Ln Goodpaster s

hgpothesis that that there Ls a nonaccLdentaL affLnLtg

between a person s or a socLetg s conceptLon of

and

vatue

ontg

—

consLderabLLLtg

to

appears

obtaLn

where

vatue Ls

unreduced

(LLLLcLtg) contracted to a range where norat considerations enter;

for

exanpte

tn Goodpaster's sotitarg LLLustration, the setting is hedonisn (when

as

where,

of

conceptLon

Lts

(p.3t*). The affLnLtg — nore than accLdentat for vatue and

noraL consLderabLLLtg
vatue

Ls

no doubt norat considerabititg Ls, so far as norat natters are attowed to enter,

characteristicattg bounded at botton bg sone sentience criterion).

The biocentric criterion for norat considerabititg that Goodpaster Leaps
to (p.313) has itsetf to be differenttg Looked at if

exchanged for vatue-in-itsetf. For Life is
point

even

norat

the

obvioustg

Less

stopping

vatue consideration. Rssune, for instance, that Wars or the Moon has

for

estate

no [significient] Life. Theg stitt have vatue; indeed theg nag have reat
vatue

verg chauvinistic vatue "neasure ) now that theg are beconing hunantg

(a

accessibte

nining, residentiat and other transfiguring purposes). Suppose

(for

further, what is not at att untiketg, that

sgstens

natch

that

Moon

the

has

fornations

sone

shoutd

be

the

that

thensetves,

into account in ang environnentat inpact assessnent of

taken

projects interfering with parts of the Moon. But

insist

or

naturat nonunents of the Rnerican arid Lands. It is a

the

defensible ctain, these dags, that the Moon nonunents have vatue in
which

is

considerabititg

Lt

woutd

be

LnptausLbte

to

Moon nonunents are norattg considerabte; for theg are not the

right sorts of things (as a natter of significance) to have noraL attributes.

It

is

just

not

the

feature of having intrinsic vatue that shoutd be

separated fron that of having norat status. Sone of the

circte have
suggests

different

sone

exanpte,

For

connotations.

notions

beLng

Ln

noraL

the

consLderabLe

norat dinension, sone weight to be taken into account,

suitabte

not neretg sone retevance. Consideration atso characteristicattg

requires

the iten in question has interests or at Least a

such

tetos),

an

that

agent

discussion-setting

can

phrase

be

deserves

norat

weLL-being

towards

considerate

notions are deptoged that wag (eg. p.31

does

norat

retevance,

R

different

get

nere

artifacts

are

norattg

etc.,

dependent,

quarrg

that

(a

Goodpaster s

Rnd nornattg the
notion

do

presunabtg

nornattg
woutd

not.

Nor,

not

it

erroneoustg,

reLevant on occasions (for sinitar reasons

norat significance differs fron standing). MoraL retevance renains

context

Like

that

another different notion sonetines

equated with norat standing (e.g. PLuhar p.^7), though
since

does

nornattg an organisn'; PP p.3

inpose these Linitations, e.g. those of awe, respect,
appear,

(as

or

consideration ).

certain organisns'; and in Goodpaster's Leap.)

woutd

norat

an

etusive,

has evaded contenporarg norat phitosophers of

-8-

high standing, despite Much effort put Lnto
other

chase.

the

however,

Since

these

are not goLng to be put to serLous work - Most of theM are, Like

notLons

MoraL standing, better MothbaLLed or

-

scrapped

we

qutetLg

can

bgpass

the

vaiue

the

nuances and differences.

CertaLnLg MoraL considerations and vaiue interconnect,

wider notion and Moraiitg,

if

wag

theg

inportant

in

which

not

at

derivative,

Least

with

R

dependent.

Most

connect is through LiMitat ions on interference.

MoraLitg preciudes the gross reduction of vaLue.

LittLe

R

More

preciseLg,

a

actor is not norMaLLg entitLed to interfere deLiberateLg in such a wag as

MoraL

to reduce signifLeantLg overaLL vaLue (or risk the various possibiLitg of such
reduction^). But exact forMuLation of such noninterference princ ip Les is a
sensitive Matter

MainLg

because

deontic

principLes

do

not excLude

soMe

vaLue, provided it is sufficientLg Linited - a Matter to which we

of

reduction

-

shaLL be obLiged to return.
Bg contrast with MoraL considerabiLitg,

and

standing

Like,

the

vaLue

notions are fundaMentaL, and not at aLL easiLg avoided, even bg anti-Moraiists,
in the regions of environMentat ethics.^ SoMe of the anaiogue notions are

however, e.g. a thing warrants vaLue consideration iff it has vaLue; it

triviaL

is of vaLue reLevance iff it has nonnegiigibte

vaLue

circuMstances);

the

(in

Even so the ana Logue notions heLp in shifting the issues and showing where
the reaL prob ten Lies with the group of MoraL notions, naneig in what Makes
soMething Morai.
It
this notion too that has induced the unwarranted
narrow ing of focus,
to chauvinistic concerns. For a coMMonp Lace answer,
certainig wrong,
to what deternines what is MoraL is: hunan concerns. Rather,
etc.

what

is

MoraL

has

to

do

with interest-independent vaLue and with a certain

iMpartiaLitg and Lack of discrininations (i.e. in More oLd-fashioned forMs, with
justice
and
goodness),
features
refLected
fornaLLg
in
suitabLe
universaLizabiiitg of principie.^
So conceived, MoraL Matters do not terMinate
at

narrower

certain

ethicaL

tgpes,

which excLude the wider environnent. The

width of concern wouLd be better revested bg repLacing

ethicaL*.

equivaLent

ethics

a

of

(For

coMparison,

rec Lass ification

as

consider

"environMentat

bg

MoraL

its

originaL

the effect in environMentat
MoraLs"

environMentat

or

Moratitg").

$2.

Rgainst environMentaLLg-restrictive rights packages.

EthicaL standing does

not striettg get or grant a thing rights. Standing gets an iteM
door

for

hearing.

a

hearing;

in

an

ethicaL

it Mag, or Mag not, be conceded or granted rights in the

Rights inpLg sone standing, but not vice versa; sone standing is even,

if gou Like, a proper part of a right. MhiLe such an equation is not Much excuse
for identifging standing and rights (short
assuMption

that

of

the

astonishing

but

prevaLent

aLL reLations are identities), stiLL too often the differences

are giossed over, having MoraL rights is

equated

with

having

MoraL

standing

The stoppage between the notions Goodpaster exptoits (p.3I8)

CaLLicott).

(e.g.

Ln converting conditions on having rights into conditions

(expioitation

consideration

free

not

exersibie rights is Much Less piausibie

for

Underneath

consideration).

MoraL

these equations and conventions Lie important assunptions;

triviaL

MoraL

deserving

since wh3t is piausibie for

costs,

of

for

just

not

the

More

that what has a status therebg has a right, for instance to get in

one

but

the ethicaL door,

consideration

are

assuMption

the

rendered

that

equivaLent

having

and

rights

standing

or

a coMMon Middie terM, such as

through

having interests, being capabLe of being represented, being abLe to benefit. For
exaMpte, an iteM has MoraL standing (or deserves MoraL consideration) iff it has

iff it has (or even have) rights.

(or can have) interests, i.e.

iMpiicit

appear

but

(with

Minor

Such

equations

quaLifications) in Goodpaster, and exp Lie it

etsewhere, for a wide notion if "interests" extending to aLL Living things;

but

Much More coMMontg theg appear (e.g. as in Freg) for a verg Much More restricted

of (huManoid) interest.

notion

If such fauLtg equations did hoLd, what has been

said against MoraL standing wouLd appLg to that extend aiso against rights.

But

theg do not, and rights require More independent investigation.

contrast

Bg

with

anti-Moratists, who wouLd reject (MoraL) rights taLk

and institutions aitogether, and with Mang

utiLitarians,

who

view

notion

of

considerabte suspicion at Least, it wiLL be argued, in
g
passing, that rights are aLrcght . The chief targets for criticisM wiLL be
(MoraL)

rights

with

certain

unduLg

narrow

theories

rights,

of

which wouLd have, if theg stood,

decidedLg unfavourabLe environMentat consequences. RLthough
for which he has iLLegitiMateig bagged the titie

view,

Regan's

particuLar

the rights view

(as if

an aniMat rights supporter had to adopt his sort of view), is verg far froM the

attention,

worst of these theories, it is worth singLing out for speciaL

it

has

score

heaviLg

been

proMoted

since

in environMentat ethics Literature and it does

exceedingig weLL, coMpared with its usuaL chauvinistic rivaLs,

in certain

areas of Major environMentat concern, such as the (Mis-)treatMent of aniMats.
R

theorg

of

rights

a

coMprises

representation (in the fashion of other

package,

which can be given fornaL

theories)

genetic

as

containing

the

foLLowing coMponents:
D. a definition of a right, and

P. further postuLates (perhaps independentLg argued for) deLiMiting rights.
Rs

MatheMaticaL

exaMpLes

(such

as those of vector space and categorg) reveaL

there is a good deat of stippage between D

ord inarg

usage

controts

and

P.

But

because

of

the

More

on phiLosophicaL theories, onLg so Much in the wag of

postuLates can be puMped into the definitions offered. The package aLso coMMontg
includes as weLL

0.

a

set

of canonicaL forMS into which aLL (nondiscarded) rights Locutions or

cases can be put, and perhaps aLso (with ground prepared through C)
R. a set

of

reduction

scheMes

for

eiiMinating

transLation, reduction ruLes, etc.

-10-

rights

Locutions,

e.g.

bg

The

of rLghts advocated bg Regan convenLentLg Lends

theory

partLcuLar

LtseLf to separatLon Lnto these components, as weLL as suggestLng

genetLc

such

breakdown. It begLns wLth a neat defLnLtLon of rLght drawn from HLLL,

accordLng

to whLch a rLght Ls, roughLg, a vaLLd (or suffLcLent) cLaLm whLch socLetg shouLd

It

guarantee.

Ls coup Led wLth a serLes of prLncLpLes or postubates, each gLven

some Lndependent support, of whLch the most basLc Ls the rLght of
and

treatment.

respectfuL

to

patLents

canonLcat

RLthough

expLLcLtLg addressed, one does emerge, whLch takes the form

to

[not]

, where

-

onLg rLghts-hotder on the theorg, but Lt

X[s]

of

The rLght

as

for

Lnstance

not

Ln

to

permtts

(the

pLuraLLsatLon

partLcuLar to some sort of utLLLtarLan anatgsLs, Ls strongLg resisted
the rLghts vLew

features

onto LndLvLduaLs). FLnaLLg reductLon of rLghts, Ln

back

dLstrLbutLng

context

not

are

The basLc form Ls sLnguLar, appLgLng to LndLvLduaLs, who are the

harm .

LncLuded

forms

Lntroduces an LnfLnLtLvaL ctause LndLcatLng a tgpe of

to

actLon or actLvLtg. The cLauses mag be negated,

unduLg

agents

moraL

has a LLttLe

more

thLs

LrreducLbLe

the

Ls

Lt

poLnt,

(Ln

rLghts vLew as opposed to a mot Leg arrag of reduct LonLstLc posLtLons, wLth 'the'
sLgnLfgLng a coLLectLve.)

be

UhLLe Regan s rLghts package wLLL

crLtLcLsed,

Ln

sLgnLfLeant

rejected, through Lts varLatLon a dLfferent rLghts theorg wLLL emerge.

respects

Some of the crucLaL prLncLpLes Regan arrLves at depend
theg

and

heavLLg

upon

-

though

do not foLLow from - defLnLtLon of rLght(s) he defends. Hnd severaL of the

unnecessarLLg restrLctLve features of the vLew do fLow from eLaboratLon of

thLs

defLnLtLon, Ln partLcuLar the LLmLtatLon of rLghts to certaLn LndLvLduaL thLngs,

to

anLmaLs. It Ls Lmportant then to begLn wLth, and hard to avoLd, the

certaLn

Lssue of defLnLtLon.
To ground the varLant defLnLtLon and theorg of rLghts to be reached
fLrmLg Ln usage, consLder fLrst the maLn reLevant sense^' of rLght (to) gLven bg

the Oxford EngLLsh DLctLonarg, vLz.

11.7 JustLfLabLe cLaLms, on LegaL or

grounds, to have or obtaLn some thLng, or to act Ln a certaLn wag.

of

gLven

rLghts

sLmLLar core:
hLm

the

Ln

bg

MLLL

(whLch

of

...

account

Regan cLaLms to endorse, p.369.) contaLns a

a person s rLght ....[Ls] a vaLLd cLaLm upon socLetg
possessLon

The

moraL

somethLng

socLetg

to

protect

ought to defend...', MLLL

provtdes, however, an Lmportant Lnsurance or cover cLause, as to who Ls supposed
to cover the cLaLm, whLch the OED account does

whLch

Regan

after a brLef dLscussLon aLso correctLg omLts (begLnnLng p.270). That Ls,

rLght

not

LncLude,

and

quLckLg contracts to the Less than adequate vaLLd cLaLm; but the force of MLLL s

Lnsurance

cover

Ls

supposed

to foLLow, prLmarLLg Ln vLrtue of what Ls pushed

Lnto the Ldea of a cLaLm. Rs Lt turns out,

Regan, now
features

of

rLghts

LmLtatLng

FeLnberg s

Lt does foLLow, but not Ln that wag.

trLcks,

trLes

to

puLL

substantLve

out of the notLon of a cLaLm. But the notLon does not bear

the weLght theg trg to Lmpose upon Lt; a stronger rope Ls needed for

-11-

such

acts

than ciaim can suppig. The cruciai act, which tries to read anticipated features
of the notion of riqht into that of ciaim, faiis at the outset:

is entitied to treatment of a certain kind

is to assert that someone...

...

To wake a ciaim
and

that the treatment is due or owed directig to the individuai ... in question. To

a

make

individuais,

ciaim thus, invoives both ciaims-to and ciaims-against...

(p.271). Such an anaigsis of making a

ciaim

imports

much

the

that

ordinarg

notion does not support, nameig, in the first piace, that it invoives or asserts

entitiement, entitiement to treatment of a certain sort, secondig, that it is a
transaction between individuais^,
thirdig, that the imputed treatment is owed
it is a ciaim-against given individuais. But in making

directig to the ciaimant,

such ciaims as that one has visited Mount Rthos, has seen the iark ascend,

at

tea

one

sunset,

doing ang of those things in ang straightforward

not

is

sense. There is nothing significant due or owed,
directed at

other

took

individuais

in

the

the

demanding

assertions

wag,

or

at

need

not

be

aii;

and

no

entitiement to speciai treatment is asked for. Ciaim is a transitive verb, so it
as

requires

weii

as subjects, ciaimants, objects, ciaims, propositionai items

tgpicaiig introduced bg

or 'to . Someone who makes a

that

ciaims

ciaim

that

something or to (have or have done) something. But that is aii. Onig some ciaims

are directed against others, onig some ciaims are entitiements.

Rnd

if

is

it

ciaims that are entitiements that are to be distinguished, it wouid be better to
start with entitiements (cf McCioskeg).

Just such a fresh start wiii be made, in the first stage of modification
of

the

definitions

OED

integration

and

it with Miii's definition. Upon

of

separating off iegai rights (which Regan correctig distinguishes in prettg

much

the standard wag, p.267), the foiiowing then resuits:
M2.

Vaiid

entitiement, on morai grounds, to something (of a correct categorg).

The changes (from 11.7) deserve some justification. Firstig,

or

have

obtain

or

something,

characteristic fiii to

to

in

act

a

certain

"justifiabie

justifiabie

to

(to) something , iogicaiig adds iittie content. For each

something

entaiis

and
mag

to

be

entitiement
ciaims

sufficient,

ent ireig

warrant

vaiid.

from

Thirdig,

and

ang case entitiing ones, and that

in

are

i.e.

dubious ciaims-against preconceptions,
without

be

regarded

appears

most

need

not

ciaim

restrict

to
on

but

aiso

the

ciaim

because

make

or

the
sheds

unduig

and

expected ciass of rights havers or
haver

of

a

it, but it is hard to escape the assumption that if

something has a ciaim then it shouid be the sort of thing

potentiaiig?)

important

entitiement

hoiders, what can have or ho id rights, to ciaimants. Of course the

right

as

grounds

morai

ciaim , not mereig for the reasons given, that

improves upon

invoived

an

sort of justification, which as it turns out is not fuiig

some

adequate, can be given, whereas for a right the derivation

has

converseig

an entitiement to have something. Secondig,

is not strong enough; a ciaimed entitiement
if

(To)

phrase

wag , which gives the

of the sorts of entitiement is an entitiement to something,
entitiement

the

stake

that

ciaims. Thus use of the term

-12-

can

ciaim

(at

ieast

makes it an

even tougher uphiLL struggLe to work the powerfut rights medicine on

behatf

of

wttd animats and wiLde messes. Of course too, what cLaims are wade coutd be wade

through

indirectLg,

representatives;

the tern

but

representatives" suggests

verg easiig that rights havers have interests to be represented. Opportunitg

wake

the

to

interests" shouid not be afforded

rights" to

dubious inference from

bg the basic definition; and "entitLement" gives appropriate distance.

R Lot hangs on choice of basic

(as

then

terms

other

in

chaiienging

phiiosophicai areas, such as the fundamentsLs of reasoning), even if it seems to

right'

newcomers, as it does to dictionaries, that

entitLement

cLaim'

and

are more or Less interchangeabLe (each is characterised in standard dictionaries

partLg in terms of the others)
tautoLogous.

and

expticative

satisfactorg

UeLL,

Like

definitions

that

M2

definitions

virtuaLLg

are

are

but

anaLgtic,

preferabLg not trivaLLg circuiar, eLse informativeness is sacrificed. R weakness

of the entitLement account (hard to credit after Regan's attack upon it) is that

it risks the Latter. Mhat is needed in pLace of
entitLement,

putative

entitLement'

expression,

right , i.e. it

a

since

doesn t

a

becomes an entitLement, or right, when vaLiditg is

that

appropriateLg estabLished, and so on. From this angLe,

better

something,

is

write

in

To

vaLiditg.

avoid

a

is

sLightLg

a reaL or supposed

to

amounts

sometimes

cLaim

cLaim'

these

probLems

with

avaiiabie terminoiogg, there is a case for coining a rather immediate expression
basic definition

something,
R

vaLid

in that something (after

fiLL

to

into

in M2) and avoid disappearance of the

VaLid

something,

on

to something , which couLd embrace Lots of items other than rights).

term

suitabie

entitLement,

titiement ;

is

which

a

or

a

is

titiement

aLLeged

or

putative

mag or mag not be correctLg vaLidated, en-ed (cf. titLe *6.

That which justifies or substantiates a cLaim; a
aLLeged

(e.g.

vacuitg

quant ificationaL

recognised

right',

Const,

with

cLaimed .) R titiement is a transformation

ground

inf.

of

a

or

right;

of

to,

suitabie

hence,

an

of the thing

in,
deontic

principLe,

cat Led a susta in ing principLe. For instance, the form It is mostig permissibie
[for X] to R , where suitabie, gieLds the titiement form There is a titiement
[for

X]

R .

Requirements

for

what conditions objects (Rs) and

suitabiLitg,

subjects (Xs) shouLd satisfg, are investigated in what foLLows.
Before trging for a mark-3 definition of right (to),
MiLL,

as

interpreted bg Regan (pp.270-1). MiLL

titiements are to be vaLidated:

depend

on

compLiance

its

independentLg

estabLished'

the vaLiditg of

with

(p.270),

derivation from these correct moraL

stack, the vaguer

a

right (to)

moraL

principLes

us

return

a

right,
whose

correct
that

he

beiieves,

takes

up,

must

have been

vaLiditg

principLes.

to

as to how

provides...guidance

princ ip Les

i.e.

Let

It

is

the

removing

the

"moraL grounds" (cf. M2 and 11.7). Then in the mark-3 version,

is a

M3. VaLid titiement,

from

correct

moraL

principLes,

appropriate) item. The LogicaL form is aLmost immediate:

-13-

to

some

(categoriaLLg

H3S.

premLsses

correct worst prtncLpLes

SustaLnLng prtnctpLe as
to R

vaLLd dertvatton
cone Lus con

There Ls a tttLement to
R

RssumLng evergthtng Ls Ln order Ln the scheme H3S, the inference to a rLght-to R
Ls

then

LmmedLate,

bg

f13. The whoLe pattern Ls at once duLg reLatLvLsabLe to

suLtabLe havers. Thus X has a rLght to R Lff

X

has

a

tttLement,

vaLLd

Trow

correct woraL prtncLpLes, to R, somethtng that a suLtabLe reLatLvLsed derLvatLon

wag

estabLLsh.

candLdates

The

fLLL

to

R provLde a famLLLar LLst, e.g.

out

freedom from unnecessarg sufferLng, respectfuL treatment, satLsfg

sound

LLfe,

needs,

support, rewarding work, a fatr go, etc.. Bg no means aLL of these

candLdates can be vaLLdated, wLthout at Least
severaL

basLc

restrLct

the

quaLLftcatLon,

consLderabLe

and

categorg of subjects, L.e. the LogLcaL sort of Ltem that

can have the purported tttLement.

Such a scheme, as f13S

not

(whLLe

entLretg

wLthout

adequate

eLaborated notLon of tLtLement) both enabLes further features of
and revests much about rtghts.

derLved

important addttLon to the deftnLtLon of

ought

to

protect

can

hoLders,

be

regards

as

correct

moraL

rLght , of a requLrement

and

therefore

rLghts, to Lnsure protectLon,
dLffuse

correLatLve

dutLes

3pptg

prtncLpLes,
to

Ls

no

doubt

Ls thus a consequentLaL

over

vaLLd

characterLstLc poLnt of

R

tLtLements.

as socLetLes

Lt

transmLt

uphoLd,

feature.

SLmLLarLg

such

obLLgatLons to uphoLd rLghts are not
feature

from

thetr

character. In parttcuLar, the FeLnberg-Regan cLaLm-agaLnst component

of thetr proposed anaLgsts Ls not part of the meanLng of
that

soctetg

that

that reLevant soctettes ought to

part of the deftnLtLon of rLghts, but a LogLcaLLg emergent
dertvatLve

be

separated as a consequence; Lt Ls not (as

uphoLd them. But such functors, as obLLgatLon to

derLvatLons;

to

rtghts

In the fLrst pLace, Lt shows that HLLLs

dLcttonarg defLnLtLons atso LndLcate) a deftntng feature. For

true

duLg

3

rLght,

but

somethtng

foLLows from the prtncLpLes sustatntng a rLght to somethtng. For Lnstance,

Lf Lt Ls generaLLg permtsstbLe to LLve
others,

free

from

unnecessarg

suffering

then

moraL agents are therebg prohtbLted from causing unnecessarg sufferLng;

-14-

and

prohLbLtLon

the

functor

Ls

transnLtted

the

down

cLaLn-agaLnst certain, tgpLcaLLg unspecLfLed, norat agents

R

derLvatLon.^

Ls

consequentLaL

a

feature of vaLLd tLtLenents to, transnLtted fron the sustaLnLng noraL prLncLpLe.

(ThLs

Ls

whg

Regan

can aLwags easLLg nanage to fLLL out a cLaLn-agaLnst forn

where a McCLoskeg ent Lt Lenent can be estabLLshed; see RR p.231).
SecondLg, the schene and defLnLtLon nake Lt evLdent that

seLf-evLdent

puretg

or

rLghts.

axLonatLc

a

aLwags

defence

It foLLows, then, that ang theorg

rLghts bg reference to such derLvatLons.

cLaLns

are

no

For ang rLght that stands up, that

connands the tLtte, has a vaLLd derLvatLon. Rnd there Ls

Lags

there

of

that

seLf-evLdent rLghts (such as FIcCLoskeg s), or axLonatLc rLghts

to

(such as DworkLn's), and ang decLaratLons, constLtuttons or bLLL of rLghts (such
as

that

RnerLcan)

the

announces seLf-evLdent rLghts,

Ls nLstaken. RLghts are

aLwags derLvatLve fron other parts of an ethLcaL sgsten.
ThLrdLg, the theorg shows dLrectLg the "derLvatLve character" of rLghts,

and hetps to LndLcate the extent of theLr eLLnLnabLLLtg. For Lf rLghts are ever

to be estabLLshed, then there nust, Ln the end, be correct noraL prLncLpLes,

as

there are, fron whLch tLtLenents do derLve. Thus a requLrenent of ground hoLds,
are

rLghts

and

generated

fron other noraL prLncLpLes, Ln partLcuLar those of

pernLssLon and obLLgatLon. RLghts are derLvatLve, not Ln the sense that there Ls

a precLse recLpe for transLatLng rLghts dLscourse out - ang adequate transLatLon
renaLns wLthLn the rLghts cLrcLe, of entLtLenent, cLaLns,

etc.

-

but

Ln

the

derLvatLonaL sense, that theg derLve fron another part of the deontLc area, that

argunents and JustLfLcatLons for then go back to deontLc prLncLpLes.

Because

of

theLr nuLtLpLg derLvatLve character, rLghts are dLspensLbLe

after a fashLon, and at sone cost. So theg

envLronnentaL

ethLcaL

enterprLses.

not

are

But

Ln

essentLaL

absoLuteLg

a

strongLg

for

LndLvLduaLLstLc

rLghts-orLented socLetg, such as the USR, where rLghts notLons (and partLcuLarLg
LndLvLduaL propertg notLons) are taken verg serLousLg,

Lt Ls a snart strategg to

nake heavg use of then, after the node of Regan. EnvLronnentaL posLtLons can do

thLs aLso, bg derLvLng approprLate tLtLenents.

RLghts are not nereLg derLvatLve, because, for Lnstance,

of

the

force

theg are accorded and the rotes theg can pLag when adnLtted. Rs RnerLcan wrLters

stress, rLghts are anong the weLghtLest of

others

(hence

the

Lnportance

Ln

a

noraL

consLderatLons,

whLch

noraL or evLronnentaL cause of obtaLnLng

rLghts accredLtatLon). RLghts certaLnLg have Lnportant protectLve and

rotes,
of

Ln

persuasLve
so

Lnsurance

sheLterLng Ltens fron powerfuL actors and Lnterests. For those sorts

prLncLpLes,

and

truno

on.

argunentatLve

reasons

too,

Lnputed

rLghts

are

Lnportant

Ln

reLnforcLng

gettLng others to take Ltens serLousLg, to treat then decentLg,

Ln

The

socLaL

advantages

LnstLtutLonaLLsatLon

of

rLghts

accordLngLg

offers

not to be taken LLghtLg or abandoned. For these sorts

of reasons, too, rLghts are not superfLuous (as Freg Ls LncLLned to suggest:

-15-

he

aLso incLined to suggest, not aLtogether consistentLg, that there aren t ang

is

woraL rtghts, p.7, p.17). Granted that for Mang purposes we can proceed back

Lt ts not a consequence that Me

prtnctpLes froM which rtghts derive; stLLL,

the

can get a Long as weLL without theM, stLLL Less that there
potnt

no

ts

advantage

or

Set-theorettctans can get a Long without nunbers; woMen can get

theM.

to

to

aLong wtthout thetr bras, soMe of theM teLL us; nucLear reactors can

get

aLong

wtthout doubLe shteLdtng, so Russ Lan experts used to teLL us.

R fourth set of consequences of the rtghts package offered Ls that there
Ls no basts for various restrtcttons wtdetg tMposed upon the having

senttence,

tnterest,

as

such

etc.

(a

rather

now

rtghts,

of

faniLiar test). Constder

tnterests ftrst, stnee an "tnterests" restr Let Lon on rights-havers Ls pervasive.
Nothtng Ln the deftnttton and dertvatton schene gtven, or Ln
Ln

the

Ln suttabLLLtg requtreMents). Yet a cruciaL

theg coutd be incorporated,

Ln

defLntttons

McCLoskeg, MiLL, ...), requtres such tnterests (though

(OED,

vLctnttg

other

preMtss

the issue of whether things other than persons, aninats especiaLLg, can have

rights Links rights-hoLding with interest. R tgpicaL bridge princLpLe is

RI. OnLg iteMs which (can) have MoraL rights (cf. Freg, p.5). Rs Freg
RI

is

observes,

not obvious (he Later appLies a strong forM of RI, without 3ngthing Much

in the wag of argunent, nonetheiess), and has

had

Mang

with

notabtg

rivaLs,

interests
repLaced bg other candidates put up for gaining MoraL standing
(rationaLitg, Language, sentience, etc. - the saMe tiresoMe List).^

How then does the interest requireMent, RI, gain its wide

accreditation

and grip? For an astonishing series of bad reasons (as FreedMan Ln effect brings

out),
1)

inc Lud ing: we

Usage;

speak of Ltens Lacking interests (individuaLitg, etc.) as

don't

possessing rights (thus Ln effect McCLoskeg).
and

non-usage

to

has

be

backed

In fact we do,

bg other consideration if arbitrariness and

prejudice are to be avoided (FreedMan pp.

160-1).

2) RbgsMaL anaigses, such as TooLeg s anaLgsis of X has a right to R as
to refrain fron actions that wouLd deprive hiM
(again dissected bg FreedMan p.161 ff.)^

it

of

and

coupied

3) Mistaken thenes, such as Feinberg s (drawn fron McCLoskeg) that

protection of an interest, and hence [it is ciaiMed] for
right

it

cLaiM).

Must

have

Nothing

characteristicaLLg

an

interest

however

requires

afford

(FreedMan,

is

that

reasoning

a right is a

sonething

to

a

have

p.16^., who upsets the inferred
the

protection

rights

that

of an interest; as far as the Meaning of

goes it can be of a thing or a sgsteM. t*)

exercising

roughig

if R desires X, then others are under a prina-facie obLLgation

with

sgnongnous

have;

others

and

Confusion

of

having

right
with

right

a

a right (pp.162-3), or even with being abLe to cLain a right. Though

these are evidentLg different, and entaitMents froM having to exercising

or

to

cLaining evidentLg faiL, such confLations are encouraged bg easg but unwarranted

transition,

such as those froM having a cLaiM to Making or being abLe to Make a

cLain. But, to reiterate, rights have nothing highig intiMate

-16-

to

do

with

the

Mak Lng

bg

c La LMS

of

a

hoLder (though no doubt an art Lou Late Maker of cLaLMS

hoLds soMe advantage Ln achLevLng Lts and others cLaLns).

R

creature

or

LteM

wLth cLaLMS Mag have no abLLLtg or coMpetence to Make or present theM; or be the
sort of thLng that can. ^a) ContractLons of rLghts to a subcLass of rLghts, such
as exercLsabLe rLghts,

Lndeed

Lnterest-protectLng rLghts, accountabLe rLghts, etc. Then

conatLve requLreMents do foLLow (e.g. what has an exercLsabLe rLght Must

presunabLg at sone stage be suLtabLg aLLve and capabLe

but

reLevant

actLvLtg),

requLreMents foLLow froM the subcLassLfLcatLon LnvoLved, not froM the

such

notLon

of

rLght.

of

For

Lnstance,

the

Lnterest-protectLng

aspect

of

tnterest-protecttng rLghts foLLows froM the Lnterest-protectLng restrLctLon, not

froM

the

notLon of rLghts, whLch Mag serve to protect thLngs LackLng interests

(especLaLLg under chauvLnLstLcaLLg-favoured hLgh redefLnLtLons of

Lnterests).

R reLated cLuster of poLnts appLLes to attenpts to

rLghts

restrLct

to

persons or to LndLvLduaLs, atteMpts aLso tgpLcaLLg underpLnned bg the assuMptton

that

what has or can have rLghts Must have Lnterests, or desLres, or a suLtabLe

conatLve LLfe, or whatever. But nothLng Ln the notLon of rLghts restrLcts rLghts

to persons, or to

LndLvLduaLs,

or

persons" Ln a generous LegaL sense; nothLng restrLcts theM to
LndLvLduaLs

and

"persons".

RLL

these

restr Let Lons

on

rLght-hoLders are Lnposed, wLthout Much or suffLcLent justLfLcatLon, usuaLLg for
LdeoLogLcaL reasons, such as bLockLng LegLtLMate cLaLMS on behaLf of daMaged

dLsadvantaqe LteMs or sgsteMs, MerLtLng protect Lon.

or

§3.

and rebuiLding environMentaLLg.

the rLghts vLew

Deconstructing

Most iMportant, Regan's sharp LiMitation of rLghts

LndLvLduaL

to

Consider,

a

subjects,

LLMLtatLon whLch has a Most daMaging effect on the abLLLtg of hLs rLghts vLew to
cope

decentLg

spec Les,

concernLng rare 3nd endangered
(e.g.

Regan s

pp.395-6).

prob Lens of our tines, such as those

envLronnentaL

Major

wLth

forest

does

restrLctLon

ecosgsteMs,

wLLderness,

foLLow

froM

not

even

etc.

hLs

own

defLnLtLon of a rLght, as a vaLLd ciaiM. Rather the restrLctLon Ls progressLveLg
LnfLLtrated,

as

postuLates

the

concerning

are eLaborated. It is not

rights

uniforMig inf titrated (and in other work Rgan appears to abandon restrictions to

individuaLs, e.g. HP, p.32). For instance at a cLosing stage (in

p.39S)

RR,

a

arguMent against priviLeged status for rare or endangered species begins,

brief

because paradigMatic right-hoLders are individuaLs

(In

sgLLogistic

extended

IndividuaLs

forM the arguMents runs: ParadigM3tic right-hoLders are individuaLs.

not acquire ang further rights if theg beLong to rare or endangered species.

do

Therefore, paradigMatic right-hoLders do not so acquire further rights. So

the

rights view does not acknow Ledge ang priviLeged MoraL status on the part of rare

endangered

or

species

right-hoLders needn t be

individuaLs,

aniMais.)

of
so

The

restricted

beginning

after

aLL,

onLg

the

species

(with

a

if

are

paradigMs

MoraL

the

about

or

MeMbers

species

e.g., as Hutiean entities, certaintg then

treated,

individuaLs, at Least BoodnanesqLg). But earLier Regan

view

as

Look

undercutting the brief argunent. For siMpig consider sone

further

non-paradignatic right-hoLders, such as endangered species

theiisetves.

it

Makes

of

announces,

rights

The

Species

are not

individuaLs, and the rights view does not recognise the MoraL rights of

species

to

is

view

3ngthing

rights

individuaLs.

(p.3S9). Thus individuaLs, whatever theg are (no characterisation

is actuaLLg offered),

are

not

MereLg

the

right-hoLders;

paradigMatic

theg

right-hoLders. The More conciiiatorg paradigMatic Line gives wag to the

exhaust

iron-fisted thene of

(p.361),

according

the
to

aLLeged

individuaListic

nature

of

MoraL

rights

which the notion of MoraL rights cannot be neaningfuLLg

appiied other than to individuaLs (p.36I). Rs far as evergdag, MoraL

and

LegaL

usage goes this just isn t true; there is no such categoriaL restriction.

Uhg

trg

to

iMpose

such

an

iMpLausibLe and environnentaLLg daMaginq

atoMistic restriction on a rights view? Or, siMiLarLg, on a MoraL standing view?
EMending the brief arguMent awag froM anti-environMentaL ends indicates whg.

a

rebuiit

rights view, an individuaL Mag acquire More rights, and warrant More

protection, bg be Longing to an endangered group,

in virtue of princ ip Les such as

that significant endangered species ought to be protected.
creatures

wouLd

hoLd

different

But

then

different

rights, contradicting Regan's assuMption that

aLL aniMaLs are equaL* (p.395) - at Least in rights heid,
this,

On

but as a Matter of definition) in

and

basis

(the

of

inherent vaLue'. Here is the source of

the troubLe, of individuaListic restrictions, not the basic account
but the adjoined equaLitg assuMptions.

-18-

of

rights,

restriction to individuats Ls not just an optionaL extra Ln Regan s

The

package, that can simpig be pee Led off.

rLghts

appt LeatLons

of

super-imposed

theorg,

the

but

Ls

essentLaL

wLth

for

the

given

coherence

a super-individuaL, such as a specLes,

If

postuLates.

equaLLtg

hetd rLghts on an equaL basts

It Ls requLred not ontg Ln major

Lt,

composLng

LndLvLduaLs

the

then

the

wouLd both have more rLghts than Lts LndLvLduaLs (those of aLL

super-individuaL

Lts components) and the same rLghts (cf.DE

on

bLocentrLc

egaLitarianism;

DC,

Furthermore, equaLLtg assumptLons are verg heavLLg depLoged Ln foLLowing

p.3S).

through LmpLLcatLons of the LndLvLduaL rLghts view, where dLfferentLaL treatment

of different sorts of creatures Ls repeatedLg ruLed out bg appeats to equaLLtg.

IntegraL as equaLLtg assumptLons are to Regan s LndLvLduaL-rLghts

view,

theg are neLther part of more ordLnarg ref Leet Lons on rLghts nor part of what Ls

meant bg rLghts, but addLtLonat postuLates. Theg can accordLngLg be removed, and
deconstructLon

on

of

the

rLghts

exactLg

view

thLs

Ls

EquaLLtg

done.

assumptLons concernLng moraL rLghts are supposed, Ln the fLrst pLace, to

from

dLrectLg

dLstLnguLshLng moraL rLghts, for Lnstance unLversaLLtg

features

absoLute

are

quaLLt Les, theg do

Ls

aspect ref Leets

and equaLLtg features (p.267). But aLL thLs "equaLLtg

rLghts

foLLow

that

(p.368). It does

not come Ln degrees

not foLLow that one Ltem cannot have more rLghts than another (because, e.g., of

Ltems

the sort of thLng Lt Ls), or therefore that aLL

bund Les

equaL

that

have

have

rLghts

of (even baste) rLghts. Nor does equaLLtg of basLc rLghts foLLow

from unLversaLLtg requLrements, but ontg a

certain

Ln

LmpartLaLLtg

treatment

(often confused however wLth egatttartanLsm).
equaLLtg

NeLther

nor

assumptLons

LndLvLduaLLstLc restrtctLons emerge

then; and Ln fact theg do not fLgure eLsewhere Ln the anaLgsLs of rLghts
To

them

fend

we

have

to

foLLow

gLven.

the text past the anaLgsLs, through to the

LntroductLon of the fundamentaL respect prtncLpLe and the

rLght

respectfuL

to

treatment (p.277 ff.), where both equaLLtg and LndLvLduaLLtg enter Ln a bLg wag,

both

beLng

imported

parts of the theorg of Lnherent vaLue (and assocLated

as

justLce prLncLpLe) from a previous chapter. For what Ls
rLght

those

of

who

have

argued

Ls

basic

the

Lnherent vaLue to... respectfuL treatment

(p.277),

where Lnherent vaLue Ls bg def Ln Lt Lon confLned to LndLvLduaLs and somethLng

aLL

suLtabLg conatLve LndLvLduaLs (those subject-of-a-Life) have equaLLg.

ConsLder

subjects'

vaLue

as

- what we LL caLL Lnherent

LndLvLduaLs

vaLue. ... aLL who have Lnherent vaLue have Lt equaLLg

p.23S ff.).

(pp p.37;

Inherent vaLue Ls thus a theoretLcaL notLon, conforming

sLmLLarLg
to

HR

various

postuLates, notabLg LndLvLduaLLtg and equaLLtg. ObviousLg the theorg of Lnherent
vaLue

can

be

varied,

pLace of Lnherent vaLue,

LndLvLduaL

as Regan effectiveLg admits (p.362). Consider, then,

Ln

LnLtLaL or connate vaLue,

X,

or not, as foLLows: the vaLue of X,

defined,

for

ang

Ltem

if ang, as an Ltem (and not as a

mere receptacLe). In pLace of the equaLitg postuLated for Lnherent vaLue, Lt
assumed

that,

for

Ls

ang X and Y of the same ethicaL tgpe, X and Y have the came

-17-

connate vaLue. Then, white connate vaLue Ls not verg Mett characterised,

Ls

Lt

as adequateLg specified as Lnherent V3tue, and can carrg Lts work-Load.

showing

Before

that Let s Look at differences, and Limitations, of the

notion. Mhite inherent vaLue is an aLL-or-nothing

(certain

affairs

individual

tgpes have Lt, nothing eLse does, but has zero vaLue), connate vaLue Ls not. Not
that have (non-zero) connate vaLue need have equaL positive vaLue or

tgpes

aLL

positive vaLue at aLL. DeviLs, certainLg if theg existed, wouLd
negative

vaLue

connate

disboLicainess,

if

(their

ontoLogicaL

no

nonexistence

proofs

objects are to be beLLeved.) Connate

doubt

have

decidedLg

to

adding

their

the existence of top connate vaLue

of

are

vaLues

somewhat

thus

initiaL

Like

LeveLs of perfection. Connate vaLue Ls, Like inherent vaLue properLg understood,
at

an

best

initiaL

assignment.

The

assignments

Like those of initiaL

are

probabiLLtg under a principLe of indifference (particuLarLg

vaLue;

connate

out

themseLves

presumptive

those

of

inherent

vaLue invoLves a further tgpoLogg). UntiL actors, objects, sort

their

bg

initiaL

Life-stgLes,

can

which

vaLue,

then

intrinsic vaLue gets cLarified; compare a

be

theg

states

worLd-Lines,
posteriori

a

diminished as

or

increased

receive

probabiLLtg

assignments.

Thus too connate vaLue is not aLL that is taken into account in discerning moraL
and so Ln deriving rights. Further vaLue-making or vaiue-detracting

prtncLpLes,

features of things which affect intrinsic vaLue are aLso reLevant.
0 criticaL question is whether connate vaLue can serve to

carrg

enough

(not aLL, of course) of the requisite argument; in particuLar, that to a respect

principLe.

appears

Examination

to

show that it can, at Least to this extent:

insofar as the argument (pp.277-9) based on

respectfuL

fact,

Ln

individuat

bg

to

item

substitute

connate

made

is

principLe,
principLe

as

aLso

to

repLace

required,

nameig

resuLts

defence

of

the

modified, succeeds. It does, as inspection of the
bg

shows,

where

the

the same substitutions as before. The modified

principLe Looks near-anaLgtic: Ue are to treat those items

which

have

connate

that respect their connate vaLue (pp.2t+8). The modified respect

wags

in

and

presupposed

argument (pp.258-60) for the modified respect principLe soon

vaLue

right

throughout, and to verifg bg inspection that aLL detaiLs

that evergthing does work as weLL, given that the

modified

the

features of moraL rights. But it is straightforward to verifg

concerning

respect

to

inherent

for

work just as weLL. Minor use of some points aireadg

those

vaLue

succeeds, so does that based instead on connate vaLue. It

treatment

suffices,

inherent

principLe appLies of course to species and sgstems, as weLL as for

individuaLs,

and so does the expanded right to respectfuL treatment.

Much of the remainder of Regan's text can be simiLarLg reinterpreted,
but again bg no means aLL.15 (Limitations of space, time, and energg preciude a

fuLLer

de-

and

re-construction). Some initiaL indication onLg of the expanded

environmentaL rights theorg
offered.

But

it

which

repLaces

the

moraL

rights

view

wiLL

be

is important to observe right awag, that mang of the goats of

-20-

the anLmaL rights Movement, as Regan conceives Lt
Largetg intact under the expanded rLghts

theorg

(e.g.

can

PP,p.32),

perhaps

(minus

remain

totaLitg

the

cLaims), for instance, the theme of aboLition of the use of animats Ln scLence.
But not aLL the further postulates of Regan's rLghts view remain intact,

most notabLg that of vegetarianism, which Ls not a consequence of themes of

rLghts movement. Nonethe Less?

animat

the rLghts view hotds that the LndLvLduaL

h3s a dutg to Lead a vegetarian Mag of LLfe
supererogatorg;

Lt

(p.351,p.3^.6) to

thLs

permLssLbLe

Ls

vegetarianism Ls

(p.39!+);

But

(p.3^6).

obLLgatorg'

cone Lus Lon

the

appear

to

most

the

arguments

the

not

Ls

Lt

that

Ls

estab LLsh

not

to consume the products of commercLaL animat agrLcuLture (LncLudLng

Since the anLmaL Lndustrg routLneLg

presumabLg eggs and pureLg bread sausages).

vLoLates the rLghts of these anLmaLs, for the reasons

Ls

Lt

given,

wrong

to

purchase Lts products. That Ls whg, on the rLghts view, vegetarLanLsm Ls moraLLg

obLLgatorg, (p.3SI,LtaLLs added). Rs an argument to vegetarLanLsm (a

vegetarLan

beLng, one who abstaLns from anLmaL food, and LLves on veqatabLe food, and,
'16
----usuaLLg eggs, mitk, etc
), the argument Ls a major nonsequLtur (Likewise the
argument, p.3^.6)^\ For there are mang wags of obtaLnLng anLmaL food whLch do

not LnvoLve commercLaL anLmaL agrLcuLture or commercLaL practLces (the no

proper

of

focus

Regan's

sLnce

attach,

such

practLces

tgpLcaLLg

dLsrespectfuL and insensitive use and rLghts vLoLatLons). Examp Les
of

practLces

huntLng-gatherLng

LLfestgLes,

of

doubt

Lead

LncLude

to
the

the gardenLng cuLtures of the

Pie Lanes La and PoLgnesia, of subsLstence farmLng and of some of the new communes.
Regan's further argument (Lt wouLd be unfaLr to stick hLm wLth the awfuL page

3nd

351

with

eatLng

dogs) commLts hLm, moreover, to the moraL LmproprLetg of

(as

these extensive tradLtLonaL LLfestgLes

weLL

as

mtnor

ones),

newfangLed

Lnsofar as theg LnvoLve the kiLLLng of pLgs and fLsh and occasLonaL wLLdLLfe and
so

R chLef reason gLven Ls that

on.

end
theLr

LLves are brought to an untLmeLg

antmaLs'

(e.g. p.39^.). But suppose, to dLspose fLrst of strLct
tLme

has

come,

vegetarLanLsm,

that

or, more straLghtforwardLg, that theg are aLreadg dead.

Mhat precLudes respectfuL use?
Rn expanded rLghts theorg does not entaLL vegetarLanLsm - ang more

connected

theorLes,

such

as

aLL

that

consLderatLon, or rLvaL theorLes such as

restrLctLons,

wLthout

further

Large

sent Lent

utLLLtarLanLsm,

are

Longer

no

sentient

or

entaLL

moraL

deserve
such

dLetarg

assumptLons. For there are mang tgpes of

circumstance where Lt Ls perfectLg permLssLbLe to

which

beLngs

than

eat

dead

creatures,

things

which wLLL not now attain sentience (as DC

exp Lains and argues). The more probLematic area Ls not that of consuming what is

aLreadg dead, but of causing

prematureLg,

Ln

order

death

(or,

to

a

Lesser

extent,

Letting

die)

to achieve that option or, to gieLd it as a bg-product.

For this appears to infringe rights to Life and LLveLihood and to vioLate

moraL

standing of creatures interfered with so drasticaLLg.

Rppears to. For even ethicaL theorLes that now concede various rLghts to

-21-

anLmaLs

bauLk

anLmaLs.

Rnd

at

for

sone

patLents,

Papuans

the

rLghts

extensive

to LLfe and LLveLhood to

own vLew provLdes, Ln the categorLaL dLstLnctLon between

Regan's

noraL agents and moraL
treatment,

such

admLttLng

ground

of

treatment

dLfferentLaL

further

and pLgs, a

peopLe

dLstLnctLon Ln whLch Regan hLmseLf takes refuge when pressed.
Regan s

dLfferentLaL

justLfgLng

for

So how tLght

Ls

Ln partLcuLar when reconsLdered as appLgLng agaLnst

arguMent,

tradLtLonaL LLfestgLes rather than agaLnst modern commercLaL practLces? The buLk

of the crucLaL argument

ff.)

dLd

not

treat

resources.

Nor

dLd

theg

(p.3{+^);

receptacLes

does

sLmpLg

cuLtures

tradLtLonaL

renewabLe

(p.3t*3

appLg.

not

anLmaLs just as resources, stLLL Less as
as

anLmaLs

treat

Lnstruments

mere

excLude some kLLLLng of anLmaLs - or do theg? It wouLd seem that
of

tradLtLonaL

unLLke

peopLes,

provLsLon (p.3t*3), are

prLncLpLe

dubLous

admLtted

commercLaL
under

derLved

supposedLg

who

farmers

Regan's
from

prLncLpLe

LLbertg

respect prLncLpLe, p.332). R

the

LncLudLng

fundumentaL respect prLncLpLe LtseLf. On a straLght readLng

requLres

whLch

that

treatment

creatures

of

vaLue

Lnherent

are

however

Some

excLuded.

Ls

not

of

for

prLncLpLe,

the

countervaLLLng

respectfuL
No

excLuded.

LnfrLnged because a creature of Lnher- nt vaLue
persLst, come what mag.

There

use

Ls respectfuL of the kLnd of vatue theg have

(p.277), such uses of anLmaLs are not

wLth

a

(p.331,

stgLe of better tradLtLonaL practLces Ls excLuded under the more

the

Ln

practLces

the

vLoLate the respect

crLtLcaL quest Lon Ls whether the respectfuL use of anLmaLs,
food,

Papua,

pLgs before kLLLLng. CarefuL, respectfuL practLces do not

exchanged

often

or

consLder the respectfuL treatment of mang hunter-gatherer

groups Ln aborLgLnaL RustraLLa, or the practLces of gardenLng peopLes Ln

who

Large

and

Bg

does

rLghts are therebg

a

acquLre

not

Ln

LndLctLons

Lnterference
rLght

text

Regan s

to

(and

eLsewhere Ln hLs "preservatLon prLncLpLe") whLch wouLd go far towards sustaLnLng
the vegetarLan concLusLons he faLLs to reach, and therebg to ruLLng

tradLtLonaL

the bLoconatLvLst assumptLons

that Lt Ls

LLfestgLes

LnadmLssLbLe.

Such

are

aLwags wrong to destrog LLfe (verg specLat cLrcumstances apart perhaps), that Lt
Ls never permLssLbLe to reduce vaLue catastrophLcaLLg the wag that

LLfe

anLmaLs

brLnqtrg

to an untLMeLg end does. But Ln fact Regan does not endorse such

prLncLpLes, strongLg rejectLng prLncLpLes LLke the pacLfLst prLncLpLe

use

or

harmfuL

destructLve

wLth

LncompatLbLe

bLoconatLvLst

the

vLoLence

"LLbertg"

assumptLons,

no

(p.287);

prLncLpLes

matter

as

Lnterpreted.

dLffLcuLt

how

wouLd

maxLMLae

never

to

bLoconatLvLsm appears

Lndeed

to

NonetheLess,

LLve bg, are hLghLg

appeaLLng to mang ethLcaL pacesetters and theorg desLgners, especLaLLg
who

an

to

mang

vaLue. But theg throw the whoLe naturaL order Lnto ethLcaL

dLsorder; predatLon, fuLL terrLtorLaL defence and mang other commonpLace naturaL
happenLngs are thrown Lnto ethLcaL doubt or
MorLd

magbe a

Ls

not

verg

rendered

LnadmLssLbLe.

ilagbe

The

RequLred the wag Lt surprLsLngLg Ls (LesLLe's thesLs) after aLL;
dLfferent

predator-free

sLn-eradLcated

RequLred, where V3tue j^s maxLmLzed?

-22-

post-naturaL

worLd

Ls

$4.' Ti'tt'eMsnts

and

substantiaL prob tews.

tivehood:

and

predation, territoriatitg

other

the dust that status-quo-supporting phiiosophers

Despite

have raised, there is no doubt, tooking through the ctoud, but that
* Rnimats have various interests, mang of then of the
human

as

those

of

instance, sustenance, survivat, sex, species, sheiter (see

for

animats,

sort

sane

e.g. RR, PR).

* Rnimats

have

various

For exampte, theg have, in the same wag that

rights.

humans do, a right to iive free from unnecessarg suffering, and

from

excessive

interference.
these ciaims are substantiaitg independent (having interests is Logicaitg

Mhite

neither necessarg nor sufficient

significant

connections,

inasmuch

rights),

having

for

as

rights

are

nonethetess

protect

permissibie

there

to

serve

worthwhiie interests which more powerfui operators, such

de-foresters,

as

mag

otherwise override or ignore. There is no doubt, furthermore, that present human
practices

sgstematicaLLg infringe animai rights, especiatig those tied to their

interests. For exampie, much animai
suffering.

causes

experimentation

unnecessarg

quite

there is a powerfui case for changing these practices (compare

Thus

and contrast Freg p.t*.), a case both enhanced,

and

easier

obtain

to

positive

action upon, bg the due admission of relevant rights. Rttainment of the sorts of
sociai

protection

the widespread admission of rights can iead to shouid not be

underestimated, in the wag it is bg utiiitarians and anti-moraiists.
Granted animats have rights, some of them

higher

humans

rights

nohumans,

widespread

a

have,

main

animats

phenomenon

of

predation,

a

par

with

those

that

question (pace Freg) concerns which

outstanding

particutartg,

on

have.

Because

especiatig

of

the

essential to the continued tivetihood of

mang creatures, the issue can took tike an exceedingtg difficult

one

(and

one

comes to grief upon). There are undoubtedtg serious confticts of interest

Regan

induced through the phenomenon, some of them unavoidable as when

a

herbivore s

interest in continued existence ctashes with a carnivore s interest in continued

sustenance,

avoidabte

others

as

in

human

Predation is not of course the ontg source of
territoriatitg,

slaughter of whates and dotphins.
serious

conflict

of

interests;

for instance, C3n atso iead to serious encounters, particutartg

in situations of expanding poputations (thus too the issues are connected).
Such matters as predation, territoriatitg and population
been

converted

into

increase

serious prob terns bg mistaken atomistic views of vaiue and

associated excessive ciaims as to rights. Removing these defective

the

but

integral

part

much

of atomistic non-utititarian positions such as Regan's,

hotds that vaiue (or utititg) is a feature, at bottom, of atomistic
as

themes

probtematic. The vatue theorg involved, tgpified bg utilitarianism

reduces
an

have

individuats,

that

those

items

items

such

(constituting the base ctass) have a fixed

-23-

(equaL) vaLue whLLe theg persist, which Ls not substitutibLe for

and

that

vaLues

(derived)

Ls

ecosystems,

of

whaLes

additive

an

simpLy

functLon

the

of

aLLenabLe,

such

structures,

organised

and

or

atoms

as

Lt.

within

CharacteristicaLLg aLso theses of maximization and preservatLon of present vaLue
are incorporated Lnto the theorg. On such assumptions, predatLon

and

LnvoLve a reductLon Ln vaLue, at Least Ln the shorter tern, and so a
infringing

path,

and

maximization

preservatLon

enhances the prob Lens bg postuLating a rLght to

has

that

LndLvLduaL

(Lnherent)

LnLtLaL

to

everg

simiLarLy

woraL

exLstence

(and

vaLue

suboptimaL

The rights view

desLderata.

contLnued

Like

the

considerabLLitg posLtLons add to the dLffLcuLtLes). But the assumptions LnvoLved
shouLd be removed. Both the wag the probLems are generated fron the assumptions,

and the reasons for revising the vaLue

eLsewhere

than

which are wore

LncLude

sun

the

of

predators,

theLr

LndLvLduaL

escaLation

The

the

of

theg

though

components,

be hLghLg vaLuabLe Ln theLr own rLght, wLth

mag

LLves of herbLvores substituted for wLthtn
vaLue.

detaLL

Ln

the Breen SerLes, especLaLLg OC ^). Host important, ecosystems,

(Ln

tgpLcaLLg

expLaLned

are

assumptions,

the

through

probLems

wLthout

system,

reductLon

of

theorLes deserves,

rights

however, some eLaboratLon.
R

serLous

cLash

of

Lnterest,

as

between carnLvores and herbLvores,

fortunateLg does not therebg Lnduce an imcompatibLLLtg

rLghts,

of

unLess

too

Lnterests are eievated to rLghts. But just thLs appears to happen when the

many

extensLve (but not LnvarLabLe) Lnterests of LLvLng creatures

exLst are sharpLg upgraded to unquaLLfLed rLghts to LLfe (a

Ln

contLnuLng

mistaken

to

eLevatLon

that Ls common Ln ethLcaL thought). The rLght to LLfe of a success Lon of gnus Ls
LnfrLnged

bg

LLon whLch aLso has a rLght to sustenance to sustaLn Lts LLfe.

a

MLth the advance of technoLogg Lt wouLd now be possLbLe
cases

of

to

Lnterfere

some

Ln

predatLon, e.g. that of the remaLnLng Large carnLvores, to uphoLd gnu

rLghts , bg switchLng the carnLvores to an appropriate vegetarian dLet (and, to

avoLd cuLLLng, our spLended contraceptLve technoLogg couLd be

appLLed

hoLd

to

gnu popuLatLon Ln check). But to deaL wLth aLL cases of predatLon and assocLated

issues

in

these

bizarre sorts of wags Ls not onig practicaLLg LmpossLbLe; but

at

further, such extensLve interference with naturaL ecosgstems is LtseLf,
verg

Least,

dubiousLg

permissibLe.

High-tech vegetarLan-stgLe resoLutLons of

probLems of predatLon, territoriaLitg and so on, are

On

contrary,

the

virtuaLLy

aLL

the

remaining

naturaL

radicaLLg

unsatisfactory.

systems containing Large

carnLvores shouLd be Left substantiaLLg intact or restored towards their naturaL

states. These ecosystems ought to persist, and have a

Can t

an

rights

to,

right

fLourishing LnvoLves reguLar vioLation of aLLeged absoLute

though

their

rLghts to Life.

to LLfe be Left intact (L.e. mereLg moraLLg extended from

unauthentic human setting), and the probLems skirted around? Rfter aLL, some

confLict,

and

inconsistency

even, of

rights,

obLigations

and

so

on,

is

inevitabLe, and can be LogLcaLLg Lived with in these Latter paraconsistent dags.

Some

can,

but

not too much. ConfLict shouLd be confined to exceptionaL (often

-24-

significant) sorts of cases. In these terns,

bg

accommodated

Mag

of

up

confLLct

sgstematic

reguLar

such

confLLct

anatogous

S3tisfactoriig

It Ls too reguLar,

deontLc

does

sgstem

not

because theg remove part of the poLnt of deontLc

cases,

structures: for then much too much
rather

not

of rLghts or prLncLpLes.

confLLet

sgstematic and commonpLace. R sufficientLg effLcLent
muLtipLg

is

predatton

Ls

time

cases.

R

confLLct,

repuzziing

spent

undermines

MhLch

fash Lon to deaL wLth

sattsfactorg

more

redecLdLng

and

the

point and force of

prLncLpLes, is revision of principLe. Furthermore, a confLLct of rights approach
(no more than a confLLct of vaLues approach:

right.

feeL

doesn't

p.33)

DC,

at

aLL

Lion Ls not acting MrongLg or infringing rights MhoLesaLe, everg Meek

R

Mhen it mag kLLL an anteLope or other creature.

R

aLternative, atreadg indicated, consists then in Minding in

superior

excessive titLement concessions, so as to avoid extensive confLLct. R strong and
Legitimate interest in a continuing LiveLihood

to

right

does

not

an

give

unquaLified

Life, which can be conferred against associated predators. It affords

onLg a defeasibLe right, which can be forfeited or Lapse.

In these terms, a Lion

that takes a Meaker aged gnu, taiLing or separated from a herd, does not vioLate

Lts defeasibLe right to Life. The
different.

Mith

situation

their

take

chances.

rights to Life are not

predatorg

is

essentiaLLg

not

LLL-equipped or reck Less humans who put themseLves Ln or find

LJeak,

themseives in threatening situations, such as
traveL

humans

animats

or

wiiderness

If theg therebu Lose their Lives, their defeasibLe

therebg

or

action

highspeed

infringed

animats

where

(and

defending

their

animats

are

territories

LnvoLved,

not

shouid

be

HL id animats such as gnus are aLmost aiwags on Mitderness traveL,

persecuted).

except when imprisoned in zoos; theg properLg take their

chances

with

naturaL

predators.

Rs pursuit of this approach suggests, a hetpfuL wag of coming
with

predation

and

Like

issues

happens,

what

grips

is through zoning, or more generaLLg through

bioregionaLLsm, which zones regions of the earth s surface
what

to

and

eisewhere.

is protected, what Ls permissibie and right, Ln wiiderness

can be significantLg different from that in urban areas. R tiger that moves

of

out

a wiiderness to a supposedLg easier Life in a citg where incautious citizens

are pLentifuL, cannot expect 3nd doesn t merit the same treatment as Lt did

wiiderness, nameLg being Left LargeLg atone. Moreover, with bioregions

big

For

wiiderness

as

Locus,

Lt

is

much

to think hoLLsticaLLg,

easier

predation as an LntegraL and significant part of

such

a

rich

naturaL

the
as

to see

structure

rather than isoLated action of individuaLs without a further just ifg ing setting.

(The

adjustment

of

ethicaL principtes to regions, and Large communities, need

invoLves no Loss of universaLizabLLitg;

wiiderness

is an appropriatetg generat

notion, not get a proper name.)
The

action

of carnivores (LncLuding traditionaL peoptes) in wiiderness

areas, in taking preg conservativeLg,

Ln defending their territories and so

-25-

on,

LnvoLves

no

LtseLf

Ln

infringeMents of rLghts then, whether what Ls taken Ls

huMan or not (Ls "repL3cabLe" or not). There Ls Moreover no need
for Lnstance Lf a carnLvore had coMsuMed a

career.

that

tresspassLng

Darwin

Ln

earLg

hLs

brash utLLLtarLan wouLd LnsLst, or pretend, that, when aLL the

a

OnLg

deng

Lts frequent vioLence and death, nag LnvoLve Loss of vaLue, as

with

predatLon,

to

undo-abLe cowputat tons are done, the sufferLng and Losses

and

repLacenents

of

sgsteMS, net vaLue of overaLL naturaL processes Ls aLwags approxtMattng

naturaL

MaxtMaLLtg. On the other stde,

thought

Lt wouLd be a supreMe technoLogtcaL opttMtst

sgsteMS couLd perforw nearLg as sattsfactortLg,

huMan-engtneered

that

even on a qutte Modest scaLe. HuMan

breakdown,

who

efforts,

whtch

especLaLLg

are

prone

to

soMettMes Make soMe SMaLL iMproveMents around the edges; MostLg

can

theg reLg upon expottLng what Ls aLreadg there or nearbg. Rs a worktng ruLe, the

More huMans interfere wLth naturaL processes, the More probLeMs

the

as

there

are

and

More thtngs go wrong. Med LeaL experience wLth intervention, even in Matters
norMaLLg

straightforward

huMan

chLLdbirth,

provide

weLL-docuMented

ruLe at work. The chances of huMans iMproving, technicaLLg or

the

of

evidence

as

MoraLLg, upon Nature Ln wLLderness areas Ls exceedLngLg sLight. To adapt one

the

ecoLogicaL

Laws

to

of

encapsuLate the working ruLe: Nature generaLLg does

better than huMans. Its coroLLarg Ls: CurtaLL excessive

huMan

interference

Ln

naturaL regions.

It does not Matter if, because of predation and the Like, vaLue

a Lwags

as

poLiticaL

high

wickedness,

evoLutionarg

not

it Might be. Mith the persistence of sin and prevaLence of

as

Ls copious reason for conjecturing that we do not

there

inhabit the best of possibLe worLds. Besides we 3re free to specuLate
Long

is

process

-

that

the

no doubt a rather restricted, heaviLg interfered

with, and verg hit and Miss business - did not turn out as perfectLg as Lt Might

have. Major ecosgsteMs certainLg do not appear to have evoLved
adapted

in

weLL

wag

a

to (or anticipating, so to sag) the 3rrivai of Modern huMans with their

enorMOUs destructive capacitg and wLLL to power. But, even apart froM the advent
it is far froM cLear that Nature

of such huMans,

provides

rather Nature satisizes (an adjustMent of ecoLogicaL

an

optiMat

sgsteM;

Law" argued for eLsewhere:

see SM).
The facts of satisization do not put Nature out of step

with

deontic
best

MoraLLtg,

principLes. For deontic principLes aLso answer back eventuaLLg to

sufficient LeveLs of vaLue, not to MaxiMaL consequences (see

were

with

that

vaLue

SH).

Even

it

be Maximized, obLigation certainLg does not require Lt.

Predation can take a rightfuL pLace Ln such a satisizing

environnent;

naturaL sgsteMS which have evoLved with predation seeM to offer quite
and often dazzLing,

Lf

LeveLs of vaLue.

Richard SgLvan
via Bungendore

-26-

for

the

adequate,

RustraLia 2621

NOTES

1-

For aLL that I an crLtLcaL of Much of

that

thought

environmentaL

Lt far

of southern and western Rmerican schooLs,

out

fLows

the

surpasses the drearg and reactionary anti-environmentaL dross that

emerges

typLcaLLy

the

froM

prestigious

More

universities

Ln

LndustrLaL north-eastern USR and British LLght-engLneerLng centres

LLke Oxford.
2.

May

ThLs

a

strike

MoraL

as

theorist

aiMost

cost/benefit ana Lysis of (mainstream) econoMics -

as curious as a

order

in

aLso

and having reaL point - wouLd strike econoMists. But the cases are
different.

assessMents

Cost/benefit

depend on a vaLue theory of

soMe (perhaps degenerate) sort, but not necessarily on MoraLity.
3-

EntitLement to whom? On traditionaL views, and
amounts

what

choice

seLf-appointed chosen,

(p.!*).

makers

entitLement

a

to

in

There

are

probiems

according

PP,

to

we free and rationaL

use

regarding

of

contexts, since entitLement moves in the

these

rights-circLe and items with m-s May Lack rights.

The annuLar picture is open to the separate charges of being but a
devious sort of moraL ex tens ion ism and of introducing or invoLving
a

moraL hierarchy, both of which set scenes for condemnation. But

neither charge is justified in a form that wouLd do damage.

MoraL

notions are not extended, rather their proper significience ranges

and

catagoriaL

features

are

investigated and put to principLed

work. Rs to the matter of hierarchy, the

dLvisions

of

ref Leets

cLassification

things in terms of such features, where theg appLy,

as capacities and capabiiities. This wouLd yieLd a hierarchy

these

features ranked, which on the annuLar picture they are not.

(Even if they were and a hierarchy
aLL

Not

probiematic.

resuLted,

hierarchies

are

need

that

damaging,

e.g.

ciassificatoru ones, such as BioLogicaL divisions may
oniy

were

when

be.

not

be

mereLy

It

is

hierarchies serve to distribute, or become a means to,

power or priviLege or favour,

that

theg

warrant

the

criticism

hierarchies have encountered. That criticism wouLd have deservedLy
been

directed

at

certain

power

hierarchies are of this sort.)

-27-

hierarchies;

but

not

aLL

UorrLes

about LnstaLLLng a MoraL power hterarchg or pecktng order

and accoMpangtng MoraL eLLtes are one reason whg sone philosophers

an

(west go qutteLg atong wLth eLLtes) operate wtth

LMpoverLshed

ethLcaL tgpotogg. For instance, a Mtsp Laced egaLLtartantsM appears
both

as

deep ecoLogg, Ln bLo-con3ttvtsM 3nd Ln rLghts vLews such

Ln

where both Lnherent vaLue and the equaL basLc rLghts

Regan's,

Lt supports behave Ln an aLL-or-nothLng fash Lon.

5.

StwLLar funng busLness Ls goLng on

standLng

vaLue-Ln-LtseLf

wLth

Freg,

Ln

equates

who

worst

and proceeds to bound Lt

(p.!+S),

beLow, not bLocentrLcaLLg as Ln Goodpaster, but bg sentLence. ThLs

part

happens as

coLLapse

of

a

of

wore

wLdespread

huwanLstLc

utLLLtarLan

Major ethtcaL dtsttnctLons, wLth rLghts as a further

casuaLLtg.

6.

PossLbLLLtg

and

forws of nonLnterference prLncLpLes

probabtLLtg

are basLc to the Ma Ln

arguwents

the

to

LMMoraLLtg

of

nucLear arrangements: see LiP.

7.

But

Fox

has

M3de

a sustaLned - though now apparentLg parttaLLg

repeated - attewpt to do so, tn hts crtttctsM of axtotogg. Such an

attempt

Ls

bound to faLL. VaLues are baste and LnescapabLe (theg

enter even Lnto truth cLatms). Thus, for Lnstance, a crtttctsM
woraLLtg

as

Ln

a

generaL

bad

Lnstttutton,

cost/beneftt record and, has wrought Much
enMeshed

whtch

damage,

Ls

of

has a poor

thoroughtg

Ln vaLue concerns. RntL-MoraLtsm depends on axLoLogg;

Lt

does not sustain and antt-axtoLogg.

8.

UnLversaLLzabLLLtg Ls used Ln the text because Lt Ls famLLLar. But
what

are reaLLg Lwportant are LntersubstLtutLvLLg and reptaceMent

prLncLpLes, whtch underLLe generaLLztbLLLtg and other features.

8.

SoMe of opposttton and standard objeettons to rLghts

taLk

resuLt

froM Mtsgutded ontoLogtcaL assuMpttons. For exaMpLe, Lt Ls aLteged

that

rLghts

are

verg curtous sorts of entctLes, untversaLs that

sctence casts no LLght upon and does not need. RccordtngLg,

prtncLpLe

of

such

p3rstMong,

as

OccuM s

weLL

as

provLdtng

a

pasttng

such

propertLes,

such

as

betng

objeettons

of such crude LnstruMents as

OccoM s razor: consutt JB, Lndex). Creatures have
have

a

razor, such ent Lt Les

shouLd be dLscarded. Object-theorg shortcLrcuLts

(as

bg

derLvatLve

rLghts;
froM

rLghts

certaLn

obLtgattons; but rLghts do not exLst, soMewhere, or at aLL. RLghts

are LogtcaLLg weLL-enough behaved nonexLatent objects.

-28-

10.

The not Lon of right[sj, though -a coMparativetg Modern

Ls

one,

a

verg coMpLex one, sone of the conpLexLtg beLng ref Leoted Ln the 20
right' LLsted Ln the OED. Rn atteMpt to

senses of the substantive

brLng sone order and sgsteM to thLs coMptexLtg Ls Made Ln SN.

RLthough

the

takes

anaLgsis

frow

off

one Ma Ln OED sense, the

eLaboratLon wLLL Lead bg or through other connected
1.3

as

whLch

that

MoraLLg just or due

concerned

Ls

(as in

LnvoLveMent

activities);

be

no

issues concerning opportunitg (as in

rights to work) or LLbertg (as in rights

state-iMposed

such

equitg or ... which is

right-doing ). But there wiLL

Main

Ln

wLth

senses,

not

to

in

participate

are priMariig issues for MoraL

these

actors.

11.

reLevant

or coMMunities to capabie or

individuats

within

theM,

i.e. he reguLarLg resorts to individualizing strategies.

The

status of iterated deontic princ ip Les invoLved in such

exact

arguMents can be Left open, e.g. whether OOC is entaLLed bg 00
is

or

further substantive principie which can be asserted when 00

a

is.
13.

Not aLL these substitutes are incoMpatibLe, fortunateLg for
who

Leaps

to the cone Lus ion that sentience,

beings and the "higher

...

is

an

the fact that huMan

aniMats have experiences or MentaL

states

the uLtiMate and fundaMentai basis of the ctaiM that theg
(p.^3). No arguMent at aLL

are possessors of MoraL rights

than

appeaL

to

(other

is to be found for this ciatM, a

authoritg)

surprising OMission in an author who is fond of LaMbasting

for

Freg,

faiLure

suppig

to

others

arguMents (e.g. p.7) - especiaLLg in the

MereLg citing

Light of his eartier reMarks that

sentieneg

as

a

criterion for the possession of MoraL rights neither shows that it

is one nor even creates the presuMption that it is, ... untiL soMe
respects are provided ...

arguMents in these

subsequent chapters, such arguMents

are

. Rs we shaLL see in

scarce

on

the

ground

(p.33).

lit-

Too Leg s

anaLgsis

standard

account

substituting

can

"right

of

for

desires ,

an

wouLd Mark out

onLg

subcLass

rights,

of

be

upgraded,

and brought into Line with

(adopted

to"

Ln

EE,

p.176),

chooses or wouLd chose . Even so Lt

iMportant

roughLg

consequentiai

exercisabLe

criticisM teLLs against EE).

-2?-

feature

rLghts

(a

of

a

siMLLar

IS.

Rn important exanpLe is the argunent
which

bg

broken

is

concedLng

to

that

vaLue,

equat
not

p.33,

PP

aLL hunans, serLousLg

genet LeaLLg defectLve and weLL-endowed contractuaLLg-capabLe, need
have equat connate vaLue, and thus renoving the preniss.

16.

London,1932).

RecordLng to the Concise EngLLsh DLcttonarg (Onega,

the

But

qutte

not

Ls

natter

not a reputation of

sLnpLe,

so

vegetartantsn on the basts of the avaiLabititg of dead aninats

decisive.

carefuL definition, which wouLd however render

nore

R

sone hunter-gathers (and even sone cannibats) vegetarians, is

'one who Lives whoLLg or principaLLg

OED account,

so

upon

the

vegetabie

a person who on principle abstains fron ang forn of aninaL

foods;

food, or at Least such as Ls obtained bg the direct destruction of

Life'.
17.

that

not

decisivetg

support vegetartantsn, even

inproved

connerciat

faming

does

UtLLitarianisn
invoLving

s Laugh ter

and

of

so Regan correctLg contends (p.3S0 suns up his extensive

aninats,

argunent).

Ln

Rnd

fact

fLawed

the

case

utititarian

vegetartantsn Ls effectiveLg abandoned in the recent work

for

of

one

choice

of

of its Leading proponents, Singer (see DC, p.36).
13.

sone

Uhite

such

terntnoLogg

distinction

singuLarLg

is

unfortunate

given

the

non-obsoiete

patient . Most aninats are not patients.

senses of the noun
13.

the

inportant,

is

For exanpLe, in a range of, adnittedLg difficuLt, confiict

such

as Lifeboat situations (p.32^,p.351), and nore inportant, as

regards interspecies reL3tions (p.357 ff.). and

threats

to

rabid

foxes

to

the

crunch;

hunans aLwags outrank aninats. (So nuch for the

then

strict

norat restrictions, grounded in ... inherent vaiue , the sane

aLL

and

hunans (e.g. p.353). Despite his discLainers, Regan s

egaLitarian princ ip Les ring hoLLow when Lt cones
for

cases,

for

subjects-of-a-LLfe, on the strength of which even carefuL and

respectfuL

defective

farngard
greater

C3n

practices

vaLue

assunption

be

p.3^.2).

condenned,

R

is snuggLed into the rights

view, seriousLg detracting fron its environnentaL depth

(see

DE,

si).

20.

On bioconativisn see CaLLicott; Leading ideas go back to -Jainisn.

21.

Predation bg Large carnivores can

conpared

with

hunan

travet

be

usefuLLg,

sporting

and

predation

(no

accident

of

-30-

course)

favourabig,

accidents. UhiLe the

nunber of kiLLings annuaLLg are of a siniLar order

aninaL

and
of

nagnitude,

appears

to invoLve

rather Less suffertng and pstn. Rnd though
reduct ton

tn

vatue

tn

the

removat

tt

tnvotve

may

some

of on-gotng ttves, tt atso

offers some very constderabte compensattng ecosystemtc beneftts.

REFERENCES

J.B.

A
t

Catttcott,
On
the
tntrtnstc
vatues
of
nonhuman
spectes'
tn
The Preservatton of Spectes (e.d. B.G.Norton) Prtnceton Untverstty Press,
1386; pp.138-172.

R. Dworktns, Taktng Rtghts Sertousty, Duckworth, London,

1377.

J.

Fetnberg,
The rtghts of antmats and unborn generattons, tn Phttosophy and
Envtronmentat Crtsts (e.d. M.J. Btackstone) Untverstty of Georgta Press;
Rthens, 1371+, pp. 1+3-68.

U.

Fox,

R postcrtpt on
2(1+) (1385) 17-23.

deep

ecotogy

and

tntrtnstc vatue , The Trumoeter

The enttty-restrtctton of rights: Notes on a fashion tn ethtcs
B. Freedman,
Hetaphttosophy 12(1381) 153-168.
R.G. Frey,
Interests and Rtghts. The Case Rgatnst Rntmats,
1880.

K.E. Goodpaster,
308-325.

Ctarendon,

Oxford,

On betnq moratty constderabte , Journat of Phttosophy 75(1378)

I. H tnckf uss, The Morat Soctety: Its Structure and Effects, rev used ve rs con,
Untverstty of Queenstand, 1386.

J. Lestte, Vatue and Extstence, Oxford, 1373.
H.J. McCtoskey, Respect for humans morat rtghts versus maxtmtztng good
tn
Uttttty and Rtghts (e.d. R.6. Frey), Btackwett, Oxford, 1385 pp.121-136.

C. Ptgden, Nthtttsm: a Defence, Ph.D Thests, LaTrobe Untverstty,

1385.

E.B. PLuhar, The Justtftcatton for envtronmentat etttc , Envtronmentat Ethtcs
5(1383 )l+7-61.

T. Regan, The Case for Rntmat Rtghts, Routtedge &amp; Kegan Paut, London, 1383;
to as HR.
T. Regan, On the nature and posstbtttty of on envtronmentat ethtcs',
Envtronmentat Ethtcs 3(1381) 13-31+; referred to as NP.
J. Rodman,

Theory and practtce tn the envtronnentat Movement: notes towards an

-31-

ecoiogg of experience', Ln The Search for Rbsotute VaLues Ln a Changing
UorLd, InternationaL CuLturaL Foundation, New Yorh 1978, pp.1+5-56.
J. Rodman, Ecoiogg sensibiLitg , in Ethics and the Environment (ed. D. Scherer
and T. Rttig), Prentice HiLL, NJ, 1983, pp.88-92; reprinted in VanDeVeer
and Pierce, pp.185-8.

R. RoutLeg, RLLeged probLems in attributing beLiefs and intensionaiitg to
animats , Inquirg 21+ (1981) 387-L17; referred to as PR.
R. Rout Leg,
In defence of cannibaLism. I. Tgpes of admissibte and LnadmissibLe
cannibatism , Green Series, RSSS. RNU; referred to as DC.

R. Rout Leg, Exp Loring Pie inong's JungLe and Begond, RSSS, RustraLian NationaL
Universitg, 1979; referred to as JB.
R. Rout Leg, Liar and Peace I On the ethics of Large-scaLe nucLear Mar and
nucLear-deferrence and the poLiticaL faLL-out , Green Series, RSSS, RNU
1981+; referred to as UP.
R. and V. Rout Leg, Human chauvinism and environmentaL ethics , in Environmental
Ph i Losophg (e.d. D. Plannison and others) RSSS, RustraLian NationaL
Universitg, 1980, pp.98-189; referred to as EE.
'
1

T. Rgan,

The case for animaL rights'

in VanDeVeer and Pierce, pp.32-39.

%

C.D. Stone, ShouLd Trees have Standing? Towards Legat Rights for NaturaL Objects
Kaufmann, Los RLtos, 197!+.
R.

SgLvan,
R critique of deep ecoiogg',
1+1(1985); referred to as DE.

Radicatj^hiLosophg

1+0(1985) ana

R. SgLvan, SuppLanting maximization, and other utiLitarian assumptions, in
Western ethicai ideoiogg , Topci, 1986, to appear; referred to as SN.
D. VanDeVeer
and
C. Pierce (e.ds), PeopLe, Penguins, and PLas tic Trees,
UadsMorth, CaLLfornia, 1988; referred to as PP.

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                    <text>l 89 - .r

1 NTRO!)UCT f 0N.

Vlrt· uc1l ly .11 1 t h e ph i1os ophi.c ;l1 lit cri'!ture on nur.le a r war ls wr i t te n from
;-1
SllfK·rpower (predomin an tly Amer i can) or e lse European (mainl.y German,
British or Fre nch) viewpoint.
This art:icle, a f ter connecting in initial
section s with Northern Catholic literatur e , adopts a very different Antipodean
s La nce . Such re gional per spective s , whil e t he should not affect
the morality
o [ t he mat t e r, ,ff , highly po1i ticaJly relevrmt.
eitlH_•t

t he phJ.lo so ph i ca l li tera tun~, c&gt;spec ially t:ha t emanating from th e
als o
a i l s th e test of morality. lt is c oncerned only or primAr i ly with
what i s good o r "rati onal" or prudential f o r A.raer.i.cans,
or for the American
sl.ltc, t o do ~ whereas mora l ity is ind e pende n t o f place, race , natio na lity and
t ile li ke . This article tries t.o take the morality of the matter, and the
r es ult ing r ed is tribution of mora l and political obligations, seriously. It
c onc l ud es, amon g other things, that th e Ame r i can and Russian states have no
moral bu s ine ss putting nonaligned peoples at suc h grave risk as pre sent nuclear
ar r angemen ts involve.
Mtwh o f

U~A,

CUNTENTS AND OUTLINE: Itali ci sed heading s §3 - §8 indicate the ma i n
structure of the argument
Pag e No

§O.

Introduction. Nuclear vs conventional wa rs, and new moral

l.

i ss llPS . L,1 rg e-sc nle (LSN) vs limited nuel ea r wars , the focus on the

f ormer , but the l mplic tions for the latter.
§1 . J_l5)w nuclea r wa rs differ from o t her wars; wars and Htates, and the
2::.9s ulti ng l imi ted appr~riateness of older models and theories of war.
War chc1rac t e ri sed. The e ss e ntial role of th e state. New and diff~r nt
featur es o f nucle ar wars.

2

0

§2 . The mora l si tuation: the recent: tendE:'n_c::L of moral consid e rations
-~-~~s_ome e_n t.i.re ly submerge d_ in_ the context o f war.
The nncl e nt d ist i nction of morality and expediency. Strategic planning
base on expe di enc y. Argume nts tha t war must be expediency-base d refuted.
Mor a l i ty dues nol have to, and ought not to, give way to expediency.
Uti lit ari a ni sm nnd expediency distinguish ed . Limits to consensus:
s upermen and s u pe rhawks. National Interest and expediency assimilated.
Li mits of st ate e n titlement.

§3 . The initial a rgum':nt to the immorality of LSN wars.
One ke y argume nt, from the wrongness of ki.lling noncombatants in mass, is
pr esen t ed, ass es sed, and criticisms met. Ar guments for the premisses of
the ke y argumen t elabo r ated.
§L1. Argum e nt s f r om historica] r equirement s on ,just wars: the important
a rgume nt from convergence, and env:l.ronment a_l ar~Ements_ .
Argume nts from just war requJrements: di sc rimination; proportionality ,
p r ospe ct of success. The detailed convergence argument, from rival moral
positions. Arguments from enviro1nental principles.

§ 5. The shift t:o nuclear deterrence: nrgume nts to its immora~-~~·
De t e rre nc e seen a s the only prac tical way to satisfy major desiderata:
p re ve ntion of wa r: and maintenance of pruden t ial values. Pure deterrence
not t. he po H e y. De terr c nce ais prac t.! c (• d has i.ncreased the probability of
nuclea r war. Th e first argume nt to imruorHlity of deterrence, from the
pla u s ibi l i t y of probab-Ui.ty of Immorality. F11rther arguments through
&lt;l ~u n t i c conn e ct.l.ng principl(~S : the probahl ll Ly l.inkage. Refuti.ng the
c ou n t e rargume nt from the succe ss of deterr ence . The way the onus of

1.

5

11

1 !•

17

�Page No
!,ills on deterrence policy , 1.Jhi ·h cannot mt&gt;et. evidcnlla J. requireThe second connecting principle: the wrongness of serious
prc'p.tralio n for nuclear war. The general form of connecting pri nc ipl es;
separating out t hose hat arc correct . Th e third connecting principle:
the wrongness of se rious threats of nuclear devastati.on . Criticism of
this principle lead s to further connecting principles, th rough i n te ntion
and through commitment. Meet i ng counterargumen ts from utilitarianism .
AppJying the connec ting prlncip1es to argue to the jmmoral:tty of
deterrence. Arguments from limited convergence: pro- and anti -ut ilitarian
versions. Other reasons for deep dissatisfaction with de terrence .
piu,.,f

Till·lll H.

56. ~£0Ctical ,___pru&lt;lcnU.al and more moral arguments from national
daugers Lo nuclear build-up of the ~upe r statc.s, and the genes i s . - of
nu c 1 t',ff di lemmas .
The tirgume nts from nucle,:-ir black.ma:!.l and foreign domination, and from
risk of nuclear destruction. The crucial arg ume11t from basic ri g ht s and
f11ncl;iml.'nl.al values. The argument from i solated people to superstate
iwnoral ity. The supers tat e theme, and rea&amp;ons for its appeal . The much
less p0rsuasive de endcnt state theme. Ch:1llcnging the assumptions of
tllr&gt; undt'rlying rc latiatory mode].
§7. The rcsulring nuclear di~emmas ·- fo r nligned states and their
_supporl e rs.
Ch,nc1ct. er ot the nuclear fix. Subsid iary di lemmas: natio na l securit y vs

37

43

fre edo m nnd democratic arrangements; personal and role dilemmas. Features
of deontlc dilemmas. Deterrence presented as second-bes t escape from the
nud.car fix . The nuclear fix a fix of s t ates' own making . Interconnection s
between the nuclear fix and nation-state arrangeme nts.

§8. Wavs out of nuc lear dilemmas: initial political fall-out f rom th e
ethical res 1lts.
Tl1e inevit.c1bil i ty of limitation s on nat1onal sovereignt y. In terstate
and ex trastate approache s . The Way Up and th e Way Down of extrastate
approaches . Arguments for the Way Up, and the decisive case aga i.ns t it.
FaiJurc of internati onal agreement s) espe ci ally on human rights and
geno ci de. Excl11s ion of nuclear dete rrence und er the Genocid e Convention.
Need fur the reexam i na t i on of current political arrangements i mpo sed b y
the nuclear fix. Deficiencies in present antiquated politi cal a r ra ngen.ents revealed by nuclear problems . Further arguments from the nucle a r
1 ix for polll lc:il reassessme nt. The we . k J i.nk: the sovereig n nationstatc. Forfeit11re of political obligation by many st~tes . Alternative
po 1 I. Lical arr;__ingcmen t s vs nuc lcar time hor 1.zons.

49

The rnultt-track Way Out of the nuclear dilemma. The main polit ica l
mea ns lle outside state governmenta l apparatus. Laying the s pectre of
ideo1ogicnl domination. Social restr uct u ring a nd devolution of powe r.
Graduated disarmament and transarmament, and letting state sovereignty
go. Dissolving the arguments f r om natiorrnl dangers. S .. a e r e si.stance to
loss of po wer . Further lines of o r ganised act ion agains t nuclear states.
Appendix 1: On

Scl1;!1l

t he fate of mankind and the ea r th, according to

and Anders.

Nuclear prophets a nd prophet .i c ru bb ish . The ext in ct ion assumption .
Common emerging themes of Sc-hell and Anders. The extravagant anthropocentric assumption , and some of wha t is wrong wi.th i t. Second death
dlsmlssed . The universal i ty of peril. The alleged universality of
responsibili t y : the Pogo theme . The correct, but undeveloped, whole
earth theme . Ultimately Schell offers little hope and s upe rf icialiqy.
Nuclear war is war. The logic and illogic of de t er renc e.

H

64

�.1,t . . ..

Page No

~~~_cl_:!~~; On mat t ers of co lJective and individual rt'sp oirn:ibilit.y
a nd on regional strat egies.
Individual and state responsibi.J.ity. Opt-·ouL positions , and o.rguments
t.o Lhem. Failure of the arguments, and the impact of group co peration .
Arguments to direct obligations of individ1rnls to the nuclear
dissociation. Limitations of rival political ob l igati ons.
Dif f eren L pol ic y r e organi sati on for d:i ff 're n l regions. Shallm,•er and
deeper g a]s. Th e important opportunity for deepe r r eo rg.nnisution
afforde d by nuclear dilemmas. Ob.ligations of those in the Antipodes:
what i. s required, and justifi d . Soci a l and ec onomic reorganisation
in the An tipodes, and reducing costs i.nvolv1~d. Bloc kages to social
and po litical adjus tment.

iii

73

�ON THE ETHICS OF LARGE-SCALE NUCLEA! WAR AN!)

NtlCLEAR

DETERRENCE

AND THE POLITICAL FALL-OUT
Large -seal ~ nuclear wars raise cthlcal questions not generated,
~ Ll

o r n~ arly

HO

th11 n e of even t he larges

d if f0 r· c n c:' !n kln&lt;l of war.

invo l ve,

and

threatened

sa id

to

so

differ

co nv entiona l wars ( t he World Wars ) as to yield a

CertFdnly ma s sive

PX

hAnges

Gt1ch

as

nuc.le:ir

wars

exchanges such a s nuc lear deterrence presupposes , ar e

neither envisaced nor fully accommodate d by tr·d ltional theories of
Muc h

at

forcefully, by previo us human mili tar y cncounters. 1 This is at

bottom because of their projected effect . , which are often
f r om

eit her

just

wars.

new philosophic al reflection and inveRtigatio n is required, even if r a ther

wel l -t est d and old-fashion ed moral princip l es will

se rv e

as

initial

ethical

ba se.
Al though nuclear wars are, thus
non ex i s tent
(extrapolat e
va r ie tiea,

objects,
1

nuclear

wa rs

from n very limited
Ia

fnr, only a decidedly

menac1.ng

class

of

proper have several distinctive properties

nu .lear

experlence 2 )

and

come

in

several

particular, confined or limited nuclear war s, of which tactical

or st rat eg ic ar c subvarietie s, contrast witl1 lirge-scale nuclear wars (LSN wars)

- - - ------- ---- -1,

The US Catholic Bi shops i n t heir Pastoral Letter (PL) make the point
forc e fully:
'Nuclear weapons •.. and nuclear warfare ••• are new moral
issu s . •. The re exists a capacity to do something no other age could
ima g ine:
we can threaten the created ord 1· • • • We could des roy [God ' s]
work' (PL, p.312). While the independent analysis offered in what follows
has a great deal .i n common with the Bishop ' s position, it differs
significant ly in removing the religious backdrop and associated fe a tures
and, it is hoped, in bringing out the logical structure of the argument
more clearly and sharply. To illust ra t e the differences tha t emerge with
removal of the religious backdrop ~nd its the associated unity-of-ev il
theme, consider what happens to two examples from PL, p.323:- First l y,
peace is possible without religious enligh t enment if it is possible wit h
it: religious enlightenme nt is not an essential c ondition as there
implied . Secondly, violence does no take all the forms the Bishops tr y to
give it , e .g.
sexual discriminat ion is hardly a form of violence,
pornography an aper tc without it , etc. It ia a serious m stok e to try to
heap so many diverse and independent issues together under the one heading
(forms or violence) along wi.th war aa if t hey stood and fell together, e.g.
abortion and nuclear war.
Note tha t referencing , ·where not through an au thor's name, :ls by way of
acronym explained in the references at the end.

2.

an

The isolal ed, and unnece sary, bombing of two Japanese cities at the very
end of World War II did not render that war a genuine nuclear war. Nuclear
wars proper will he very different and v ry nmeh mo re horrifying.
Nuclear
wars proper, though elements of uncomfortab ly adjacent possible wor l ds,
ought therefore to be onfined t o merely possible worlds. Enough of their
features we can appreciate without their being brought to act~ality.

�111hicl. r1c'ed not howe ver. be unlimited 3 •

explosio n

A large-sca le nuclear

involv es

war

of l arge quantitie s of nucl ear devices ove r a sizeable region;

a [unction of two main parameter s:
distr i bution.

Such

strnt.egic ) nuclear
quant l t leo

of

a

war

war

quantity

diffe rs

which

explosivc n,

ts

markedly

limited,

nnd

(megatonn age

wh ere

from

by

the

a

of

t:,Hget.s

it i s

ex plosive)

limited

assumptio n,

the

to

and

(tactical
much

or

smaller

chnr.uctcr i Rtic ,111.y

arc

cl rcumscr ibed, f or instance confined in pr i ncip l e to military inst al l ations in
a

given

reg ion.

Though

t he

focus

in

what follows is upon I.SN wars and th eir

prev e nti.on, limLted nuclear wars are by no
nucl.car

arsenal

means

a

separate

st r ike 1

s ince

a

is a prereq utsite, an d th e probabil ities of escalatio n of suc l1

waxs to LS N wars arc high (given usual reasonabl e aosumptio ns

second

iss ue ,

et c. ).

4

Because

of

these

of

follow -up

or

connecti ons, much of the ca se made

acainst LSN wars transfers to more limited wars, as wi l l become evid ent .
How nuclear wars

reHultlng

d-Lffer

from

oth er

war s:
wars and states and th e
-- ---------- - -- - --

llmltcd appropria teness of old er modelY and theories of war.

of war that has dominated mucl1 thinking, including strategi c
two

party

(or

thinking,

A model
is

th e

severa l person) game or, as a complicat ion of that, th e clan or

trib e bat tle ~.

A picture of

war

thu s

refle c tion

r e quirement s

for

legitimat e and just wa rs, which technolog ical

on

advances have
trad iti ona l

now
theo ry

ender ed
of

war,

emerg ed,

inapprop riate
ha rdly

and

especiall y

sometimes

surprisin gly,

as

a

result

inapplica ble.

of

The

made no allowance for such

J.

Another dimension of varia tion concerns the sequence of the war, es pe cially
the type of strike :lnvolved.
Though the sequence is j_mportant for the
mo r al ass es smen t , for example of th e ma in actors , it in no way alters the
immorali ty of LS N wars, as will emerge.

4.

'T he overwhelm in pro babi li.ty [.is1 that a nucl e ar exchange would have no
limits ' (PL, p.31 !+). He nce am, Jor org ument. against limited nuclear wars:
t hat any such war risks , inde ed renders highly probable, an unlimited war,
and the ris k is far too large to take. The point in fact follows by
s Lrai g htforwanl a ppli a_tio n of decislon theory, multi.plyi ng the mass lv e
undesira bi lit y (mora l and ot h ~rw ise ) of n LSN war by 'ts probabill ty gi ven
a limited nuclear war.-Giv en th e character of weapons developme nt and
present communica tion ar.rangem ents, the id e a of a highly circumscr ibed
purel y nuclea r exchange between the s upe rpower s , perhaps in the European
"theatre'' , is really a myth.

5.

There was a substanti al element of sport (and connec ted features of
prowess) in t radi tional wars tha t bas been eroded in modern t echnologi cal
wars. Nuc lear wars may be not just un s po r ting , in that no notice is given,
etc. , t hey a re also remote and impersona l, and different ly unjust, in a
mu h deeper wa y,

�j

phenomena ns mass bomb.lng o f lar.ge citJes, such a s
Tokyo.

rn1clear bomb.fng , wi.th

And

j t.'

many

occurred

wi.th

Dre s d e n

and

further crucial effects be yond mass

bombJng, adds furthe r new d imens ions .
Ycl lt is impor t a nt for tic argument
1Jnchors,

Lo

historica l

were

accounted

unjust

war l s essential ly a ma tter of states and their control:

the Oxford Eng l is h Dictionar y acc ount, w~..!::_ is 'hos t .ile contentio n
ar1ncd

'war'

of

content io n

or

comba t;

cxct1i1nge is the actual e xp&lt;irience .
but

other

are not literal, but transferr ed, metaphor ic, etc. 8

proLagon ists, antag onists or players;
means

and

or

wrong.

to elabo rate
by

means

of

forces, car ried on betwe en nations, states , or rulers, or between part i es

in t he same nation or state' for control of the state7 ;
noun

linkages

G
to be awa re of what counted as war (the :emantice of the matter),
and

of wh Pn , 2nd why, w;-1rs an&lt;l military ac tions
Firstly ,

r e tain

always

a

f nction

of

sens es

of

the

States are the

forces c omprising armed soldiers are

the

a nd comba t or forceful and typically viol_ent
Thus wars ar _ external or internal

states or their rule.

(c.ivi.l),

Thus too wars have grown in

quantity and fr eque ncy as states hav e expanded , wars have changed as states have
transform ~d,

and

nuclear

war

has

emerged

with

nuclear states.

lhf,on°tic al way then to eliminate wars is t o remove states :

6.

An obvious

:i.n short, wars

ar e

There arc interes ting si delights concernin g eve n the etymology of the term
1
war' , wh ich wa s deri ved from a term meaning 'confusio n ' . In particula r,
'it is a curious fact that no Germanic nation in early historic times ha d
in living use any word pro pe r ly meani ng 'war'': Oxford English Dictiona rt
( OED) o n wa r,

7.

But of co urse there can be something quite a nalogous to war waged between
clans , gangs, multinati onal firms, even against Nature , and still more
me taphorica lly against poverty, etc. To this extent , a strict definitio n
of 'war' is being insisted upon. Even so the diffusion of power structure s
the argumen t will direct us to, has to ex t end beyond just the brea k-down of
nation--s tates.

8.

Tn to thls category (si.n ce Natu re i s no naU.on) falls the ubiquitou s and
unwa rranted war against Nature of modern times , wh ic h features just as
large in Marxism as in capitalism . As could have be en guessed , someone
.t was James - suggest ed channelli ng all war into "war'' in the me taphorica l
sens e agai.nst that unarmed and nonaggres sive "opponen t'', Natur e.
James
proposed a s a substitut e for war proper, conscripU .on of the youth for a
wa r again st Nature (see Wasserstr om, p.12).
What it boiled down to,
howev er , was that youth -was to be c hannelled into all the dirty work, in
that way to acqui r e manly virtu.s mil i tary ac.tivit.ie s "rightly" i.nstil,
especia lly discipline ;---but also service, devotion, physical fitness,
con struc tive exertion, responsi bility, and order. Another less diabolica l
sub st it ute for wars p r oper (in America n ecoropian literatur e) is through
wnr gam es and other game s of competit i ve cast.
Again specious arguments
enter for t hose bringing- out the "best" in human males, etc .

�.:1n uut

,~01•1p

of ro llt:ica l :.ind asso ci ated t cclmoJ .ogJ--n l st ru cture,
and are

nltcr i ng

by

the

s tructu r e.

Wars
j _Lu a t

from

c an thu s be seen as a struct ural problem of

(other wi se

defect ive)

politi ca l organ isatio n of states ;

they are a

ional fix , n struct ural malfor mation .

helps

wa r

arise

War

Thls seman t.ically based pictur e

of

exp.la in why th e rad ical a rgumen t agains t nuclea r wars and
deterr ence

d t: vo lves into an

war-m akers ,

argume nt

agains t

aga.in st

states .

In

the
fact

( s&lt;'1 f-legit i.mise d)
on

the

war-d eclare rs

and

tradit ional theory , wars wer e

r estric ted to extern al wars, which were coni:;tr u ed as
t heir

r emoved

t1 e

right

of

r ulers (p ri nces) to conduc t for certai n politi cal purpos es;

states

or

the argume nt

was that priva t e person s with grieva nces had access to the
c our ts 9, while states
did

not ( wa r s w_re, so to speak, the intern a ti.onal analog ue of
th e law courts ).

But this is itself a very sta tist conce pti on of th• legitim
at e

place

of

wars;

ll1c• scmiJn tica i s not so rest.r .i ctive and permtt s intern a
l wars with i.n i; t ate s, for

examp le t.o end wars, injust ice, etc.
Let. us

a

h OW\ ) V1_. r

to brlng out what is differ ent now - confin e att e nt1on

-

basic and moat famili ar cas e, extern al wa rs hetwe n two s
tates or sets (axes)

of st a t. es , two-pl a yer ex t cr n;il wars.
·ompr litive

game s,

could

be

won.

attent uated form for some "victo rs")
Lhc World vfars.

strate gy.

surrou nding
trad i tional ly

firstl y

for

mass ive

armed

wa rs,

Like

exchan ges

such

as

th •re may well be no winnin g

in

ar e as

the
of

No r thern

very

hemisp here

countr yside.

Thus,

and

the

second ly,

for

laying

the

was te

_£Dint

of

of

substa ntially

substa ntiall y

oblite rated 10 ,

(cxe rcl sed

and

most

as

nothin g
all

worse off than at the outset of the "play" .
are

huge

war

seen, to settle seriou s inters tate disput es , is remove d:

a nothe r point of diff e rcn ~e , the phenom enon of wars that
prepar ed

that:

That assum ption still held good ~hough in

Wj th LSN wars it no longer holds;

is settle d with main protag onists
player s

It war; assume d

An LS N war could involv e destru c t ion of all main Wester n
metro polita n

agglom e ra tio ns

9.

to

main
Hence

elabor ately

f0r , etc,), but which can never be pointf ully fought ;

Thus Aquina s a nd Grotiu s for examp le (see Ba rnes , p
. 776, top).
The
argume nt
presup poses rather a lo t , includ ing a neat public /priva
te
dis t inctio n . Put Aquin as's way,
it looks as if it could be readil y
t r .-:m sf erred into an argume nt for intern atio·n al govern
ment, or at least
effect ive law-co urt s , Yet all Christe ndom was suppos ed a
t that time to be
one state!

�5

hence t he ineviL Bl&gt;Je emphasis on .l:..l!.E.~- deterrenc e.
.:uid

ot her

Lhf'

e lements o f gamesmen ship ha d a role in earlier wars, but it was

not pu re de t e rr e nc e .

to

mil i tary

Certainly , deterrenc e, bluff,

Lastly, tradition al wars could be confined in

tar gets

r egn rd s ju s t wa r s ;

and

military

e xchanges.

principle 11

This feature iG fundnnent al as

for, as will appear, wars that spill over in gross

uni nvolved par t ie s sac rifice any pretensio n to morality.

ways

to

The special effects of

nu -lea r exp lo s i •cs , e s pecially operated in mass, mean however that large nuclear
canno t

w3rs

be

legitimat e ly

confined.

l1orrify lng det a i l i n popu l a r so 1rce s
uz0ne

&lt;lestr uc ti on,

s hockwav es,

suc h

effe cts

gign nt l c fum i gat i on s
§2.

a nd

th e

e nti re l y

rapid

••.

speed

special effects (presente d in

Schell)

include

radioacti vity,

pu lses, fireball or firestorm

e tc., etc.

As a result

of

these

of exchange, LSN wars will resembl e

mor e than they re semble old e r - style war:s.

The mora l s ituation:

be c ome

as

el ec troma gnet1 c

&lt;lcv .,su1t .i o11, rog ue bac t e r in ;.rnd viru se s,

com pounded

Th e se

the

r ecent

tend e ncy

submerged in the context of war.

of

moral

considera tions

to

It is particula rly important

i n t he ca se of war to mainta in a firm grasp on the ancient

distinctio n

mo r a lity

or local or nat :l. onal

and ~ ..e5:..diency.

What is done in war, especiall y

between

advant a ge, may be very diff e r ent from what ought morally to be done, whether the

l ') .

There is however the degen e rate idea of war as i.nvolving annihilat ion or
extinctio n, and of winning a nuclear war as annihilat ion of the enemy whil e
no t be i ng e ntirely annl.hilat ed oneself: the side that somehow "survlves "
suff ic iently to r ebuild is said to "win".
But this is, at best, an
extremely t e nuous sense of winning , wl1ich in any case neglects the medical
ev idence conce rning nuclear destructi on.
Recen t t alk a bout winning or even s urviving a nuclear war must
reflect a failure to appre ciate a medical reality: Any nuclear
war would inevitabl y cause death, disease and suffering of
pa nde~onic proportio ns and without the possibili ty of effective
me d ical int e rvention
(PL, p.313).
Mo reov e r an y such phoenix war is r adically unjust, because of violat ion cf
the tr adit i onal requireme nt of pro portional ity, and for other reasons
de veloped in the tex~.
Unf o rtunat e ly as doc umented ir Sch ee r, significa nt off i cials who are
resp o nsibl e for the nuclear destiny of the USA - and so of t he world t hink that the devast a tion o nuc l ear war an be survived by Americans and
t hat a gl oba l nucl e2 r war can actua lly be "won"! They re ly , among other
things, on a n incredibl y low , and unaccepta ble, redefinit ion of "winning" .

11.

In prac t i ce they often were not, they drained limited economies , they layed
wa s te countr yside (though to a minor extent compared with nuclear or
c hemic al wa rf Rre or mod er n min i ng), im poverishi ng inhabit·n ts, etc.

�l all('.l" f u determ in e d usi ng the cod es :ind conv en l:lotH'
Much

t.h at

oug h t

war ,

of

or

othenlis e 12,

not t o be do 1c i n wa r is do ne, for one (alleged) advantage or

anothr·r, desplte modern m:i l tt ar y cod es a n d co nv ent i ons ani the like .

we

liv e

not

go

in

a rat her bar barous age :

unremarke d,

if

the

th e horrors of the twentieth century will

history

Furt.l1c1inore rn Ll tta ry t h i nki n g a nd

ge t s

writt e n

as

wi pi ng

moves :

based

on

"stra t e gy"

disad van t ages ,

of

mor a lly

excluded

actions,

·a J.culaU o ns.

charncterist i ca---1J:x
its

is.

that

rur al populations, be come real 1o ss ib i liti e s, included in

o t

con,w&lt;ptr·n ti nli.sr

d0.Lcrmi nes

(accurately)

str ate gtc pl an n ing tend (.1s Nagel ex plains) t o

induce a ce r ta i n mo ral numbing, so th a t a r ang e
such

Hllitarily

its

e xp&lt;'di e n cy .
by

gains

own

i.t _o u~ !:_, morally,

cons i d e r i n g

and

Eac h

side

only

lo s 8e s a s

a

in a military encounter
own

its

advantages

and

r e sult. of alterna tJve possible

to consider those of the other side( s) as

well.

In

t h is way stra t eg ic planning di s places morality .
I nd eed l t ha s been contended that wa r should be planned and conducted
wa y,

a

no-holds barred combat fought to the maximal (local) advantage, without

l i mit s , moral or other (except insofar a s technology limits the means of
eLc.) .

Such

t he

class lcal

through

"bald

an

inc r emental

a

distinct

nrgumen t

tc.tt1s .
g

a r gument

from

an

t ha t

th e

It

would

And
(bu t

The

externally

wil l be broken by each pl a yer in turn for advantag e .

ext r aordi na r i l y na rrow motivat1ona l bas e i s assumed.

the

of

li mit)

escalation

man" f a llac yi 3), t hat there can be no limit.

assum p tion is t hat a ny merely s e lected limit (as
enforced

force,

Js the so-called "classic " view of Clausewicz, oft: repeated.

Cl ause wicz Lr ics to argue,
reall y

this

Thus t oo

follow

from

i d ea of a limited wa r is some so r t of contradiction i n

nut i t i. s not, though breaking off i n the he at of war, or the

s upposedl y l imited nucle a r exchange, may be s ingularly impr obable .

c onfusion
Nuclear

12.

For a s Nage l c ontend s (early on), there are moral restr ic tions on the
c onduct of warfare which are not legalistic only and which are neither
a r bit r a ry no merely conventional, nor a mat t e r of usefulness.
These
t li cn1&lt;•s
run er Lindy co11n t •r Lo the. cll.llrn :l.c t heory of war of Clnuscwic z - n
th e ory outlin ed In Walz e r.

13.

As one l e s s hair does not, at any stage, dis t inguish a bald man from a
hirsute ma n, there a r , starting from the hirsute end, no ba ld men. Th e
prog~e ssiv e escalation ar.gument concerning war is an inc remental ar gument
Jike
the t e chnic a l Sorites syJlo gisms , formalising the type of fallaciou s
a r g ume n t which shows that one more straw never makes a heap.
Th e
fn l l;i.cio us e scalation argument 'i. s pa rt of the so-called "logi.c of war ", f or
more on whJch see the conclusion of Appendtx 1..

�i'

war s thus appear dec i dedl y Cla usewiczj_ a n .
for

the

l
anc,

r or

players

Still the !irgument

is

inc onclu s ive;

can choose, at leafJ t J n sma ll er calmer wars, not t o e scnlate,

examplt!, agree to abide b y arranged practlccs , t y pes of we a pons, etc. l· 4

A s t 11tc engaged in war se ld om sees i t self a s e ntirely bound by
of

mo ·al i t y:

lt i s t ake n to be me r e prude nce on t he pa r t o f those attacked to

take account of the no-imr oral- holds-ban:-e d appr oa ch t h e y

c&lt;;p,~, f,11 ly
t lw

1

constraint s

from the ot her s'ido.

11w~Liou not onl y

as

to

ma y

well

enc ount e r,

So 0a , h g1·oup po t e n t i a 1l y e ngn g cd in war f;1cps
it

wlw t

o u g ht

to

do

in

mor a lly

permi ss ibl e

si. lu&lt;1tlons , but al s o both wha t i t ou g h~_ r ea l ly do, a nd wh a t it can morally do in
the morally flawed situati on s it finds i t s e lf.

But the last question do e s

not,

in tli,1L cnsc•, r e d uce t o o ne of ex pe di e nc y .

There i s no que st ion, then, of moral i t y giving or having

0:x.pe&lt;.lienc y,

even

under

extreme

to

give

way

to

circumst a nc e s such as the prospect of LSN war

involves .

Fo r it i s not as if s haky con Ri de r a tions of

give

to the f i rm ground of exped iency when t he c hips are down, since often

way

morality

eno1gh such mora l ero s ion does not occ ur in c risis s ituations.
t hcorc~ical

fac t

is

that

both

deliver

f r om

us

But the

the

vnlue

the o q'.: .
to

Expedlency

fact,

but

urg('s ,

tba t

does

foreign

takes

local va l.ue s - o f sel f , family, clan, class, or nation - ar e

conside rat i on s .

proper charact risa t i on , a

remote

By cont r ast, mo rality requires, as a matter of its
much

univ• r sa lizable

mor e

univ e rsal

pr inciples .

rePultan t

i1,tersu bstlt uti vit y

fairness,

eq u ita billty and

of

value

and,

And morality thereby imposes, through

principl e s,

jus t ice.

distributio n

c ertain

requ i rements

of

general

Ex pe di e ncy yields an unfair , inequitable

value system, one tha t subscribe rs would not a dh e re to if differe n tly
Ttie

no t

It assumes, or

what really coun t, and ov e rride or are t o be max imized at the expe ns e of
or

to

cruci al

simply

narrowl.y-co nstr;.icd l oca l a dv anta ge or powe r a s wha t i s valuable .
even

bound

moral i ty a nd expe dien c y fall within the same,

eq 1:. 'J l y f~lrnky or equally sol ! d , doma tn_ of v al ue

miraculousl y

are

placed

1 :.,

.

Jeep thcorcL ical u1 s ati sfact orinc ss of ex pedi e ncy, and associa t ed strategic

Lhinldne , n l so Jer lv ci; from Lh i s faU. ur e

of

·va l untioi1~:;

pe r so ns X and Y are interchange d under

14.

11nd r es ults not ho ld -f ng whe1

i nt e rr e pla cement,

from

the

same

As Wa l zer a r gue s, p. 24. An histori cal ex ample i s the era of ge nu inely
I imi t cd w:1 rs l n Europe fo ll owi ng t he hilrba rl s m o f th e Thirty Years war.

�B

.
expr d 1e1cy
assessm ents 16 •

ic

c~ n

For expedie ncy loes not elude

deontic

presen tation:

be pr er;ented as through such popul a r slogans as "local might i.s right",

or ft lvcn tight formal

rest•mb le

charac terisat ion .

The

charac terisat ion

will

normal ly

that o[ utilita rianism , except Lhat util i tic . are only assigne d to,
or

arc bi asse d in favo ur of, certnin indivld u~ds.

Howeve r, theorie s of ut.llity

~ol have to he posi tions of expedie ncy if utility is 11ot locally confi
ned.
util llariun ism prope r is not to be dismiss ed as
cnn

Thus

onside ring only expedie ncy;

intcrsu bstitut iv:i. y rc'quire ments of morali ty ;

meet

do

it

Lt does not, unlike the

me hods of war game theory, assign differe nt weights to the

individ ual

uti.lity

of ( ce rtnin) Americ ans, as opposed to Russi ans , say.
There

are

dc•ont.o .logis ts
r egardin g war
mora ll y

howeve r

signlfic a11t

e.speci ally,
17

•

which

differe nces,

between

utilita rians

serve to further compli cate the moral pie t u re

In particu lar , utilita rian approac hes have

permis sible,

or

to

seemed

to

effect

some

to

rend er

justify , ugly strateg i es and practic es as regards

~nemy civi. lians, that deonto logical princ iples wo uld not
permit.

already

and

partisa nship ,

since

utilita rians

But

this

is

would

reject the

descrip tion of pr.ctic es permitt ed under thei r princip les as 'ugly';

wherea s an

a im

in

what

follows

is

to

avoid

meta-e thical

me ta-ethi cal neutra lity, though of course not
there

is

a

neutra lity.

to

achieve

And

morally

large area of consen sus, or at least moral converg ence, from which

ar gumt'n l ,an bt'gtn.
S('Vcr al

moral

partisa nship,

VJ.rtua ily all positio n s

grc•

that

the

obltter ation

of

major ci ties ln a LSN war. would be wrong, indeed morally outrage ous.

If

tltere is diss e nsion, as there may be among nuclea r stra tegists
who seem to

feel

no qur.Jms when lt. comes to trading loss of some Americ an cities for
some Rus si a n
ones, s imply increas e the costs

involve d,

up

to

loss

of

whole

nations

if

l.5.

The severe limitat ions of t:hoBe l esse r ''virtue s ",
nationa lism
and
pAlriot isrn, also come from the failure of replace men t which
exces siv e
applica tions of nationa lism easily engend er. Try for example swappi
ng a
person from inside the homelan d with one from outs i de as regards
treatme nt.
The point of, and reaso·n s for , intersu bs t itutivi ty as a require
ment of
morali ty, is well explain ed in Har e , p.78ff. Hare applies the require
ment
to make a telling case agains t nEtion ali sm (a case which exte
nds to
strat eg ic decisio n-theo ry).
Nation alism, al ong with fanatic ism, is the
main cause of war, so Hare conten ds, p . 72.

16.

The case aga inst expedie ncy was develop ed in detail
especi ally the critici sm of Thrasym achus in The Republ ic .

17.

Thus the differe nces between Nagel on the one side, and Brandt and
Hare
the other, i.n Collen et al.

by

Pl ato ;

see
on

�:iccesi:iary , unti.l moral repugnanc e :fs
Tile

ncounlere d;

_!: hen try to work down

again.

fact remains howe ver that Jn the nuclear area things have got substanti ally

oul of perspecti ve, morally.
abandon

or

Strategic thinking, i n particula r, has

tended

to

suppress moral considera tions ( as indeed theories of the state also

do, somet imes flamboyan tly, in favour of partisan values).
Naturally Lhe fact of broad consensus as to the morality of th e matter does
not

m ·an that there are none who would welcome such outrageou s happening s, that

to t al nu clear destructio n of the North even, would be
Cons id er

t he

w11rld ,·inpl r1•.

be

so thern

risi.ng

(hemisphe re)

no

one's

advant3ge .

strongman , SS, who has v :lsions of

Wlillo l.lH' t,uperpowt• rn of lli&lt;' no ·t. h rcm:i in, SS ' 1.1 dnwm ·a n

realised.

Thus

his

best

strategy,

having

rid

s ubmarines and ·outhern lands of US bases, is to try

nil lear

to

exchange

in

the

North,

There

would

southern

to

be

waters

encourage

a

hardly

an

of US
all - out

point then in securing

institutio nal arra ng emen ts so that potential SS's do not accum ulate much
espe . ially

given

the

apparent instabi lity of crucial world arrangeme nts.

tlrnt is to nnt1eipnt e:

lhc present point :1.

has

and

tts

power,

limitatio ns,

is

an

thnt ( t he fnct of) moral

inadequat e

But

conse nsus

const r aint without accompany ing

struct ural adjus tments.
For , typJrnlly ,

&lt;lifferc11 tly

to

nationa l

impose

interest

ls

taken

hosta ges

or

override

morality,

e ven

holding

civilian

populatio ns

kill:lng m111.lons in the national :i.nterest 18 ).

unfortuna tely, these assumptio ns are not confined to more totalitar ian
such

as

of those

those of Eastern Europe.
things.

substitut ion

of

jus tificatio n;

fails

in

The

first,

expedienc y

,

.
C.!.BSSC,S

And,

regimes,

But morally national interest can do neither

the

overridin g

for

morality ,

of

morality,

which

the second, the alleged mor a l dominance of

:important

or

irresi stibl e ethic a l claims t ha t dominate mo r e ordinary

cthicnl considera tions (such as those conc er ni g
nuclear

to

is

entirely
national

simply
lacks

the
mo r al

interests ,

of cases, including , so the argument wi.11 go, the

case of LSN war.
18 .

As Sche ll blun l:ly puts it, 'What io being cl.aj_med is that one or two
countries have the right to jeopardis e all countries and their descenden ts
in the name of certain bel iefs' (p.132). However this way of putting it
leaves room for ambiguity , since the belie fs may be morally grounded rat her
than based on national interests .

�Stales may i ns i st upon opera ting one self ish national interest basis ,
Ii:!.

It

nol

be

pretended

expcJ i&lt;"ncy (na me l y ,

that

tha t
of

it

i.s

"group

but

n montl basi, as distJnct from one of

ego1 sm " ).

There

no

1s

special

moral

d.ispensa ll on

fo r governments.

j ndiv iduals :

ther e ia no loe;i.cal diffe ' nee .ln the patter1 of jus ti fi.cation, or

analys is of obligation.

Morality works :ln the same way for groups as for

For e xample , what ought to be as regards Xis (analy~ed

semant i cally) what would happen as reg a rd s X in all ideal worlds;
no

di ff e r e nce

organisation.
extenuating
killers:

whether

X

is

an · individual

States such as Israel (in i ts recent invasion
reaso ns

aside,

be having

just

as

beeu

conce ded , special moral dispensations;

more Lhan tha.t and do not sta nd up to crit.i.cism.
cannot

immorally

makes

system, grou p or

of

Lebano n)

are,

as brigands or mass

there is no moral difference.

Certainly t here are gro unds on which states
or

individual

or

and it

f11rnish

two

(incompatibl e)

their a gents

01:

have

claimed ,

but the excuses offered are no
A

moralities ,

a

s atis factory
state

moral

theory

or public one and a

private or individual ci tiz en one - state expediency Rnd individual

morality

becaur;e thi s would lead t o violations of sub st itutlvity , neutrality, etc. 1 '3

ins t ance , a state ope ra ti e X could us e s tate

mor~lJy impermi ssi ble ways, ways ruled
Y are permuted .
special

01 1t

cover

(e.g.

to

considerati.ons

citizen

Y

in

by state interests) when X and

A group or organisation or pe rson can be

der iv ati ve

damage

For

bound

of

course

by

in virtue of role, but these are der ivative

prin c iples - good for any such 1nstitution - which fit within and answer back to
general

moral principles.

So it is also with a state which is an institutional

arrangement justlfied ( i nsofar as it is) by the way it answers back to some
least)

of

its

citizens:

its

charter does not legitimate emergent allegedly

1orR l principles which convenien tl y coincide with those of state expediency .
particular,

a

sta te is not

1 morally)

survivrd .

In

entitled to risk the lives of many of its

own citizens and of other p~oplcs and creatures for its own ends, even
ow n

( at

for

its

Thus it is not entJ.t led to do what both nuclear war and nuclear

de terre n ce r equ l re, as will emerge.

19 .

There a n ~ also othc•r arguments agai nst two (or
see Routley a nd Plumwood.

multiple)

morality

Lines:

�11
!-: ' )
'j.J.

The i_ni t i&lt;d argument

p:1cifli;m

yield

arguments

to

the

tmmora1 lt.1_

of _ LSN

wars.

to

tb e

1mmora1it.y

of war.

But 1wch a rgum ents ;ire

controversi a l in an area where th ere is no

go od

r·ason

to

Argumen ts

be

for

controve rsial.

Pacifism can accordingly be se t aside as a spec i a l case, stnce the immorality of
LSN

wars follows .
All but pacif is t positions concede that war in itsel f is not a c rime.

nil

wars are immo ral, though eve n inoffensive wars may be pointless or inferior

ways of settling po litlcal issues between states .
wa r s

who

Not

are

Among more or l es s admissible

th e inte rna tiona l " tourname n ts '' of arlstocrat ic young men or warriors

volu11l'cer

:w

Ho ldlers

nnd

whos&lt;'

actfon

does

no t

6pi.ll

ov er

on to

noncombar.an ts , a nd some early a nd medievvL wars , wh ere few or evet no combatants
were kjl.led in war.

conscrip tlon,

Since the esta bl i shme nt

press-gangs

and

recruitment

of

such

of

the

lHrgely ceased to take these less offe nsive for ms;

induction

prac tices

as

near-d es titute, wars hav e

modern massive war s are

far

removed from the ideal war-tourn ament typ es (which fea ture now only in ecotopian
por traya l s, in ways that are in creasingly dub ious ).

imrnornl,

Most

s orts

of

wars

are

because of what is done to the essentially un5_nvolved, but few to such

a n exte nt as LS N war s .

The first argument to th e

immorality

of

LSN

wars

and

of

sufficientl y

larg e-sca l e wars ge neral ly, takes the following form:

Pl.

The (deliberate ) killing in mass of noncombatan ts is wrong.

P2.

LS N wars involve the killing in mass of noncombatan ts.

P3.

Wha t inv olv es wha t Is wrong is wrong .

( KA)

LSN wnrs ar• wrong.
The parttcular a rgument g lven i s ju st one r epresenta tive of a set
of

Lhis

type.

the

(KA )

t·cpL1ccs

But the

qu1. te

'kl.11:!.ng

su ff i c l en tly

11v :i.l.

crcH tu res' .

Thu s

t n ma ss o f noncombatan ts' by a

cl~rnse concerning 'huge des truct-lon of 11.f esty l e of uninvolved or
i. nvolvecl

f ocus

can

destructio n cf li.festyle of nonhumans and humans

fJJ i k(~ Ll w t :in L'., N war wJ 11 brf ng l a
on

arguments

Cha racte ri sti cally, in Western culture, it is thought that mass

kl l Ling of h11m&lt;1ns ls a bout the worst th i ng that can happen.

vadu tlo n

of

not

ll

fir s t

uitable
directly

Other vuriatlons will emerge in the di.scussi.on (i.ncluding

�th at: where the bracketed 'de.liberate' figures ) .
The argumenL Js valid,
,1L t a .kcd)

on

the

basi :3

but
of

may

each

be

attacked

( and

of its p1·emisses.

has

in

ef fe ct

been

Let us consider these in

reverse order. The principle, P3, used in the argument, that what involves

11

what

is wrong" is -wrong, has been c hallenged on r:1ther Scholastic grounds. There are,
in partic ular. problems like those generated by Good Samaritan arguments,

purport

o shot.J tha t some proper obligations involve wrongdoing.

as~~lst.i.ng :rn in jured robbed per son is said
robbed;

but, s ince the ro bbin g is wrong,

to

"involve."

providing

For

which

instance,

that person ' s

assistance

belng

is also wrong.

But thes e pr oblems derive from too slack a not1on of i.nvolvement; w:i:th a tighter
accoun t of invo lvement th e problems disappear and P3 stands . 20
As aga inst P2, it may
legitimately

directed

be

argued

against

that

mi lit ary

nuclear

targets.

wars

can

be

encounters

But given the character of

nuc lear wea pon s, LSN war s could in no way be co nfined to such targets.
net

merely

the likelihood that many missiles ex plode off target, ther e are all

the ot:he r eff ects of large-scale nuclear. bombings.

fnlloul

There i s

down-wlnd

from

military

pcopJc, es pecial Ly in the cas e of
uninvo.lved co u11 t rl cs aucl

tnrgcts
US

and

For example, t he radioactive

will affect large conc entratio ns o(
European

t argets ,

and

may

affe ct

as Conn &lt;l o.

There may be an attempt to avoid the problem of massive civilian casualties

by

appeal

cffcrl ) 2 1.

t o s uch dubious pri nciples as the doctri ne of double effect (or side
If missiles wer e c haracte ristically

r.eliAbly

on

target,

and

one

20.

The challenge to P3, which is often expanded to a "distribution of
obl igat ion over entailment " pd.nciple ,, can be removed by a ti.ghter
involvement connective, linked to a good paradox-free entailment.
For
de t a il s s ec Routley nnd Plumwood, where Good Snmar.i tan problems arc
diagn osed.

21.

According t o the doctrine , which is one concerni ng responsibility, we are
rcs ponsJblc
only
for the intended e ffects or consequenc ~s of our
freely-c hos e n actions, and not for other (side) effects or consequences,
even U
these are foreseen and/or intimately tied to the intended
conseq uences .
Unless carefully hedg ed, the doctrine is
pernicious ,
a llowing those who suitably adjust their intention to escape responsibility
for evi l th e y knowingly perpetrate. Thus, for instance, a Russian supreme
comma nd which intended only to take out US military targets would, under
double effect , have no responsi bil ity for the resultant effect on American
and Canadian cities!
Taking the i ssues concerning do ub le effect to a more
satisfactory
conclusion would however require a larger theory of action, which duly
dis tingui s hed acts (what is done) and outcomes from attached intentions .

�whicl1 was

intend ed

unfort unatel y

only

went

off

to

destro y

an

unma1H1&lt;HI

und e r g round

Such claims shou ld be reject ed :

ci ty.

dou bl e

effect

Noneth e l ess

the

circum sta nc es

differ ence , for they m.ay mitiga te atti tu des to tho s e rcflpo
ns lbl f'

,1

for firing the nd ssi.le, .·i.nce
the

the

thr actjo n would be wrong, and th e

~.:_~:~ ~css nol ]c$sen cd by the g lv n lntent l.on.
innkc

silo

course and destro yed a large ci ty, it c ould be claime d

th.:it t.h ~~ (uni.nt cndcd) mass dest ructio n is legitim ised under

could

missil e

j

t was not as if t he y had

del iberat ely

aimed

at

The double effect princ ipl e confla te s [dimin u tion of]
respo nsibil ity

Assign ed for an act with the [dimin ution of ] wrong ness of
the act.
~s agains t Pl, and as regard s the middle term of
argued

tha t there is an impor tant equivo cation .

the br~cke ted term, ' delibe rate ' .
killin g

and

P2,

it

The equivo cation is induc ed by
be

conc eded

that

de libera te

milJta ry ,

e . g.

farmer s

or

goods

or

servic es

bootma ke r s or ente rtaine rs .

used

exclud ed

as

innoce nt .

The

s econd

d~ten sible - versio n of pr emis s P2.
other.

for

re a sons,

it

by

proper ly

point concer ns a much narrow er - and les s
Bec a use P2 s o amende d is

less

defen sible,

is bes t to l eave out the "modi fier" 'd el ibera te'.

What is import ant for the presen t purpos es i s the moral status
of what is
mixtur e

of

tha t wi th the motive s of the perpet ra to rs.

requir e

the

qualif icatio n

'delib e rate'

or

done,

So 'delib erate'

gets left out, equiv ocatio n is avo ided, P2 stands , and so
does Pl.
not

t he

Second ly, it will be

conten ded thAt LSN wars do no t i nvolve t he delibe rate killin
g of t hos e

a

It

no means al l inn ocent , many being direct ly involv ed in mi
litary ef f ort,

whethe r just as taxpay ers or as s upplie r s of

not

be

charge d firs tly that noncom batant s, insofa r as they are distin
guish able,

by

and

ma y

of genuin e innoc ents is imperm issible , two challe nges will
be made .

will b
are

While it will

Pl

For Pl

do es

'int e ntiona l' or the like. 22

Admit tedly nlso 'nonco mbat a nt' is a fuzzy term , but none
the worse for that, and
Lhere

is

no

seriou s

p·o blem

in

markin g out a class of clear noncom batant s,

people who a rc not &lt;lir cctly involv ed i n the comman d and
J.s,

mnrco v'r,

no

need

to

adopt

action

chains .

There

the prncti c e , derivi ng from catho li c ism, of

statin g rn init i.al verslo n of Pl in terms of in noce nts at l e ast as proble matic
22.

Despit e Na3el ' s sugge stion that it does (p.158 ).
The sugge stion depend s
upon oimila r mistak en assim ilati ons , of ac t wi t h intent
ion, and wrong ness
with respo nsibil ity, to t ho se of the double effect doctri
ne.

�,1

rlns:;

":'i

,c mnk.t~

t,-,nt of r~on ,~omb:1t ants to try

t:(,

endenvourlng

c..hnrac t er i z .. , -- Rnd then

i:h c dif f ic11.Lt transiti.on to noncombatants.
there

Nnt only can arguments aga i ns t the premlsses of the argument be met,
.tr,~

for

;ir311mcnts

the

prt:'ndsses, thongh for t he subc-tant iv e moral premiss Pl

and

Lhcy aru of the cha tacterlstlcally nonconclu sive moral sor t

tend

will

For examp le, one argument for

v3ry sowcwhat with th e underlyi ng ethical th e ory.

Pl, .rnd for objecting to the kil l ing of non~ombatan ts, ts the Kant i a n one,

(to

poi.nt)

,
re s pect: owe d to tnem a&lt;· pc so ns

mi n f nn l

from

-~_gume nts

§4 .

the

understate

sc,rio usly

doing

so

23

histori_ca~ __ ..::_e~qu i rcm nts

on

wars,

just

ur

dreamed

by

conlemporary

"free·-enl&lt;'. rp r fs c" cap:l. Lalist st.ale (and

opponents

communis t

im portant

the

The conclusion t hat LS,'

wars cacno t be justly waged - nnd accordingly are ?njustified -

1e

that

fail s to treat them with the

.0..1~Jl~l5:!..'..~- from con-:_er_ger~£:::J and cnv.t ronment al arguments .

r.;omet. lti

to

of

is

Americ a

inspired,

me r ely

not
or

et c),

th e

of

same

The

conclus ion fnlls out of vc1rlouR trc1dj t i0nc1l requirements, worked out i.n mediev al
t:irnt•s ,

(or jusL

wars.

first

One of t h e r equi r ements gives but a varia nt on the

;&gt;1

:irgumen t (KA). · 1 For a necesso r y co nd i Lion for fighting a wat· justly was th a t it

to

no t be the case t hat large numb e rs of [innocent] noncombatants are bound
killc.:&lt;l (cf.

be

Barnes , p .77.5) .

A just war req ui res just means , that t he war should be

fought

by

morally

which

impli es in partic ula r that there is no indis c riminate

killing of noncombatants .

The implied principle was escapsulated in a princi pl e

legitimate

of

means ,

discrimination

(betwee n combata nts and othe rs) whi c h 'prohibits all actions

directly intended to take the lives of
p.312)

/. ~:,

.

civilians

and

of

noncombatants'

(PL,

LSN wars, where not only military installations are targeted, violate
')

(

I.lits ·cqulremcnt '' .

7.3.

Of course there are co~nterarg uments too , and not merely from t c military
in the case of small numbers of obst r uc tive noncomb a tants. One
;.rngLP
favored argument is a va r i at ion on the Bald Man: the re is no clear line
between combatants and noncombata11ts. Howe v er a s Nag el a rgues (p . 20) there
in
are distinctions between t hem, firstly in terms of thei r roles , e.g.
c,irry-Lng or u!,in? ;irm · o r dircc . ing t. lnBe who do, a nd s econdly in terms of
See a l so PL , p.312, where a
their liarmf.uJ.ness , the threat they offe r.
uj rr.p1, and ef fec ive paradigm case nrg11mcnt is up pli ed .

2 1~.

Note th at throughout, tile• te:xt adopts Llie OED eq u.:itio ns, reflecting common
lust wit h mo~ally right or correct, and unjust with morally
usage. of

�- - - -··---·--

Overlapping the requirement of Just means is thac 6f
being that of net evil to net good:

pro ro rLi on
cor; tr-:

up

proporclonality,

'the damage to be infljcted and

lnc urn.&gt; d by the war must be pro porti.onate to the good ex pect ed

the damage and costs ,

req 1irement:

disproportio nate

to

goods

moral

pr0p0 rt lonnl ·l ty re qui.r ement i R

er i t1! rlon

of

the

which

doctrine

through war .

"improvement"

ln

achieved

of

confined,

nationally

no t

ar

that

way.

ov e r a ll

co n sequences

of

abstaining

i mprov ement "puts wrongs to righ ts":
c ondi. tion s

"nmel.ioratlve "

wn y

the

'a nation wages war

justly

than

Similarly

on l y

if

the

for that nation or the wronged n8tion it is supporting have a decent

s:1tisfy

for

bad,

from war ' (Barnes, p.72) .

LSN wars can

in

these conditio ns, as scen.-i:rios depicting the aftermath of s 1ch

Some oft.h e lesser r e quirements for a just war are also
wa rLl ,

nnd

war

According to the fl.rst, 'X wages wa r

c han ce of be ing better after the fighting ends' (Wakin, p.20).
no

are

Entangl ed with the

justly upon Y if the overall consequences of wa r a re bette r, or less
th e

taking

by

p,312). 27 Tt Ls not difflcu lt to see that LSN wars violate this

(PL,

arms'

the

e :a mple

that

of

infringed

reasonable expectation of success.

by

LSN

It seems that

tl ie r· c ca n b e no rea onable expe c tation of suite success in nn LSN war ·- whatev e r
t!il'

v0 ry

d lf !&lt;r&lt;' n t'Jy,
cx rhanges .

1 lmilcd

prospccUJ

of:

succl'SS

for

whatever the p rospcct:s of succf•ss in

Wha t

some

sm11ll

strictly

state
limited

clltc ,

or

nucl ea r

is le ss clear cut is th e question of whether LSN wars conflict

with th e requir ements of just cause or due fnu lt, and of right

intention.

Fo r

One (by no means
be arg ued to in various ways.
c onclusive) way is Nage l's way, from the requirements of directness and
r e l e vance in combat, the underlying ( co ntroversial) principle being that,
1
wh&lt;1tcvcr on&lt;.&gt; does t:o another person inte ntionally must be ai med at him as
a subject, wlth the intention that he receive it as a subject' (p.15).

25 .

Til e principle can

26 .

wars where t he targets ar e
c8 s cntially military ones, and noncombatants are unaccountably killed
"!nd:lrectly",would b~~ :i.ffe r cnt. Such wars are no t however excused by t he
For such wars remain unjust on
pe rnicious doctrine ~f double effect .
on lif e
several counts, e.g. they inflict disproportionate damage, e.g.
As Zuckcrmnun says, 1 Tt is st ill inevitable t hat were
s ys tnms, etc.
mil i tary i nstalla t ions rather than cities to become the objectives of
nt lack, millions, even Lens of mlll.lons of ci v.Lli a.ns w-ould be
nucl 'lH
kill e d .. • ' (quoted i.n Thomp s on and Sm i.th , p .14, where the italics are
The situation witli strlctly llmi ted nuclear

ndded ).

Zi.

Tli! r; i s riol Lo b e confus0d wi.tli wlwt lB very different, the vi.cious anclent

doctrine of proportional response - an eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and so
on - recently adapted by the Americans in their latest offi cial policy of
fli&gt;;,cib1e r e so0T1se. ,vii11~ted to the level " f att ack,

�t hi i, ilc&gt; p e nds on the s e nsitive jssue of the weight assigned to what
are

se e n

as

b:J1; i c human r1. gh ts and fundame ntal value s , a nd the extent to which just wars
can
b e i.dco J og i.c a lly justif i ed.

Whil&lt;': the ma instr eam pos1.tion

of

medieva l

theory

oppo s ed to id e ologica ll y jus tifi ed war s a nd "humani tarian" wars, these wer e

was

no L ck f' nitlvely exclud ed by the trndiU.o nal theory ( cf.
lltt J e

is

wlw n 1.;o m,rn y arc

se nsitive

howe ver,

me rit,

( a nd

when

issue s will ari s e again subsequ ently).

a r g uments

are

not

do

There

.In puzzling ov e r dubi usly effcctlv e requirem ents,

dec isive ng a lnst LS N war s

h i st orica l r e quireme nts

Barnes, p .778).

not

simply

commit

argumen t s

matters

underlyi ng

the

Finally , these argumen ts from

any

presc r iptive

fallacy;

from

historic al

autho r ity

for
to

th e
mo r al

c oncl 11 s i ons, but use also premisse s to the effect that th e requirem ents imposed,
a nd

nome times applied , were justifie d.

As they are.

I n the Christia n traditio n t here were two main strands of r eflectio n on the
mo ral

rightnes s

or

justness of wars, the just war t heory and a rival pacifist

str a nd, promine nt in early Christia nity, but largely submerge d from Augustin
e on
co ntempor ary

u n ti l

times.

Both exc lude nuclear wars, one strand because they

arc ine v i tably unjust, the other because they are wa rs and

This

ls

the

involve

beginnin g of the converge nce argumen t agai ns t nuclear wars :

such wari, a re exclud e d from all ethical perspec tives, once

remov ed

( a nd

e ven,

howr• vcr you look
conse ns us

violence 28 •

Ht

very

f requentl y , when it is not) .

il morally .

a r gument;

it

The argume nt i.s not

proceeds

expedi.en cy

that

is

duly

They a re morally wrong

the

same

as

the

weaker

fr om similar results from the full sweep of

ge nui nely e thi c al position s, not from massive agreeme nt of opinion.

The deta :! le d conv ergence argumen t is an exhausti ve case by case
each

type

of

moral

theory.

Fortuna tely

deta ils

can

be

de ontolog ical a nd contrac tual theories l ead back to requirem ents

28.

one,

from

shortcu t.

For

for

just

war

These alte rnatives are not as far. removed .r..ractic ally as may appear.
For
the aim of just wa ~ theory is not 'to legitimi ze war but t o pr event it.
The pr1~sump tion is against the use of force ' (PL, p.312 ) . And ~..£. types
of wa r s a r c ruled out by Lite theory. However not all wars or violent
revoluti ons a re excluded , and that is enough to guarante e the distinct ion
be tween t he a ltern a tives. In particu lar, defensiv e ware are allowed - at
l e ast for th e defendin g side, though from a wider viewpoi nt these too may
be co nd emned
'the classic case [of the just war] ••• was the use of
l et ha l forc e to prevent aggressi on against innocen t victims' (PL, p.311).
Und e r rec e nt internat ional law, defence , narrowly construe d, is the only
legi Uma t e basis for wa r; Roma n law was only slightly more generou s, in
a llow i ng for th e restitut ion of eoods (see Barnes , p.780).

�.l /

whi c l1, it ha s ,ilrcady been s hown, LSN wai·s violate.
w.1r

were

i_;ornctimes

a rriv ed

at

or

l n fact conditions for just

defended through pr inciples of such moral

th12ori · s , so tl,at a good deal of the r equls i. te argumentative

been

done .

work

already

The latter point hold s a lso as r egards ut ilitarianism, where it has

in c[fec t bee n c•hown that whatever br a nd of utilitarianism is

maxim j.sati on

utl lHy

has

is

final ly

ac complished,

LSN

adopted,

wars

are

howe ve r

excluded

ut1· 1 ·Ltar1an
·
g r oun d s . 2 9 Tl,e reason f or suc1
l converg nee .i snot f ar to see k ;
wars
Llw l

involv e

on

LSN

1:uch ma ssive infliction of pa in and colossal removal of pleasure,

tills dominates i n assessmentn howev •r Lhey 1:1 te accomplished in

utllitarlan

Tilu s any genuine alternative to LSN war ls bette r 30 •

L1i; ldon.

The arguments

ovcrwhc .lming

so

moral

far

case

outlined
against

such

mora J princi ples whi ch the waging of a n
principles

are

de riv able

from

agains t

some

LSN

wa rs.
LSN

would

su bstanti ally

wo rse

are

tha n

exhaust

th e

violate

thes e

of the theories just considered).

These

ac countable,

condition

not

( again

th e obligation to maint a in

earth jn proper shape a nd not de grade it s systems :
we

do

For there are oth e r significant

war

pri q•f pl es include e nvironmental ones, such ns :

p,cnera tions, to whom

wars

we

the r.-esponsibility to futur e
pas s

to

th e

" recei ved

the

world

it".

Such

on"

not

in

conservative

principl 0s - howeve r they are finally s atisfact or i ly formulated - are

bound

to

be vio lat ed in t he event of a n LSN war.

§5.

The shi ft to nuclear deterrence:

suppo rt

nuclear

arguments to its immorality .

Those

who

arrangements have had a way of halting - and if not defeating,

certainly turning and deflating - arguments from the immorality of LSN wars ,

by

pointing out that there is no actual engagemen t in any such wars.

What i s being

done ls, it is cla imed, quite different fr om

war:

deterrence

is

most

important

precisely

engagement
in

preventing

in

LSN
such

wars from ever

occur ri ng , as we ll as in mR int ai ning other fundamental Western values.
it

is

continued ,

deterrence

is

the

.9nly

practical

d e siderata, prevention of war and maintenance of values.

way

indeed

Indeed,

of obtaining both

Similar arguments

29.

For details see, e.g ., Lackey, especially MM.

30.

An argwnent of this sort is devel oped in more detail,
complete gc ner ality, j r Goodin, esp •c i £tlly 'Disarmame nt'.

are

But compare Hardin.
though

not

in

�a&lt;lvnncerl for all tl1e va ri ous guises that de terrence is presented

in:

mutually

;.~ssurcd des truction as fnrrnerly, fle xi ble r espo nse as latter ly, or otherw.ise. 31

Su,h c1aims as to the roles and
dubious,

for

seve ral

reasons.

objective s

of

deterrence

If i.t t.rere, "sufficiency" to deter would be an adequate goal.

s uperior ity.

than

th i s,

and

sometime s

even

a

mili ta ry

goal.

In fac t there ha s
renewed

driv e

for

Pure delerrence can account nei t her for act ual nuclear weapons nor

for orthodox Wester n military strategy 32
process

decidedl y

A first reason is th a t there i s much e vid e nce,

despite pronouncements, that dete rrence is not the - the only -

been a que st for more

are

Nor has deterrence set in motion

the

of disarmament to be expected to reduce armaments to levels ap propriate

for dctct"rence .

On the cont rn ry, un&lt;ler " its"

impu.ls e

there

has

been

almost

unli mi te d acce l era tion in building arms (to pa ra phr a se PL p.318).
A other major re a son for serious doubt a bout what
sold
31.

is

being

11nder "d e terrence" labe ls conce r ns th e _proba bility f actor:

marketed

a nd

deterrence has

It ts important to observe that the di sc ussion is not restricted to one
form of deterrence, such as that of mutually assured destruction (MAD), but
applies t o al l for ms of response likely to engender LSN wa r. This includ es
"flex ible r es ponse", since the lik e ly further development i s massiv e
ret al iation to a n ini tia l Soviet nuclear raid. Part of the reason for thi s
is the extreme vuln erabilit y of the US defence systems, especially the
communication systems, e.g.
to early strikes a nd to electromagnetic
pulses.
In the result i ng great confusion, escalation appears the likely
out come . I n a ny case, fle x ible response includes massive retaliations, as
part of its ra ng e and is ultimat e ly backed by it.
It is a l so im portant to observe that deterrence as practised is not
confined to responses to (nuclear) a ttack. The threat of nuclear action
has been made in cases where a rival encroaches on a zone of interest of a
nucle a r power. I t is in part because deterrence includes nuclear responses
to what is construed as serious misbehaviour of rivals that the practice of
deterrence raises the probability of LSN war to the extent it does.

32.

As to the firs t po int, there is not onl y overkill capacity and the driv e
for suped ori ty ( oft e n repr esent ed as '"negotiating'" strength) but the
matter of counterforce weapons which are offensive weapons. As regards the
second point, US policy has been de cidedly expansionist with regul a r
intervertion in o ther nations; there have been r epe ated US threats to use
nucl0ar weapons, espec ially to deal wi th revolutionary activities in t he
third wo rld , but also in Europe in "li.mited'" nuclear war; and i n official
military stra tegy no s ha rp line has be e n drawn between c.onventi.onal and
nuclear weapons: on these and other r elated points see furth e r Lackey MM,
p.19lff., and also Thompson and Smith.
The argument can be pressed
[1rLher, to the alarming conclus ion that deterrence is larg e ly a front,
which plays onl y a minor, but justificatory, role in actual US policy.
Among fu rther evidence is behavioural data: a government with a genuine
deterrenc e policy would repeatedl y emphasize its strength (even when it
la c ks strengt h), whereas the US govcrrnnent ofte n parades its vulnerability
and weakness in public . For other evidence see Smith, e.g. p.46ff.

�i.ncrt.:ascd the probability
nrms-race

type

t hat

of

LSN

war.

More

precis ely,

deterrence

of

th e

is being practised, which invol·es full-scale prepar a tion

for Lota] nuclear war, has prepared the cond i tions for nuclear war to occur, and
hns

to

that

,,,·te nt

least en hanced its prospect s of occurring .

at

r easons also, connected with pure
original

setting),

the last 30 years.

the

deterrence

and

with

the

For other

"cold

war"'

(its

probability of a LSN war has increased consid erabl y in

The reasons include the threatening posture

called

for

by

deterrence, the propaganda, which comes to be believed, that must be promulgated
to main tain credibility
overridden

or

with

''sacrificed"

a

population

whos e

real

for

military objectives;

state of military readiness;

etc.

The situation has

many

ther e

sober

analysts

century , i.e.

think

before 2000 .

is

a

high

There are s e veral

interests

are

being

the dangerous and risky
now

been

reached

where

pr obability of an LSN war this
routes

to

such

a

probability

assir,nrnc•n t.33 It wo uld only rccp ii re one in ' id e nt wi.th a 20% chance of leading to

an rscalating wnr every 8 years between 1960 and
Amer lean

2000.

alerts,

hav e

been

lucky

already .

In

of

nuclear

markedly.

the years ahead it appears likely that th e

For

the

danger

supplicant

nations

resources declines.
and

the

worsens

and

the

extent

The danger is enhanced by

connected

increasing

chance

of
the

lot.
33.

Cox).

easily

as

the

plight

extractable

continuation

of

of

crucia l
the

arms

of nuclear acci dent and human or

t ec l1nical error, none of them negligible factors as
(cf .

:l.ncrease

zones separating the superstates are increasing in

sjze and number, with Soviet and American expansionism, and

r e veals

the

exchange .

number of incidents with a real chance of engendering nuclear war wil l

race,

on

sidE? ;i.lone, have been at least as frequent, and sometimes , as with the

Cuban missile crisis , carry a considerably higher chance
We

Full

past

experience

copiously

Such a sketch can of course be elaborated and tidied up a

Even so every substantial point involved can be contested,

and

many

are

Another route to a moie than subjective assessment is to apply Delphi
methods:
weigh up the experts' a sse ssments. In this regard it is worth
noting that it is not only ''nuclear doves" who consider the probability of
nuclear war has increased in r e cent years.
Amer ica n officials have themselves admitted that the policies of
r ealis ing th e st rategic potential of counterforce attacks and of
selective and flexible responses have increased the probability
of nuclear wnr (Hall, p.128).

�20

conlcntlous (thoug h not always for good reasons) .
s e em s

no

way

Fof better

or

worse,

ther e

to rna~e such an overall probability argument particularly tight;

a nd ti1t: r E:! arc p] a usi. b le arguments , from the complexity of th e data concerned and

t he conti ng ency of the future, that it cannot be made tight .
IL is bad enough however that l.t 2-._~_ de c idedly pla usible that it

proha bJ~

that

LSN

an

war

will

d i st r ibu tion pri c iples) that it
proba bl e

that

c entury.

And that is enough

a

grossly

occur this ce ntury.
is

immoral
to

decidedly

morally

on moral grounds, to change deterrence as
policy

is

i.mmoral.

For then it follows ( by

plausi ble

that

it

highly

is

sequence of events will be perpetrated this
warrant

morally to take acti on to avert the outc ome.

de terrence

highly

is

evasiv e

act.Lon.

We

ought

That in turn implies taking steps ,

presently

practised.

Thus

present

That i.s but the first of several ways we shall

nrrivc at that damaging conclusion for pres ent super-state deterrence policies.
The plnusibil ity of claims as to the hi gh or increasing probability of
war h a s of cour s e been disputed.

LSN

The mai n counte rargument runs as fol lows :

Nuclear war is unlikely , be ca use the consequ ences are too horri fying.
The underlying assumption i.s that wars and the like, with

ar c

improbable.

assumption.

Unfortunately

however

horrifying

outcomes,

much ava i lable evidence counters this

More th an enough humans have not shrunk from brutal

exchanges

horr if y i ng wars , or even from genocide, as human history attests (cf.

Kuper ).

What ts le!;s assailable than the high probabili ty claim, what the
ce r tnin ly

Ther e by, through det errence, we

si t uation,

since

have

already

got

into

t.h e probA.bility.

immoral

of

r aising

The mor e detai led underlyi.n g arg ument s , then, to the immora lity

of nucle ar deterrence proceed by

LSN

an

deterrence operates by the perverse practice of preparing for

thereby perhaps helping t o bring it about, in the sense

war,

against

evidence

s eems to support, ls that there is a non-negl i g ible probability of an

LSN war .

LSN

a nd

way

of

princ iple s

mapping

war into ar.gum~nts a gaJns t deter r ence of LSN war.

mi.gilt appropriately be called deont:ic

connecti ng

pr inciples .

moral

arg uments

Such principles
The

fl rst

of

the s e principles t a kes the foll owing preliminary form:
Cl.
should

If 1t is wro ng that X s ho uld occur, t hen not only
be

pr ob3ble

is

it

wrong

that

it

that X occur, but, more important, it is wrong to directly

�i ncrease t he pt' o ba bility that X occur .
Thus, f or

example ,

s i nc e

is

it

wrong

to

ki l l

a

large

noncomb atant

po~ulatf on in LSN wa r (by §4) it is al s o wr ong to put the populati on at ris k
and
wrong to increase t he chance tha t the hostage popul a tion is wiped out,
which

nuclea r de terre nce does .

botl1

of

For simil ar r eas ons a super s t te is not morally

entitled to im pose nucl ea r r i sks upon un invo l ved noncomb atants, esp ecial ly t
ho se
of third part y no nal i gned
most

Like

"' t tuations .
defeat by
example ,

0

t a te s .

sub s t an ti ve

Unless

mo ra l

count erexamp l es,

the

second

principl es oc c u r s.
probabi lity

that

par t

princ ipl e s

in

Cl

runs

into

dilemma.

and
of

a c c ord i ng l y,

Cl

e ncount e rs

to

require

complic ation.

For

apparen t trouble where clash of

Thu s it may be argued th a t it is permiss ible to increase the
oc curs

X

ord er

to

apartmen t bui l dings 3 4 •
nuclec1r

ethi s,

d l l emmas a r e duly all owed for, Cl appears li a ble to

t o avoid a greater evil.

pilot who increase s the pr obabilit y
c r ashes,

in

dct:crrcn ce ,

make

that

t he

Cons i der for example the

passeng er

plane

he

ic

flying

sure that the troubled aircraf t does not hit cit y

Suc h a defeatin g cond i tion do e s not apply in the case of
ihe r e

(though

the r e

explains ) wro ngness of a pr a ct ic e is not

ls

a

of fs e t

clash
or

of

principl e s, as §6

removed

by

its

role

in

avoiding greate r e vil.
I L can be a r gued that it is:
argumen t

from

t he

pr e vious

a r gumen t. de s erves lit t le
perhaps

f rom

more

such is pa rt of

succe s s
credence

t he

de terrence .
th a n

the

of

the

popular

However this inductiv e

racing

world

As Barnett argues,

driver's

argumen t,

'the

happy

acciden t

has surv iv ed the first thirty-f ive years of th e nuclear era is

unimp r e s si ve e v i d e nce that we can avoid nuclea r war
34.

point

a s imilar time base, that because he hasn't had a fa tal crash yet

(des pite some close calla ) , he won't,
th a t

of

the

in

the

coming

era,

This dilemma exampl e was s uppli ed by D.
Johnston .
There are more
dif f i c ul t putative coun t e rexampl es.
For example , in inciting people to
c ivil disobedi ence, the ri s k of stat e violence in r etaliat i on is increase d.
Thus, t o ta ke C,
Pigden's example , 1.n encourag ing disobed ience, Gandhi
i nc r ea s ed t he proba bility of wrongdo ing by the British Raj.
But surely
Ga ndhi, un l i ke th e Raj, did not act wrongly? It can be claimed that Gandhi
d i d no t d irect ly incre a s e the probabi l i ty of viol ence .
But spelling out
what 'dir ec tly' means
in terms of short causal chains over which
r espo nsi bil i ty ca n be distribu ted - i s not only problem atic but leads on to
ot her connect ing princ i ples.

�·2

(p. 100) .

lie offers fami.liar reasons suc h as the changing power

incrt.' ,ise

111

Russian

strengt h,

the

ri se

r e 1aU. ons,

th e

of other nu c lear powcr·s, etc .

(cf.

simllarly Cox ).
There ar e, a ccordingly, powerful reasons for concluding that
Dl.

De errencc will not continu e to work,

and. more lmportant for the present argumenl, that
D2 .

De t e rrence does increase the proba bi lity of LSN war.

The themes are of course i.nter related, and t he re as ons for t hem (which are again

persuasive bu t in: oncl usive) can be t a ken together :
some respects) weaker D2 ·- the probability facto r.
proliferati on,

the

emergence

bu t the focus is on the ( in
An initial

of lesser nuc lear powers.

reason

concerns

As a result there are

many more ways of starting a nuclear conflagrat.i on, and so enhanced prospect
Some nnnlyula co ns id e r that

lt. -i~i

us e of nuclear weapons by

confrontation

a

11

lesser

very Jf ke ly route to I.SN war l · th

stat e .

Moreover

scarcitJ

;::i nd

o f chea per suppli es, etc ,

weapo n

systems,

more

or

Lcrror

s ltua ttons,

deterrence

power

lnvolv e s 36 ,

being mainta.ined :

costs

Wi t h so many more

Arms races, and interwoven

balanc e

of

have an exc eed ingly bad 1,istorical track record.

lncr cas lng as tl1c race p roce eds .
of

resource

A second group of reasons concerns the

Ther e is substantial inductive evi dence that

pres en t

for

wi&lt;iel y d lstributed, the probabili.ty of war

through accide nt o r e rr o r is inc reased.
powrr

opportunities

growing

nuclear arms race which deterr e nc e, as practised, is ti ed to.
wec1pons

.lnltlnl

to lead on to war are increasing, with increasing world political

Jnstnbillty , relat ing to thlrd world economic de cline,
and

the

of

lead

escalating

eventually

to

arms
war ,

races,
with

such

as

probabili.ty

Next, deterrence dep ends on a certai n

balance

if that balance is unduly disturbed, as can happen

during escalation, deterrence may well fail.
A related reason for

35.

that

deterrence

practice

increases

It can be the or etically a r gued t hat the fewer the nations
weap ons, t.he l ess the chance of nuclear. war: cf.

n 1clcar
p .. 2JO n.

36.

supposi ng

th e

armed with
Lackey, MM,

The standard ar gument for deterrence as significantly decreasing the
proboblli y of wa r, would be decidedly better if the arms race were
nbandoned, a nd weapons held at the much smaller levels required just for
dcle rrenc e.
Of c our se s uch a probability-well assumption is only one of
scvera l_ thi. ngs required if det erre nce i.s to be just:!.fled.

�probabili ty of war conce rn s the continuin g shifts in

poli c y,

US

especiall y

th e

rcncwc&lt;l quest for superio rity wh i ch is in creasing the inc en tiv e of both sides
to

rcsorL to nuclcJr war, the USSR t o avoid being

advantage

of

ov erwhelme d,

USA

the

to

take

superiori ty ac hi eved . 37 Rece nt dangerous shifts in US poli cy

the

tow;Jrds war fighting a r e .in part induce d by a much inc re ased accuracy of nuclear

missiles, which both weakens the case for MAD deterrenc e (sinc e mi l itary tar-gets
con be selected for strike and ci ties to some extent r emoved as

hostages ),

thereby

war.

also

weakens

the

case

against

resort

to

nucle a r

detrrrenc c requires a certain (admitted l y r a ther minimal, ye t
of

mutual

understan ding,

leaders, and even some
nuclear.

sha r ed

principle s ,

cooperati on

supe r-states.

and

soundness

transmi ss i on

Finally,

impor tant)

level

judgement

among

of

of

and

informati on

between

It is not just that t he increasin g numbers of operator s

in n position to J.aunch nuclear weapons must remain of " sound mind" and not, for

instance,

follow

through on delusions of one sort or another.

deterrenc e depends upon judgeme nts
seriously

mistaken:

'each

is

regarding

the

other

It is al so tha t

side ,

which

slde ' s

threat

is to the other' (P L, p.313) .

we

think' • 38

But

about

what

the

o t her

considera ble , and perhaps catastrop hic , margin of
evidence,

that

on e

perceptio n of what is
possible

resul t

As

s ide

side

thinks

e rror.

Not

thinks ,

there
only

not

can be
is

a

there

sid e (the USA) has misjudged the other side's (the USSR's)
rational,

as

regards

limited

nuclear

war,

of a first strike countered by massive retaliatio n;

must now be severe doubts
cffectlvc ly.

"conv inc ing "

There is a grain of truth in

the c1a"im that 'deterren ce is primarily about what t he other
what

be

a t the mercy of t he o the r's percept io n of wha t

strategy is "r.atio al", what kind of damage .is " un nccept able", how
one

may

as

to

whether

rationa l

principle s

are

with

the

but there
operating

to the last consider, to take just one example, the erroneous

37.

The point is discus sed in Dahlitz, e.g. p.213, where the US quest for
super iority is doct1me nted. The v.lci ssi tudes of US "d efenc e" policy - not
to say its shiftines s and occas ional incoheren ce (as in strategic forward
defence)
have confused many of lts supporter s even . Perhaps there is
some advantage in the ver y incomplet e and limited exposure of USSR war and
imperial policies :
we don't see, wit h alarm, their incohe renc e and
i.rrntiona llty .

J8.

Pym, quot,.• d .Ln Thompson , p .19. Yet a fundamen tal problem Russi a and the
West fac e, Lt is sometimes claimed, is not merely that they do not
understan d one another but that 'ther, is a lack of a wish to understan d'.
This casts into douht the psycholog ical basis of nuclear deterrenc e.

�24

idea (alread y allu&lt;led to , as he l d in hi.gh pl a ces of powe r in USA
and in UK) that

LSN war cnn be sur viv ed i n r ud ime ntary s hel ters , and also won.
The suppor ter of det er rence
connec ting

rrlnci ple s

ri val case.

such

J1as

not

onl y

to

defeat

a rgumen ts

Cl, but, more difficu lt, to fie ld a convin cing

as

For the onus of pr oof lies in showing that the costly

~:.:..!.~_rr.cncc Ls justifi ed_.

t hr o ugh

practic e

of

Bu t for from th e fair ly decisiv (~ case that i s requi r ed

( Lo contras t with t he argume nt through Cl),

only

a

feeble

case

through

the

questio na b le obv ers e of Cl,

Cl i.

If Xis wr ong then it is right to reduce the probab ility of X,

nppears open .
•

For it has to be shown that

deterre nce ( s ubstan tially) r e duc e s the proba bility of LSN war ,

and st ri ct lt (this indica tes part of the trouble with Clt) that
deterre nce does this bett e r (more morally ) than availab le options
.

o

The latter uniquen ess condit. ion ce rtainly fails, so it r,.,ill
be argu e d.

reasons already gi ven, does the probab ility claim.
up i-hc v ery

cond 1 t:1.ons

probab ility

of

suc h

for
a

an

LSN

war,

it

So ,

for

When nuclear deterr e nce set s

can

ha rdly

have

reduced

th e

war , e speci a lly over the situati on a mere 25 years ag o

when such an LS N wa r was not technic ally possib le.
More genera lly , i n showlng that nuclear deterre nc e ls justifi
e d, it i s
c..! l1 0l l f',h

refute the theme Lhat deterr e nce is wrong.

LO

out that deterre nce is permis sible, or alrigh t.

altcrn1 1LJvc

pe rmissi ble

courses

of

a c tion

condit:f . on ha s to be est a bli.shed ;

to be no t merely

alrigh t ,

bu t

;H:cc·p ' ah l&lt;' cvidt!n tin l ato nd nrdA,

r ig ht.

But

I t is not enough to make

For t he re certain ly seem to
withou t

deterr ence , wh ic h appear more morally satisfa ctory.
uniciue ne s s

includi ng

fright

To surpass t hese option s, a

nuclea r deterre nc e has to be shown
es tablish ing

such

a

39.

LSN

war s ,

withou t

.(cf.

Jl

11

claim,

to

fear

or

is vf.nunl ly tmposa iblc. 39

OED)

40

•

For

most

people,

portray ing the horror of LSN wa rs would serve adequa tely enough
from

be

the costs or problem s of

Deterre nce cons ists in preven ting someth ing (often some wrong ) by
t hr ea t s

not

the

enormo us

expense ,

t rouble

vivid scenari os
to

deter

t hem

and wastage of

An analogo us point will ap pea r whe n i.t is asked whethe r deterre
nce is the
way o ut oft.he nuclear fix, the thin g to persist with in the circum
stances .
Given that there are appare ntly super ior, le ss dangero us procedu
res , the

an s wl!r hn-, to be, No.

�- - - - - - -- - - -- - - - - -

p r epar i ng to e ngag e i n th em.
det t·r rl'ncc

And

deterren ce

i.n a ny cas e de pends upon) is of

by

such

means

ourse not immoral .

(whi ch

miJit4ry

(Sc.h e ll was not

immora l in publ ish ing hi s gra phic descri p tions of the nuclear destruc tion of New
Yo rk .)

But t hou gh de te rrence per se is permi ssible, nuclea~ deterren ce, that is

deterren ce by complete prepa ration for the object to be preven te d , is no t , where
this

o bj e ct,

a

LSN

war., itself is no t

permiss ible.

The argumen t for this is

thro ug h t he pr lnc J ple

C2 .

l f X is wrong then c omplete prepara tion for (carryin g out) Xis wrong.

Hence

since

p re para t i on,

LS N wars
nuc l ear

are

wrong

and

nuclear

deterren ce

deterren ce of LSN wars is wrong .

claimed th a t prepa ring for Xis just as bad as doing X:
wr ong a n d Z ( mue h) worse t1wn
i
Y•

wi11at

W.'.1 S

wrong.

complete

It is not however being
Y and

Z may

both

be

41
i s wrong i s b y no means un if orm l y ev1.1.
"

Tn 19115 Lhcre would ha ve been littl e doubt that
L SN wa r

implies

complete

prepara tion

for

Among the three types of crime s pecif led in Article 6 of the

Cha rt e r f or th e I nternati onal Military Tribuna ls

(which

tr ied

the

major

war

c r iminals a t Nurcm burg) we r e
Cr1- mes a ga ins t peace: namely planning , .:e_repar ation, initiati on or
waging o f a wa r of aggr e ssion, or a war in violatio n of internat iona l
tr eat:!.es , ag reements or a s surance s, or particip ation in a common plan
or cons pi ra c y for the accompl ishment of any of the followin g ( cited in
Ku pe r , p.2 1; ita lic s added).

But af t e r ma ny yea rs of nuclear deterren ce, the
become

J ncreasi ngly

liable

to

question .

wrongne ss

implied

in

C2

has

However the doubts mainly come from

40.

De t er r e nc e a lso commonly includes elements of mendaci ty,
deceptio n,
mi si nforma t ion, that is elements of what a re, for the roost part, morally
unde sirable traits.

Li l .

Nor a re
ordered
be cause
wrong,
equally

degr e es of wrongne ss required :
wrongs can simply be
as
reg a rds relative worsene ss. The point requires some
it has been quite erroneo usly assumed t hat if y and z
cat egorica lly or absolute ly , then they mus t be equally
evil. Thus, e.g. William s:

.

partiall y
labourin g
are both
wrong or

.

there is no moral differen ce between running a deterren t st r ategy
on the one hand, and intentio nally - indeed wantonly - start i ng a
nuclear war on the other; so that the first is as totally evil
a s the second.
This is because both are held to be absolute ly
forbidde n.
Not a t a ll. The argume n ts from "Y and Z are both absolute ly forbidde n" to
"S o Y i s a s totally evil as Z"
and
to "Therefo re Y and Z do not differ
mor all y " a r e both ent:i.rely without validity . Compare : 2 is a number, and
3 lg a numbe r;
s o 2 is the same number as 3, or does not differ
numeri c , lly from 3!

�26
a~sum ing t!w l comp l e t e prepara t.i o n i nc }udc i:; l ss t: lwn Lt nee ds to or do e s.

Complete prepa ration for something, s uch as
sever~]

other

fea tures.

LSN

war ,

already

writes

in

In particular, i t presup po ses the preparation is no t

ha1 (·-hea rt ed hnt is serious, is not merely for show and is not simply

pret e nce.

Obser e tha t mere pretence, or ot her more psychologic a l ploys, cannot substi tut e
for comp l ete prepa r a tion in nuclea r deterrence.
too

sophistica t ed

for

bluff

alone

to

Military

succeed:

t here

preparatJon for wa r accompanyin g the t h rea t s involved in
t he

ot her

hand ,

has

to

is

now

be serious

deterr ence .

But,

on

c omplet e prepara tion does not imply that what i s prepared for

wi l l be attempted other than condi tona lly:
imply attemp t ed X.

c omplete preparatio n for X does

not

It does however 1.nvolve a conditional undertaki ng to proc eed

with wha l is prcpa·ed
whell1er

intelligenc e

for

under

c ertain

conditio ns.

Comple te

preparation ,

for a we dding or murder or wha tevcr, wo uld be po int les s otherwise, so a

(proclaimed ) comm itment to proceed under given circumstanc es c an

be

taken

of

connecting

for

granted .

Principle C2
principles .

is

part

way

not

the

line

in

a

series

pr inciple of the same sort that is hig he r in the series is that

A

con necting X with a tt empted X:
perh,ps

down

if Xis wrong then attempted Xis wrong

as bad ) , whether X succeeds or not .

But the se ries ends ;

off well before th e l ower limits of i nte ns ionalit y, contrary to

the

(thoug h
it cuts

claims

of

various religious pos i tio ns.

For example, it does not foll ow that if Xis wrong

then

X

the

co n temp l ati on

con sidcra t Jon

of

of

is

wrong

carrying out Xis wrong.

or

that

non-action- oriented

The point ap plies equally to sexual

fant asie s, power fan tasies, and nuclear nightmares .
no Lhing

mere

In

particular,

there

is

wrong with contemplatin g nuclear war, or reflecting upon it, as we are:

nuclear wars, even lf their horrors don't be ar thinki.ng on, a re not unthinkable ,
and in some senses are all too thinka ble.
Indeed one of the reas on s why the connecting principles appeal is that each
common ly

involves

lt connects with.

decidedl y increased pro ab ility of the wrongdoing or outcome
Accompanyin g the increased probability are

certain

r eprehensibl e atti tud e s tied t o the ac tion t he evil outcome involves;
nol

I ho:a·

of

mere

pas s ! vc

.o nt emµ l at f on

I,,
1

'.

Howev er

oll

the

sets

of

these are
connectl.ng

�n
prL nc lple s

invoked

except Cl ho l d, where the y do, ~, a n when the proba bi lity of

wrongdo i ng ev e ntuating is not inc r eased.
c ho:;c n

One rea son for th1s is that the

means

o r epre hensible end s may be ineffica cious, for instance intendin g to do

s omeo ne harm using witchcr aft .

The inc r eased prohabi llty

of

an

evil

out come

o l.mply makcB things worse .

Nu clear deter r ence involves not only war pre parat ion, but
thi s

accompa nied

by

threats

and

a threaten ing posture .

pot e ntial e nemy, has to be sui tably frighten ed or moved,

announce ment

For some pa rty , th e

if

deterr e nce

s ucce ed :

the threat must be recognis ed as s uch and be cr edible .

n uc 1 L' i1 r

deterren ce yie l ds a further conne cting princip le:

CJ.

of

is

to

This aspect of

if Xis wrong the n serious threat ening of X und er gi ven conditio ns is also

wr o ng ;

or , in br ief, If Xis wrong then conditio nal thre a tening of Xis wro ng .

The r ema in i ng connecti ng conditio ns invoked all take this general form
CG .

If Xis wrong so is a cond itional

r eq uires

some

further

ex planati on.

the fo rm, ~ ( X if C), wl1ere
of' • 4 3

thre ate ning

~

Apar t

intensio n

to

A condit'o na l

do

intentio ns

e . g.

themselv es,

1

the

t ha t ) .
C

to

(or

in pr opos iti onal ra ther than event style:

the

most

cond i tion a l lnte1slo ns are conditio nal obligati ons where~ is the
oblj gati on

form

a

are

not

impossi ble

claim

in

whnt

or even remote or imp r obable:

(spe c ifica lly those involvin g
cornmitn e nt)

for

follows
certain

is

tha t

s ort s

there
of

discusse d
an

it is obligato ry
conditio ns

the conditi ons

typicall y conc e rn those specif ying a rtuclear st rike by a potentia l
fund ame ntal

cred1ble

functor:

To r emove complica tion it can b e ass umed hencefo rth that the

involv ed

whic h

intensio n is a judgemen t of

is some intensio nal functor,
f rom

X

enemy .

The

are intensio nal funct ors

threaten ing ,

intendin g ,

and

whic h CG holds , and that these versions suffice to demonst rate

the

immoral ity

42 .

There is plenty of scope for f ur ther
elabora tion
here.
Passiv e
s pectntor shJp of evil e vent s where one is in an appropr iate pos i tion to
make a differen ce i s quite another thing, from contemp lation of other
worlds where e vil oc curs .

43.

The condi tionnl i.nt nsion, ~ ( X if C), whic h is an intensio n , should not be
confused wit h the provisio nal form, 1f C then ~x. which is not . The
Ame rfcnns nre t hr eatening the Russians with retaliat ory action If tl1ey
strike :
Lt is not that: if the Russians strike the American s will threaten
them with reta l ia t ory action . Such confusi on has arisen because of the
problems of formalis ing conditio nal obligati on given usual defectiv e
theories of condi ti onality.

of

nuclear

deterren ce.

Natural ly

again

there

are

many

�28

no11-;-1ction ·-oriented functors for whi ch ve r s ions
c.ont. :•mplat J.on,

t'1l nld.ng,

dreaming, etc.

of

e.g .

fail,

those

of

The.r e is also a n interesting group of

more borderline functors, those of hoping ( for) ,

expecting,

awaiting

and

the

like, for which CG is only dub:i.ously correct:.
Connecting pri nciple C3 evolved from the simp ler pri~ciple, if X is
then

threatcn.ing

X 1s also wrong, or, as f ormulated by Ramsay:

is wrong to threaten .•• ' 44 The r e ason is that

to do
into

prac tic e

(e.g.

if

wrong

'What is wrong

putting

something

committ ing rape) is wrong then so also is what goes into

tlin•at&lt;'nl ne t o pu t that lnto practice , in pn rti c ul ar the declflred intent to
that

into

pract i ce.

beginning as fo] lows:

The

point

ca n

if worlds where

alternative ly
X

happens

be

are

put

argued semanti cal ly,

exclude d

then

so

are

adjacent wo rlds where Xis poised to happen.
The comp li cat lon of the simple form is required for two reasons.

nuclear

war

obta i n.

However t he required c onditional form can be derived

form,

is

through

only c onditionall y threatened , i.e .

the

f ollowing

wh ic h is pe rf ectly general , X if

argument:-

c.

should certain cond itions

particular,

(of

§§3-4)

LSN

oppo si. tion has struck, or not , and so wrong when it
wrong,

44.

so

a lso

is

simple

if it weren't it wouldn't

(The converse route fails

arg uments

the

Observe, furthermore that if something Xis

have b en wrong in the first place.
ear lier

from

su bstitute for X in the simple form,

wrong, it is a l so wrong under restrictive co nditions;

by

Firstly ,

threatening X if C,

war
has.

of

course.)

In

is wrong whether the
Hence,

where

X

is

More generally, to e sta blish CG it is

Ramsay's formula tion of simplified CJ is considered in Wal zer, p.272.
It
i s this principle especially that forces Ramsay, a Protestant theologian
who is a nuclear hawk , int o the awkward position he ends in, whi c h as
Walzer explains , really leaves no room to move.
For in virtue of
slmp li.f led CJ H must he allowed that the threatened wars are permissible
to carry out. Ramsay tries to limit these to military exchanges. But to
be effective as a deterrent, Lhe exchange permitted must both threaten and
also,
i.n view of CJ,
not threaten nonmi.lit ary targets, collateral
oon-cornbata nt populations . It appears that Ramsay's position, if worked
out, wou1d be inconsi.sten t.
S!mpllf1cd pri nclple CJ 1.£ nlso invok&lt;'d by the US Catholic Bishops:
se
PL, p.316.
They put the point both in terms of threat and of declared
"i.ntent to use nuclenr we apons, which they pronounce morally wrong.

Ho wever s implifi ed CJ is rejected by Hare and Joynt (pp.106-7), who want to
nssess Lhe moral stntus of u threat by way of expected utility. This is
open to Rll the objec tions to expected utility as a test of morality
mentione d below.

�29

enough to e sta blish the s i mpl e r

If Xis wron g s o i s a n int e nsion t o do X.

CG'.

The s e cond com plic ation in C3, modifying the threat to
ca us es

more

t roubl e .

a

serious

threat,

Some modi f ica tion a ppears required, because it is often

contend e d tha t empt y t hrea t s or bluff a r e wa rranted on occasion even whe r e
is

t l1r e o.tene d

what

l
.
i s wrong , to prevent t,1c
occ urrence o f som et h.1 ng worse .11 s A"n d 1.n

f ac t one wny o f tr ying to vi ndica te de te rrence , a s morally permissible , has been
by pre se nti ng de t er rence as lnvo lv ing thr eats which do not involve any i nt en tion

at all to pr oceed t o action on
plaus ible
Lhrc a t s .

removes

i t

the

support

bas i s

for

of

threats.

s i mpl i f ied CJ.

Insofar

A seri ous th r eat th e n, in the slJ ghtly t echnic a l.

sense

co nditi on s,

is

con s i de r a

accide nt .

intended,

For the challenge

grossly

immo r al

unconvincing,
case

wh e r e

conduct

under

certain

not

and calls for moral double-think.
ci rcum st ances

th e

result

from

improbable

To bring this

an

intricat e

Eithe r the threat is followed through, automatically (as ordered, by

Doomsday Mac h in e c ircui try, etc.) or w1th further choice, or - somehow Eit her

not .

is

in ef fect tha t it is perfectly morally permissible to issue serious

thr ea t s to under t a ke

out

is

Principle CJ is not

ope n to the same c ha l lenges as sJmplified a nd unqualified CJ.

says

this

Hence the shift to serious

one tha t i s no t a pre t ence, empty or a blu ff , but credible.

which

as

it

is

way the out c ome is morally wrong, in the first case obviously , in

the s e c ond cas e be cause the intermedia te reconsideration makes it plain that the
thr eat
nor

ought not to have been issued at a ll, be ing justifiable on neither mo r al

more

.. pra ctic al "

rep r es e n t atives

grounds.

Further more,

while

states

thei r

and

ma y accept moral double at t itudes, such as morally assenting to

immor a l threa t s, les s corrupt agents cannot:

it

moral

principled agents they ar e or take

natu r es ,

to

t he

kinds

of

th emse l ves to be ( a s Benn exp lains).
i nsignif i c ant

mora lly

would

run

For su c h agents , who may

counter

to

comprise

their

a

not

proportion _ of the electorate of a nuclear state, principles such

a s CJ are no t in doubt.
The a r gum e nt agai nst nu c le a r deterr e nce using C3 is as follows:- Either th e

--- ---- ---- - - -- - - For a di sc us s ion of threats whe r e the threatener has no intention of
ca r r ying ou t t he threat, or inc e ntive to do so, see Schelling, p.JSff . The
quest ion of t he mo r ality of th e s e threa ts, where the item threatened is
i.m,-,, or a l , ca n be left ope n.

�30
t.hrcnt involved

then

is

it

Ln deterren ce is ser .!. 1);..i1.. or l t is m 1 t,

inadequ ate. s o deterren ce is no

Lhen by CJ deterren ce
depcn&lt;l

is

wrong .

The

maintain ed.

sub-argu ment

on se ri ous threats is a practica l one:

Lf

it

s

no t

seri ous

Bu t if i t j s ser io us

that

nu c l ea r

dete r re nce

name l y , that if the t h rea t s were

not serio us , but merely gave the lmpressi o n that they would be fo l lowed thro
ugh ,
then

the

op posit ion

would flnd out, in one way or a nother.

could not be entlorseJ i.n an open or democra tic polit i ca l
wi LhouL

A policy of bluff

system ,

f or

examp l e,

coining some discussi on, and so giving the game away to the oppos iti o n .

Even i n close d non-demo cratic systems
maintain ing

such

a

po licy

weapons , espec ially
informa lion

would

clown

during
l i kel y

times
escape

the
of

there

would

be

ma jor

di f fic u l t ies

i.n

chains of c ommand i nv olved wit h nuc l ear
change

through

in

gov e rn ing

el i t es ,

a nd

the

op pos itio n i ntellige nce.

But then ,

since t he bluff could be called, deterren ce wou ld no t ha ve su c ceede d .

Ther e a re

as

we l l ot her argumen t s t hat the thr ats invo l ved mu st he s e r io u s.

On e is t hat

nucl e ar d terrcnce already faces a cred i bility probl em , namely tha t do ubts
a bo ut
the

r ationa lity

of

carry i ng out t he big nuclea r t hre a t weak e n th e c r e di bil ity

essentia l. to its effec t iven ess .

To be effec tive then i t mu s t

be

s e r i ous

( c f.

Benn).
Meeting obj ec tions t o pri ncip l e C3 leads on t o two fur t he r ve r sions of
one

centred on intent io n , one on commitm ent.

CG,

Princ ip l e CJ is int1ma t e ly linke d

with , and it some times co nside r ed bu t a variant upon , t he pr i ncipl e
C4 .

If Xis wrong then t o conditio nally intend to do X [kn owing it is wrong ] is

n!so wr0ng.
The' prJrcJpl cs arc intimate ly a ssoci at ed because a th ea t is, ac c ordi ng t o
die tionarie s,
etc . ' .
of

'a

d claratio r

of

intent

to 1nfU.c t puni shment, l oss , injury,

It i s their intercon nect i o n which lies a t the bo t t om of

deter rence,

which

in tend ing to go to war .
princip l e ,

th a t

turn

0 11

C4

is

s ome

pa r a doxes

the prob l em of c red ibly t hrea tening war wi thout

Princ i ple

C4

is

j us t i f i e d

th rough

th e

s i mplified

inte ndi ng to do wrong j_s wr ong, a nd s o al s o i s i nte ndl ng to do

wrong unl es s favoura b le circums tanc es f o r one' s
p inc.iple

some

an

ex tr emel y

position

prevail.

Si mplif i ed

wi del y assumed mora l thesis, 46 perhap s for the

excellen t reason that it holds a nalytica lly.

Its ela bo ra t io n C4 can be us e d

to

�Jl
agains t nuclear deterre nce , ea follows :

argue

siQ ~a pfoce eding to LSN war when

the Qnemy duly misbeha ve s is wrong (by §§J-4) , by C4. intendi ng
to go to LSN wa r
when

the enemy duly misbeh aves is also wrong .

Nuclea r deterre nce involve s such

an intenti on, all the availab le evidenc e shows.

He nc e

nuclear

deter rence

is

wrong.
But like virtua lly every
utilita rian

princip les

utiJita rian grounds .

deontic

t hems e lv es ,

princip le ,
princ i ples

For it is not difficu lt to

except

thos e

flowing

from

CJ and C4 c a n be challe ng ed on
outline

str a tegic

situati ons

wher e mnxlrnum ex pected utility result s from a poli cy of nuclear
det e rr ence.

But

on il s own this conces sion casts but little doub t upon

C4.

For

it

likewis e

fs

not

princip les

C3

difficu lt t o ou tli ne situati ons where the hanging oE

innoce nt people , or other injusti ces , are sa nctio ne d or enjoine d
by
maximum

expe cted

a nd

utility .

pu rsuit

Those who appeal to utilita rian assump tions try t o

avoid suc h more obvious di fficult ies with .elianc e upon utilita rianism
,
scrappi ng

the

sp ots

not

by

doctrin e, bu t by hedging app licatio ns of their princip les around

with quall ficatio ns , whic h, they hope , will
trou bl e

of

wit h

utilit a riani sm.

enable

So

.i. t

them

to

evade

the

worst

is with Kavka, whose work ni ce l y

illustr ates that whatev er (little ) deterre nce has in its

mo r al

f avour

depend s

upon uti.lita rian ass umption s .
Kavka 'bcgin[ s ] by no t ing that any reas ona ble system of
fwbst,r ntial

1itil.ita ri a n

e l ements '

(PD,

p.287).

consequ e n tia l

elemen ts

systems

incl ud e

must

infiltr ate,

an

with
the

' ass umption

if

Eve n

observ atio n were correc t - it is nox, dep e nding f or one

e thic s

thing

this
upon

must

hav e

astonis hing
confla ting

utilita rian - it would not follow that reasona bl e
particu lar
that

assump tion

produce s

normat ive assump tio n involv e d is that t he

a ct

Kavka

thereup on

t ries

the paradox es of · deterre nce'.
wi t h

maximum

expecte d

to
The

utility

'( the most useful ac t) should be performe d whe never a very great
deal of utility

- -

46.

·•---- ---- -

Ka vka , who labels simpli fie d C4 the Wr ongf ul Inte ntions Princip
le (PD ,
p.289 ), attri butes th e princip le to Abela rd, Aquina s, Butler,
Bentham ,
Kan t, Sldgwi. ck, Kenny and Narveso n. Ka vka also gi ves reasons as
to why the
pr i nciple ap pe ars 's o obviou sly tr ue'. Kenny and others apply C4
to argue,
like the US Cathol ic Bishop s , that ' nuclea r deterre nce is immora
l' (cf .
Kavb p.29 1 ).
It is the clas h of C4 with certain utJ li tarian princip les
(espec iall y the
maximi sation pr inc iple of p. 28 7) that directl y genera tes Kavka
's f irst
paradox of dete rrenc e and l ies behind his other "parado xes'' : see
PD.

�.

, •"

.
12

i.s

s t. a ke ' ( p .Z87).

:;t

obj ec tions

as

This as s um p t io n is ope n to es s e n tia lly the same ba t c h

ut il i taria nism

i self:

it is mainl y a mat t er o f i ncre a sing or

vary! ,1g the s t okes i nvol ved s uf ficient l y in a y co unte r examp l e .
usud l

stratc ~y

of

of

Kavka tries t he

weakening a nd fudging the nor mative a s s umption to a voi d the

~o r sl pro bl e ms of distri butive i n justice , and t he like , t hat max i mising

u t i lit y

can mora l ly e njo i u.

But the c ru cial defect in Ka vka ' s argume n t l ies

fo l Low

fr om

t he

normative

( p . 28 7) • 11 7

what

ov erridde n

by

C4

s u ppo sed

u t il i t a rian

to

a ssumptio ns '

Though Kavka tends t o a pply t he fudg ed normat iv e as sumption s in thi s

way, as If it domina ted C/4 ( see e s pe c ia lly p , 29 0), wh a t

and

is

assump t i on howeve r fudged, namely that ' t his mea ns

o t he r mo r al ass ump t io ns a r e

t h at .•.

in

produce ,

situa t i on s ,

are

whe n
moral

c ombi ned
dilemmas .

in

si tu a t i ons

These

are

not

s uc h

th e

f udg ed

as sump ti on

as

special

de t e rr e nt

c a ses

where

one

decnti c

pr inc ipl e , tl1a t yie l ded by ut i l i t a r ian i sm , ove rrid e s o t hers, but wher e t he r e ar e
c ompe ting, ev en c nt ra d ic tory de ont ic pr inc i p l e s , such a s tha t it
int e nd

right

to

to pro c eed to LS N war whe n t he e nemy mi sbe ha ves (on specious u til i tarian

gr ound s ) and. also wrong to i n te nd to do s o ( by C4) .
wr ong :

that judg ement is not ov e rr i den.

Nuc lear de t e rr e nce

is

also

t he

case

is

t hat

in

r emai ns

Nor do es it in any way foll ow that C4

i s in 1eed of qu a lifica ti on as a r es ult (Ka vka' s a ssump t ion,
what

is

th e~e

s pe cial

p.290) .

situations,

Howeve r ,
t her e

ar e

count e r vall i ng u t ili t arian cons i dera tions s ugge sti ng different imperatives .

For

.ln

t he s e

is

wrong .

s pe c i a l ci rcumst a nce s a greater uti l:lty can be realised by doing what
Howe ver

it

is

ha rdly

ne ws,

but

a

standing

objection,

that

ut ili t a ri a nism some time s en joins wl1at is wron g .
Spec ial
s pons on s hip

de t e rre nt
may

appea r

s itua t i.on a,

where

under

ntl lit a ri a n

t o get a foot i n t he moral door, ar e very speci a l.

char a c ter is ed by Ka vka , the y a r e s uch that t he
47 .

deterrence

de t e r r e nce

is

very

likely

As
to

Lacke y ' s utiljt a rian app ro ach r e s t s on o similar fallacy, that u ti litari a n
cons iderations predom~n a te wher e s t a k es are larg e enough: see hi s argument
f or the ;i pp ro nch in MM p. 192 .
Wha · hap p n s i s not that importa n t c ons quenc es ov e rrid e moral principles,
but tha t Applica t ion of one pr inc iple wit h important consequence s conflic t s
with t hat of ano t he r pr inci pl e wi t h less s i gni f i cant consequence s, and in
the we igh-·up of what t o do in t he pro blemat ic circumstanc es the principl e
with impor ta nt con s eq uence pr evai l s .

�sucr&lt;"£:d , and nothing else .i s likely

tp

lodc ed in a deep pr.obability-well.

This is ve ry far removed from the real world

su.:, ceed (see p . .2~16), i.e.

si.tuat.J.on whe re nuc lear deterrence appears to be increasing the

deterrence

probabiU.ty

is

of

LSN wRr, and where other procedures such as graduated nuclear disarmament are at
least as J.ikely to succeed as deterrence .
that

&lt;l1~ont &lt;:

principles

sllbject

Even if it were

mistakenly

to real-life d .1 .lcmmas should be qualified to

avoid di.l mmas, there is little point in qualifying working
such

RS

supposed

de ontic

principles

C4, given the remoteness of the special deterrent situati ons.

Instead of pul ling nuclear deterrence down though the immoral inte nt:lons it
involves, it can be criticized more broadly throug h the commitments it

equi. r es,

by wa y of the following principle:

CS.

If Xis wrong then a conditional commltment to carry out Xis

The reason is that the commitment is a commitment

circumstances;

and

that

commitment

is

to

act

itself wrong .

lso wrong.

wrongly

in

cer-tain

Nuclear deterrence is

however a poli cy which commits states to war under certain conditions .

And

as

wi th

conditional

intention,

so with conditional commitment, there is no doubt

th a t

su perstates

and

controlling

commitmen t

and

their

intention

to

use

representatives

nuclear weapons.

did

not

occur)

is

enough

to

establish

the

relevant

The dangerous strategy of

launc h-on-warning (which could , for instanc e , result J n a
thut

have

response

to

attacks

the point, for which there is

otherwise quite s ufficient factual evidence.
Now the connecting principles
suffice

logically ,

but

are

nucl ar

deterrence,

for

weighty

principle

would

detachment

from

the

by complete preparat i on fo r and

Deterrence of this type is

wrong.

also reveals why the suggestion, that the morality of the whole deterrence

trip depended on war itself never occurring, was so
parad ox ical:
det e rrence.
ir self

By

case .

i nstance

conditi.onal comm.ltment to LSN war, is wrong.
This

sound

wh n all are liable to be disputed, several defensible

ones, ideally in concert, make for a
principles

one

applied:

it

ou t

the

connections

between

and

not

be

engaged

in

(unl ess

i ts

ha s

appeared

nuclear war and nuclear

Nuclear deterrence should not be practised given that

should

chang ed, e.g .

left

bizarre

nuclear

war

direct ion can be drastically

at .least limited, per impossibile in the case of nucl ea r warfare,

�to purely mi l i t ary targe ts).
Til e a rguments t hrou gh conn e cting pr i nc i. ple s, can be reinforced by different

sort s

of

ar gument s agai ns t the mo ral c orre c t ne s s of nuclear deterrenc e .

a n 1 a r g uments from lim i ted c~nv erge nc e of et h i cal t heori e s

I

There

wh i ch start from the

commonplace ob se r va ti o n that
~

All the ethi c al a t"gum ents in

favou r

of

nuclear

deterrence

are

broadl y

ut ilitar i an.
In f nct roost of the arguments i.n favour of de t e rrence, including many

t hat

inf iltra t ed

hav e

the

e thi.c a l

l i t erature ,

ar e

those

of

ge ner., l ly drawn f rom game t heory, and primar :tly intere sted in the
one

playe r,

t h r&gt;

USA.

Utilitar ia nism ,

t hough

s till

looking

of

those

expedie ncy -·
advantage

of

basically

at

~dva n tages , i n t e r es t s and ( t ypi ca lly ind i vidual) utilities, has to take

a

partisan

pain of

posi t io n,

a nd

consider

[ or[eiti ng i ts claim t o mor a lity
sup po r t t d

by

o t he r

na tional i ties

othe rwi s e .

The

as

well,

commonplace

on

less

observation

is

the fa c t that such qual i fied moral support as deter rence obtains,

dflrive s from ut il i tarianism.

118

Th e re a r e two d ir e c tions on to a gene ra l cla1m ag a i.nst

de terrence,

either

by wa y of t h e pro- ut il itar i an theme

Uti l ita r ianism properly a pplied also comes out against deterrence
or, 1n o r e s t rongly, by way of the a nti- utilt t arion t heme ,
Utilita r la nism doe s not furnish satisfactory moral arg uments.
The n , by t h e ;rnti. -utilitarian theme, there are no satisfactory

in

f av our

d ir ec tion:

48 .

of de terrence.

moral

arguments

Na turally, it would be easy to strengthen the second

a ft e r all it is widely

thought

that

u tilitarianism

is

a

false,

Thu s t he hed g ed utilitarian defences of Kavka and of Hare and J oynt, and
a l s o within th e broadly utilitarian r ange , of Gautier . Showing that cogent
de f ence s of nuclear deterrence have to take a util i tarian r ou te would he a
much t oug her ent e rprise.
Though it is a reasonable conjecture that the
e n te r pr i se c ould be carried through, much would depend on what was
· cc oun t e d cogent. For ce rtainly biz ar re principles, e.g. obverses of the
conne ct ing pr incip l es, · can be i ntroduc ed, which afford deontological routes
t.o deterre nce .
An,l, rl e spi t r some back sliding by bi s hop s , all other ethical positions can
be m., d c to "' penk again s t deterrence and i. t s cont.l.nuntio n . • A deontological
~RRC ngnln At dctc rr c nc · , pr ima rily
he way
of
&lt;lcontic
connecting
pr i ncip l e s, has been a rgued i n some detail.
In the light of these
prlnciplcs , Lt i s not difficul t to s e e how c a ses from other ethical
positi ons would go.
After a ll C4 ha s been defended from a wide range of
stanc es , e.g . contra c t ua l, natural law, utilitarian even.

�seriousl y as tray, or even shabby ethic~ ] pg&amp;ition.
pol it i ca l

s yst em

whic h

depends

in

some

uL l l lt:arJan a rgum e nts for its policieo.

It hardly does

measure

then

for

a

upon consensus , to rely on

Yet with nuclear de.terrenc e

just

thnt

appe;1rs to be happe ning, with readily ove rturned arguments at that.

For whether even utilitari.a nism supports deterrenc e depends ess entia lly on:
how

it

ls

applied;

with

which

maximisa tion recipes; along with what other

r estrictiv e assum pti ons (such as those of a deep probabili ty-well);
genc&gt;rous

arc

utll i.ty·

assignmen ts

or

upon

With

different

(and · a rguably

superior)

va rying the guestimat ion methods, very differen t results

emerge, oppo sing deterrenc e and favouring unilatera l nuclear disarmame nt. 49
basic

reas on for this is straightfo rward (and like that ending §4).

LSN war has a n extremely large negative utility.
deterrenc e
out to

whi.c h increases th

other

recipes

of

feasible
a

how

for such things as preservat l on of national

sovereign ty , nationa l security, etc.
assumptio ns ,

and on

Any

policy

such

The

It is that
as

nuclear

probabili ty of this, or even risks it , must los e

alternati ves,

conseque ntialist

type

whatever
are

initially

applied

(e.g.

plausible

decision

Minimax, Dominance ,

Di.s as ter Avoidance , Expected Value) .
The anti-ut ilitarian theme can be def ended either by a full-scal e criticism
o[

ut j lltaria nlsm,

beginning for instance with its well-know n justifica tion of

l ocalised In justic e s , SO or else
11t i l i tarla ni sm

when

applied

One obvi.ous dcflc iency is this:

by
to

addressin g

s ome

of

the

inadequac ies

of

issues like that at hand, nuclear deterrenc e.
on standard util itarianism , what to do , whether

to proceed with deterrenc e, depends on the probabili ty of its success and on the
improbabi l ity of other options working.
deep,

uti ~itarlanis m

If the deterrenc e

probabili ty-well

is

morally requires deterrenc e, otherwise not. 51 But what is

morally required, or wrong, does not fluctuate with what outcomes are

pro babl e.

49.

Th e ins ab ility of utilitari anism is illustrate d by the
discussio n
inv olving KovkR, Lackey and Hardln, continued in Philosoph y and Public
Affairs 12(3), 1983, where, on the basis of utilita r ianism, diametric ally
opposed conclusio ns are reached.
(Hardin 's approach tends however to
expedienc y reasoning of the strategic type.)

50.

Such wider critic isms of utilitaria nism, in all its forms, as an ethical
theory are too well-know n to repeat.
Some of the main defects are
considere d in another article in this series, 'An expensive repair kit for
utilit arl.an ism'.
The point that util:Ltari anism gi ves no firm place to
stand comes from L, Mirlin.

�36
wheLh&lt;'r deterrence i..s moraJ.ly wrong or not, i. s

likPly

to

work

or not.

indepe nde nt

deterrence

are

decidedly

essentially

nowhere

i.s

Moral

princi p~s

not

are

through expected Vf.llues, whether utilities or o th e rwis e - though how

ba d :rnme outcome is ma y be .

depend

.Lt

If nuclear deterrence is wrong wher e it increases the

probablllty of war, the n ls it wrong, simpllclter .
det:crmlne&lt;l

whcrhc r

of

upon

firm to stand.

Wor s e, si nce the expected utilities in the case
uncertain,
these

a nd

of

the results util i ta r ianism delivers

uncert ainty

measures&gt;

util itari anism off ers

In con t rast wi t h the soli.d deo nti c ground of principle ,

utilitariani sm provide s only shifting s and.
The objections made apply esp eciall y aga ins t act uti l ita r ianism.
(orm

shows

at

special

int e rests,

such

as

conditions
security

(the
of

estimation rules are pulled in).

probability- well

state ,

have

hi gh

1s

deep ,

utilities,

nat io n- s tat e
and

spe cial

It does not yie ld a deterrence polici;

ind eed

hnrdly yields policies. tall (other than act utilitariani sm it s elf ).

11nd certain othe r diff i ulties may be avoided by considering instead a

o[

act

most that nuclear deter re nce is "wrong" a c c ordi ng to its l ig ht s

under very

il

The

acts. 52 But the method lacks sta bi lity;

These

seque nce

di f fe r en t prescription s will res ult

dependi11g upon how the sequence is se l ected, what is inc luded and what left
(as

also

associa ted p obabilit i es depend crit ically on the sequence selected).

No unequivocal rec ipe is delivered.
selected

out

to

To

see

this,

suppose

the

sequence

is

include worst cases , for instance cases where deterrence fails a nd

war breaks out.

In this event it can hardl y be argued that

deterrence

is

t he

pol lcy that maximizes u til it y ov er the sequence.
Along wit h the argument s, there are
dissatisfac tion with nuc lear deterrence.

other

concom.itant

conventiona l wa rs .

f or

Firstly, the peace it has provided

011l y nuclear pc~ce, or rather lack of nuclear war , as the re
smaller-s cale

reasons

is

no

deep
is

s hort age of

And the "peace " provided is a t best a tenuous

pe3ce, which Is not stable , ~ut liable to upset at

any

stage

by

a

r ange

of

51..

Though this is to oversimplif y, the po int s made ar e not affected by the
simplificat ion .
In any case the simpl ifi ed picture reflects well enoug h
the difference s between Kavka and Lacke y that matter in their debat e
(ref rred to in footnote 49 ).

52.

Whether thjs is rule util itarianism , or still act util i tariani sm
the sequence can be construed as one long ac t, may be left open.

becaus e

�- - - -- - -- - - - - - ·

-

37
fn,t_0 rs, lncl 11d1ng er rot· , both human and
t ec lrn1 .:fl.1,
j)C:lc (_~ ,
p 0:i

It thofl not

offer

genu i ne

of the sort re riuir e d fo r a stabl e intec nat.lo
nal 1. 1. fe, but only o fragi l e

·e o f a sort" (PL , p.316 ).

Secon dly, there

enorm ous

is

cost,

mora l
-~!_p_po r_t_~.r~~ _: ___ cost of de.ter renc_ ':_, be cause expe
nditu re on it exclu des othe r urgen t
moral prio ritie s. The US Bisho ps put th is fami
liar poin t, in a surpr ising ly
Marx i st

way,

in

terms

of

destr uctiv e capac i ty and what

'the
ls

contr a dic tion
ne e ded

f or

betwe en

what

cons truct iv

the

is

spent

for

devel opme nt'

( PL,

p . 316) .

§6.

Prac tical , prude ntial and more mora l arg umen ts
from

natio nal

dange rs

nuclr•ar build -up of the supe rstat es , a nd the gene
sis of nucle ar dilem mas.

to

Whil e

there are argum ents to the immo ra lity of nucle
ar war prepa ra ti on, there are also
counr c ·-arg ument s,
that have prove d rema rkabl y persu asive (espe
ciall y to
Amer I c;wi, ), to the mora l

just:!.fiab ili ty

of

nucle ar

war

pr e para tion

in

the

_p_!.c s':~- circu mstan c es.

The unde rlyin g style of argum ent is simpl y an
elabo ratio n, or state -upl ift,
of Liw1- for the esca lnti on of weapo ns at the
local leve l, for acqu iring a gun or

f o r s to c king- tip the neig hbour hood armou ry - and
every bit
a r gu1r.e nt

from

local dang ers.

dom inati on ;

a nd

dubio us

fir st

of

all

seco nd of nucle ar destr uctio 11 .

atom ic

s urren der

and

so

avoid the destr uct io n' (Wal zer, p.273 ).

prepa ratio n is suppo sed to guard again st more
than these ;
third

eleme nt ,

name ly,

loss

of

basic

rig hts

there

with these .

black mail

of

forei gn

appea seme nt

In fact nucle ar
is

ways

a

cruc ial

of

life

This furth er set of elem ents is linke d to the
dange r of

forei gn domi natio n - which is reall y a separ at
e eleme nt from risk of
Thoug h

and

(free dom, equa lity, etc .) and

fund amen tal value s (upho lding of truth , human
dign ity, etc .) and
int eg rat ed

that

The two go toget her,

sinc e lf we dtcl not f ea r the black mail , we migh
t adop t a polic y
or

as

It is that nucle ar prepa ratJo n, 'so we have be
en

tol d , gua r ds again st the doub le dang er:
forei gn

as

black mail.

dom inntl on -need not imply the loss of most basic
value s it does

imply the loss of a t le a st of one , self- de te rmin
ation , freed om to choos e vario us
natio nal objec tives ; conv ersel y loss or erosi
on or infri ngeme n t of basic value s
can occur witho ut fo re ign demi. natio n, for insta
nce, as is comm onpla ce in the

�"[ r

•e " world, by internal change of go,wnmtent or irnvij,fnroenta l approach, through

the iiicrc&gt;nsed security and contro l a

nti clcnr

prepnratlon

incr easi ngly

nuclear
risks,

state

demands,

extensive

etc.

But

what

nuclear destruction, also

involves loss of basic rights and values, through destruction

ti, _ material

of

53
of the cherJshed life-style.
So nuclear preparation is hardly n c l earcut

bnse

me ans of guaranteeJng basic values. 51•

fn other respe cts too t he argument from loss of
lncku

cogency

an d

rings

ho 1 low,

It

is

basic

values

and

ri ghts

hnrd to avoid th' f •cling r:hnt tl1c:

oft-appealed-to basic values often function as something of a front, like
ci tati.o n

of

religious

values at politica l ceremonies;

clean cover for economic consideration of one sort
from

demand s

of

the

military-indus trial

of

private

wealth

and

vnl \les

appealed

to

category:

in

and

anot he r,

them

having

However

arising

to

do

with

th e

an argument isn't, or

associations.

And

the

rights

and

But not all the values commonly appealed to fall into

particular nationalistic ones do not.

And one of the main

a l leged values of deterrence, the resistance to and containment
or

many

are, most:ly, of the utmost importance, indeed fundamental,

and worth much sacrifice .

this

of

power.

oughtn 't to be, defeated by lts unsavoury

that t he argument 1.s a

omplex , many concerned with foreign

domJnatiun of other lesser states, and many

conccut ·at:1.on

pious

of

"communism"

of "socialism ", can hardly be accounted fundamental, any more than retention

of cnpi talism.
communi.sm

has

What has
been

happened

here

confused

with

of

course

(the

t o tal i tarianism, which does remove certain more
freedoms

(of

opinion ,

association,

is

reality
basic

information,

that

( the

of)

state

values,

etc.,

ideal

socialist

namely

etc.),

of)

and

certain
so does

derivative~ threaten basic values.
One critical q uest i on, then, is whether extens ive nuclear
LSN

wa r,

and

indeed

for

rational way of preservtng

nuclear
those

holocaust,

fundamenmtal

preparation

for

is a good or effective or even
values,

which

we

have

left.

53.

The converse obviously does not hold.
Basic values and
cherished
life-style can be lost without nuclear destruction, or nuclear preparation,
as when a more powerfuJ state imposes its values and way of life.

54 .

The argument from freedom , advanced by Jaspers and repeatedly rolled out by
state representatives , is further conside red early in Appendix 1.

.... ,

�'lQ
J,

Simi la r ci. ue s tions
dominntion

and

arJs e

as

regard s

blackmail.

argumeq;; H from

er, e

Justification

danger

which

is

itself

open

questioned (i n §8 ), both from the

to

ser i ous

point

foreign

of the methods of extensi ve nuclear

preparation depends essent i ally on an arrangement of hostil e
structure

of

of

question,

v iew

of

nation
and

basic

states,

a

i s subsequently

valu s,

such

as

freedom, and oth r wise.
But whether ul tima tely jusU(ied or

dangers

are

no t,

t hese

from

natlonal

those that have been taken to morally underwrite extensive nuclear

prcpnration, and
jus tific, tlon.

have
They

been
have

par t of many people ' s

accepted
in

moral

by

policy

outlook.

particular , that ex tens i ve nucle ar
however ,

the

makers

as

affording

moral

fact be e n wide ly accepte d, and undoubt e dly form
Wi thi n

frnmework the moral justification holds good .

others,

ar gumen t s

arguments

not

a

c onv entio nal

Northern

It i s within such a fram ewo rk, in

preparatio n
do

such

engenders

establis h

a

moral

fix.

For

the morality of extensive

nuclear preparat ion, but only make a prudential case for such preparation.
people
not

also

face a nucl e ar dilemma, but, though evaluative in character, it ls

specif ically moral one.

,1

impressed

by

And

for

ma ny

other s

again,

who

are

who

not

so

or as familiar wi th Soviet and American culture and ways of life,

and thci.r r espec tive r ights and freedoms, there is no serious dilemma.
peop)c

Such

live

beyond

For such

the "beneficial" reach of t he supers t ates , prudenti al

counter-arguments from national dang ers carry little weight, and the moral

case

against deterrence is not offset but stands unchallenged .
Thls is the ge nesis of the argument fr om isolated
people

who

live

in

people.

Consi de r

some

a comparatively remote a rea, whose freedoms are not (yet)

under threat from superpower expansionism, but whose lifestyle is put at risk by
nucl~ar

d ter r c nce

(a s under pr inciple Cl).

For such isolated people, who may

ha ve little interes t i n the preservation of nuc lear states , there is no
nucl ea r

diJ emma ,

and

nuclear

lo cations may have problems
problems
people.

as

deterrence
to

natio nal

is wro ng.
dangers,

genuine

People in less fo r tu na te
but

in

meeting

these

they are not entitled to impo se grave risks on the uninvolved isolated
In doing so

i mmorally;

and

f or

through
similar

nuclea r
reasons

deterrence , superstates
the

are

proceeding

conventi onal No rthern framework is

�j_mpug rwd.

conclusion can be al ter n ' tlvely -c t&gt;rl c hc&lt;l

Tht'. same

argument::

put

a

reflective

i s olat e d pe rson, and check
S! 11 ci&gt;

Amer ican

the

or-

resulting

by

a

substitution

Russi.an 1n the position of such an
asse ssment

of

nuclear

deterrence.

IL wor Jd be th e snm c as that of n reflecti ve isolated person, stripped o f

m1p, rs lntc bins, moral ly opposed to de terr ence and not rnot·all.y

transfixed,

t h &lt;~

c onventional framework fails t o sati sfy requirement s of morality.
The outcome of the arguments fr om dang e rs is, the~ ver y different depending
whc her

on

the

arguments

are

appU.ed

as

rega rds a superstate or not.

The

superstate theme which emerges is, in brief,
SST.
Because o f multiple connected dang e rs from other states which have
nuclear weapons, a state - any state that is too large to rely upon other states
- is obllged to invest in at least matching nuclear weapons.
Henc e, by detachment, a super- nation-stat e, such as USA, ought to have something
Jn

orde r

t hP

meet

of

the nuclear armoury that it has.

Or, weakening the theme to

ol.Jjecli on s concerning excess, "overkU.l" capacity, it

retain

i1

t

l east

solid

a

ou~

core of the nu c 1ear devices it has.

(moretlly]

to

For su bs equent

argumc~nt it can be left open whether the oblig-'¾tion involved is a moral one, for
inst a nce

be cause

of

the

character

the

of

pro r·c·c tcd, or only (as nrg ued a bove) one of
g rou nds

to

those

di. sa rmame nL

supporting

ag ainst

a

the

dangerous

SS

reason 55•

prudent:ial

the me

nuclea r

Northern values supposedly being
On

similar

it can be argued that unilateral

opponent

would

be

prudentiall y

Jrralto nal.
It will be fr ely admitted that what is prudentiall y or morally requir ed is
a

s11 hopLimal

st rategy ,

li.ke the famili.a r strategies of the prisoners ' dilemma

si tu a tions and of certain related competitive games .
that

a

su peri or

would

be

cooperative

For

expen sive ,

re source s,

dr ai ning

of

such

t he details are wel l- enoug h kno~1.

55.

admitted

arrangement s.

Cooperation

and

be better not merely in removing the nuclear dilemma, but in a

ra nge of other r espects .

future

be

strategy for nuclear adversaries , if sufficient trust and the

lik . could be achif?Ved , would
agreeme nt

So it should

arrangement s

would

be

much

less

risky ,

destructive of the environment , a nd so on;
However for the present and the

foreseeable

the prospe cts of cooperation a ppear - so we are repeatedly told by state

It can stil l, a nd presumably does, amount to more than mere local
expedi e ncy, s ince the 'freedom of Europe' is part of what is at issue.

�rcprcscnlat lve s , who are (not always ~ ltt t~gly ) helpin~
unfortunate ly

rather

remote:

only

the

ca make

their

polici es

sure insurance is ex t e nsiv e

nu c l ear preparntion and full preparednes s t o 3pply nuclear force.
At least this is so where one is a superstate :
proceed,

largely

unabated .

nuclear

preparation

Where one is not a superstate , but a lesser state

one must, the r e presentativ es continue, _t::_':l..l_ on a larger ally who has a

one's

a rsen a l,

umbrella.

nu c l ear

pre paration ,

th e lA ck of trust d l splaye d, ,md

for

huddl es

conf l.dencc

in

!ts

and

which

under

co ntrast s

ncouragcd elsewhe r e .

st·at (• , one whic h r.clics for i ts nuclear
grrH1nd

one

anoth e r's

But he r e a level of tr ust and coope ration is_ called for, by

dep0 nd ent states, which is far from foolproof,
with

nu clear

in s uranc e (which is pres umably not fre e ) is obtained indirectly

thr oug h some supcrstate 's
nuclear

COVt!r

super-· ally

Does a "d epe nd ent"

on a s 1pc r -a lly,
rather

tha n

strangely

have

that

exchange

on its territory?

mu ch

Jt s ally's opponen t ?

Confidence, for instanc e , that its ally will not r e nder i t a ta rget or
nuclear

must

stag e

a

Given the pr ocliv i ty of states , especia ll y

l arg0 states, to res ort to expediency, and give n the recen t histo ric al record of
superstates and t heir leaders , too much fait h would be mi spl ace d .
Thus, whatever th e l imited force of t he argume nt f or the superstat e
it

&lt;loes

theme ,

not extend t o the analogous them e for a dependent state, which d if fers

f rom SST nnd end s as follows:

DST.

Because ... , a st a t e without adeq uate (or any) nuclear weapons is obliged
to r e ly upo n a s u pe rstat e ally , and within that arrangement , to accommodate t he
facilities and nuclear in stallations of the protecting ally .

ln pa r t for reaso ns already given, principle DST is not very plausible (a nd
same

goes for mo re obvious variants upon it ).

Nor do the arguments of f ered for

SST t ranspose parti cularly well to direct arguments
striking l y

illu str ated

by

the

case

the

for

DST. 56

This

is

more

of more remot e nuclear dependent states.

Consider the a rgument from basic values, for instance , from the angle of nuclear
dependent Australia.

Basic values ln Australia are not threatened by, o r put in

j eopardy through, the ac io ns or plans

of

the

Sovi et

Union.

Nor

ar e

they

thr eatened by the other superstate, t he USA, the only country with ' the physical
56.

As ls widely known, inadmissi ble and usual l y much overrated considerat ions
o f expediency frequently enter into reaso ns why states allow foreign
nuc lea r facilit i e s upon th e ir territories , e. g.
eco nomic consideratio ns
such as trade or local revenue and short- term jobs.

�ca1 1acity to launc h
mot j .ve Lo

&lt;.111y

&lt;l o

look convincing .

carries

full scale invasion of Aust r alia ', but

R

wc .i ght.

reasons

In

fact,

the
with

a rgumen t

from

of

For there

arg ument

t he

only

is

qucstLonable

non-n l lf~twd prnc.ticcs.

of

58

domina tion

In this way

too)

the

from dang er of nuclear destruction could be nullified .

such

supe r state

foreign

li t tl e care, the pr e s e nt level of

a

economic and political dom i nati on could be much reduc e d.
fore(•

lack(ing]

so , , so far . 5 7 CJ.ear ly the argumen t from basic values does nol
For similar

1 it t le

'clearly

danger

because

nuclear

of

umbrella,

superstate
dang er

facilities

and

th e

tha t would be removed wi th

With 1 ess remot e dependent Europc 1rn states these

sorts

a rguments from nationa l dangers are only marginally more convincing , and may

b e defeated along analogous lines .

The differe nces in the situations of st ate s, and
peoples,

break

theme

the

of

a

of

monolithic West.

differently

situated

This is a theme especially

favoured by US and the Wes t European rep resentati ves, who present the West,
its

freedom,

as t hr eatened by Soviet domin atio n.

und i.ffrrentiatcd unit.
dep1!nd0nL

i;tntes

with

But

this

l eadi ng

idea,
NATO

desig ne d

powers ,

and

In this the West is a single
in

and

part

to

align

lesser

to justify pu tting them at

nuclear rl sk is as muc h a my th as th e idea of the Golde n West.

The West is

not

so monolithic, it ls not so comprehensive, some of it is not so free , much of it

(i ncluding the Ant ipodes) is not thr eate ned by Soviet domination.
Principle DST - li kewise what it dep ends upon , SST - is

now

coming

unde r

attack by Eu ropean disarmament groups , who c hallenge the core assumptions of the.
und er lying retaliatory model that
0

Safety lies in weapons ,
More weapons i mply more. security59 ,

Cerlainly, for mo:ce :f.s ol ated states, such as New Zealand,

safety

from

nuclear.

a t ack l i es not in wea pons bu t in excluding nuclear facilities (including visit s

from nuclear submar ines ) .

Europe ans are ar guing in

present

of

syslem

is

more

a

similar

wa y,

that

the

a ris k, indeed l ia bility, than a protection (e.g.

57.

For t he quote d c laim, and some of th e
Au stralia ' s Se curi ty , p .94 .

58 .

The Jssuc is furt her pursued in Ap pendix 2.

59 .

Sec, for exam ple, t he las t article in Thom pson.

argument

for

it,

s ee

Threats

to

�Thompson, p.251);

envi s -1ged

and thnt: w-ithou!:

Lhcut.r e

for

a

h\icJ. ,;,)ll''

instal1.st:!on1&gt;i Europe cannot be

limited nucle r wnr , in the way .l

thf'

is now seen by US

( ut not Soviet) strategists.
Once the weapons assumptions

are

qu es tioned,

other

assumptions

of

the

retaliatory model a nd its variants come up for examination, namely
ci

Whether the proper response to danger is armament, in particular

o

Whe th er tle proper response is through nuclear armament,

as

opposed ,

say, to other military responses, such as convent.ional arms, or,
takin g off from the previ ous point,
~

Whcthrr military approaches and procedures (through
ar e

proper

methods,

armaments ,

etc.)

or should be such dominant methods, of conflict

resoLuti.on at the int er national level.
It ls plausibly arg ued, against military procedures, that at no

ordinary

level

do we sens5bly s et about meeting danger or settling disputes by acquiring lethal
weapons and thr eatening to use them - except perhaps on an out-dated, and
r e ally

warranted,

frontier

ethics.

This leads into the issue of alternative

defence systems, a vital matter beginning to obtain the contemporary 60
and

explana tion

it

deserves,

questioning of the framework

of

but

never

one

that

already

nation-states.

While

emphasis

anticipates subsequent
the

state

system

is

inrac · , force ls far from exceptional and military procedures are to be expe cted
and are l LkcJ y ine vitnhl c.
nation-state

system ':

For 'forc e has

[a]

permanent

plac,~

in

the

thus Ramsay (on p.xv), who uses this as part of his very

orthodox case for nuclear war arrangements.
§7.

Th

resulting nuclear dilemmas for aligned st;:ites

Ass~mbli.ng
r eferred

th~
to

as

themes
the

so

far

nuclear

de v e lope d
fix:-

States

war-deterrence, because (as argued in §J-§5 )
to engage jn war.-·deterrence , at l east

60.

yields

the

both

and

their

supporters.

deontic dilemma. often

ought

not

to

engage

in

it is immoral, and also ought

for prudential reasons (as

Alternative defence systems were considered long ago in
Mohists.
For contemporary work on alter native systems , see
su rvey in Sharp. There is in fact a considerable literature
and social defence arrangemen ts, and a growing literature on
i . e . convercd.on t o such arr angement s .

argu ed

using

China by the
especially the
on non-violent
transarmament,

�·,,,,._

44
SST and DST).
tl w

Th i s dilemma i.s no idle construction
of

virtues

parac.onsisteot

logic),

but

( c onc octed

61

prod uced

by

war itself 62 , or

at

war

and

its

version

of

the

deon tic

least war which spr.·eads beyond purely

mjlitary la r gc ts, as larger wars in evi tably
e . g.

nuclear

, a, wel l as bei ng virtu a lly ublqultous i.n nuclear war discu ssions.

ThP nuclear fi.x 1s in part simply a mor e intense
di 1 emma

demonstrate

a serious real-life dilemma, t he

ouLJ.i n s of which are r e peatedly encountered i .n text s on

asper.ts

to

do

(since

ra il t ra nsport , typically rely on ci.vilian ones) .

military

arrangeme nt s,

The ma in dil emma arises

from a combination of t he retaliat ory model with t he feat ures of

war.

War

is

requlr 0cl for defence of th e state and valu es it upholds (or pretend s to uphold);

but war also invo lves imm oral ac ts and cv.tl co nseque nc es .
war

can

undPr

also

ce rtain

justified.

be

se e n

as a t temp ting a rec onciliation by tryi ng t o show that

ctrcumstanees

Thus

' some

these

reall y

ju tifications
0

evi l

consequences

Regis

of

war '

(Walls ,

p.260).

accept ab l e than falla c ious ,symptotic

are

morally

of war aim to show that a ctio ns deemed

normally forbi dd en by moral ma nd ates are now pe rmissible
the

The doctrine of " ju st

But

this

argume nts

when

perfo rmed

under

is no better or mor e morally
for

uti l itorianism

as

bein g

corre c L \~hen the s takes are larg e .

W;n· and preparedness for
61 .

wa r

als o

gene rate

s ubsidiary

di.lemmas

f or

Thus Green, along with many others, ' find[s ] nucle a r deterrence
the
best of pra c tical policies available to us now •.. give n the realities of
world politics ' bu t ' s till demur[ s ) because of mo ral qualms' (p . xii).
Green
also r e presents both Morgent hau a nd Halle as having 'rather
agonisingly presented a • • . case for a deterrenc e strategy, even whil e
asserting that the stra.tegy is morally indefensible according to the
traditional et hical codes' (p.2 52 ). Walze r ends in a similar dil emma (he
is committed to a str onge r a nd less qualif i ed form of it tha n he set s
down):
though it [deterrence ] is a bad way, there may well be no
othe r tha t is practi cal in a world of sove reign and suspicious state s'
(p.274) - an indictment of the state system that Walzer does not pur sue.
Similar ly th e US Catho lic Bishops
d :llemma;
they s peak of ' th e
dilemma of how to prev ent the use
Fa s kius nn&lt;l Dockrill and i n Benn
terms of moral dilemmas.

present the situation i n terms of a mora l
political paradox of de terrence •.. the
of nuclear weapons • .. ' (PL, p.3 13).
In
too the nuclear situation is pre s ent ed in

Th e nuclear dilemma is of course not a dilemma for everyone, for those who
think they have seen the clear admis sib i lity of deterrence, or differently
for those who have seen through the argumen ts fr om nati onal dang e rs.
But
it i.s a dilemma for th ose locked into the conventional f r amework.
62.

Situatior.s in war are als o a major so urce of moral dilemmas:
see Routley
and Plumwo od where several exampl es are gi ven. A general logic a l account
of and theo r y of moral di.lemmas is elaborated therein.

�. ...
inst;ince, a sevc t·e tensio n be tween freedom and
difficult

prohlcms

au t ho f· t c y:

'one

of

th e

~0s t

o[ war involv es defending a free society witho u t destroying

the values that g ive it meaning and vali dity' (PL,

p.324).

The

problems

are

greatly enhanced by modern nuclear arra ng emen ts.
The nuclear fix not onl y i nt ensifies a nd complicates other d-Lle rnm:-is induc ed

by

t he

co ntemporary s ov ere i gn s t at~ 63 , in particula r the dee p tension c betwee n

national security and the ope r at ion o f libera l-democrati c arrangement s (sucl1 a .,
"
lnd.lvidual

li.herty , popular control of institution s, etc) .

othe&gt;r more persona l subsidiary d i l emmas ,
( poll U ca l)

obl lgations

to

s for

example

(the

question

the

extent

of

one' s

a nuclea r stat e, and ro le-induced d Uemmas such as

one's conf licting obligatio ns as a docto r or a nuclear
res c•archer

It also accentuates

of

politic a l

obligation s

armame nt s
and

processor

or

eva sion

is

their

considered f urther in Appendix 2).
At the more personal level, tha t of individual and group ac tion, the re
several

ques Ions

to

'Wh, t. should my sta t e

be disen tangled - questions di ffere nt from the key issu e
be

doing

and

influence, d epending on who one is.
I do?

1

one

Jives,

-

do?',

on

whi c h

one

may

exert

influences, i.e.

in

what

l it tle

There is not only the question 'What shou ld

a question whi c h will have a quite different force de pending
a nd

ar e

on

whe re

sort of stat e, where one wo rks, what one contr ols or

on who on e ls and one ' s role s - but also the

questions

' What

sort of person do I wan t to be ?', 'What am I prepared to answer for morally?'. 64
Answe rs to thes e latter char a cter questions will feed back to influence those t o
act ion-or ien t ed

questions .

Each

of thos e questions c an , in gi ven situations,

induce subsidiary dilemmas .
The essential fea t ure of a deontic dil emma is that both A and the
of

A

are

wrong

(or

di ffe rently,

pursu ing a nuclear def ence policy.

obliga tory),

negation

for some suitable A, such as

The place and essential role of deontic

and

63.

The nuclear dilemma is not alo ne re sponsibl e fo r these other dilemmas.
T.arg -sca l e nuclear power generation, a nd other types of warfare and
security ar rangements, also contribute. But a conflict of freedom and
autho rity is already an outcome of the la rge central state.

64.

For gro up formula t i on of t he que stio ns rep l ace 'I' by 'my group', etc. The
l mpo rtnn ce of distilling ouL th e se qu•s t ions, and the moral und es ir a bility
of r!Pt0rrr,n~0 fn terms of whnt: Lt docs to p oplc morally, are brought out
Ln Benn , where however the issues a r e made t o l ook somewhat more separate
than they are .

�moral d il emmas ure not
l i t.t&gt;r;,Lure

f, !.,

•

widely

or

well

und er stood,

p...." t'ticular]y
__

e 1-1
~ 1i

in

ca .1

Thi s l s par t ly be c a us e c urre ntly domin a nt e thic a l positlons lik e

utilitarlnnism "annot at al l e asil y accommod a t e moral dilemmas or the data which
giv•s

to

rise

them

but

the n such positions do not r eally offer reporti ve

acco11nU; of wr on~ an d obli ga_~_:!:_on anyw.-1 y.

d i lemma doe

Cont r ary t o utilitarian per ce pt:Lons

a

not neces s arily have any mo ral s olution , though there may be better

a nd worse ways

By

01t .

wh c h

assessments,

contr a st

f orm

the

with

basis

s uc h

e thical

theories ,

preanalytical

oE se n s itive theories, do recognise mor a l

dil~mmaa and reflect t he i r f e a tur e s.
Reactions an
f rom

the

res ponse s t hat a re c ha r ac t e ristic of deonti.c dilemmas
fix.

nuclear

The r e 1&lt;• an un s t end iness, an uncertainty a s to whnt to

&lt;lo , whJ.ch wny tu pr.occed , whl c h pr ind pl •n i n wa ter e d- down for m to

temporary

Thus ,

crutch .

for

as

world' GG , that

b st"

j

ethical

RU;l1 ,)ps wt-o

way

a

of

neve r

exerci s ing

"mora lly

ou r

s J. n a morally-str a pped wor ld .
fu nctor

s peak

moral

A similar

th e

'strictly

mor;il

Dete r r ence ha s a strlc tly temporary role
but

de t e er e nc: e

th e

c i rc um s t a nce s.
de ter r .nc e,

is

be

in a fallen

to

" second

a

acceptability '

object

mus t

cert ainly

one

str ictly

and

wrong,

is

of

from th e

conditional

be to move beyond det er r ence, 'towards a

optlon

as

to

of

what

the
to

nucl ear
do

in

Thus Wal z er, for example, s t r ugg les t o the conclusion
though

a

"morally

try to escape 'the paradox of deterrence', i.e.

world free o f the threat of deterrence' (PL, p.317), out
And

can

shift

'moral

c ond i tional '

while

a ccepta bi U.ty ,

good",

responsibility

d~t c rrcnce
fix.

·s

(as from good to a c ceptable) is made by the US Catholic

of

we

gra s p

examp l e , th e Bishop of London contends t hat the

possession of nuclear wea pons 'whil e
acceptable''

emerge

neverthel e ss

the

policy

to

fix.

awkward
that

war

in

the

pursu e

circumstances ( p .274) . 6 7 Howe ver as more than a n immediate stepping stone

to

a

65.

There are exce pt i ons of course, e .g . i n the Catholic educated such as
Sar t re;
a nd Na ge l's f i nal example i s very instructive. For a fuller
t h e or y of mo r a l dil emma s s ee howe ve r Routl e y and Plumwood.

66.

Repo r ted in The Ec onoml s t; re pr i nted i n
1983, We ekend Magazin e p.2.

6 7.

As a response to a moral dil e mma , Walz er ' s approach is perfectly in order
logtcal ly. Tho se who, l i k e Be n n , ' f lnd i t ne ither coherent nor cceptable'
hnvl! no t gras ped t he logic of mo r al di l emma s .

The

Australian,

February

12-13

�!i

'.rnp erior

pol Ley ~

nsscrabled

(in

sufficien tly

it

is

§5-§6),

a

dt! cidetlly

reasons

of

·1

}-toor

the

opti_ n,

sort

reasons

i'o r

that

are

decisive

already
for those,

outside the conventio nal Northern f r amework, who find

no

genuine

of

nuc le ar

nuclear dilemma.
To make matters worse the nuclear fix ls, furthermo re,
stal1.:s'

own mald.n&amp;_.

fix

a

It is not somethi ng they blundered into, by accident.

initial nuclear jnvolveme nt was deli berat e l y c hosen, primarily by the
Lhc

escaJAtio n

of

In these respects the

situation

is

like

peop.1 e who deliberat ely let themselve s be invo lved in two incompati ble

relations hips , and build up
though

and

U.:, A,

has by and large also be en deliberat ely chos e n, again mainly by

the USA and the USSR in in teractio n.
th:1 t

The

one

there by.

It

is

build-up.

The fact i

programme is t o be in addition to existing
( which

are

to

Sovi et

that the USA initiated nuclear armament, and has

frequentl y l ed escalatio n, and apparentl y still does.

esources

myth,

a

some currency, that adoption of nuclear weaponry, an d nuclear

in North Amerlca occurred on a defensive basj_s in response

bui ld·-up,

nucl~a ·

with

onflJctin g obligatio ns

generally

agr eed

The recent (1980)

United
to

States'

strategic

be already in excess of

Russia ' s , and which always have been so ) (Thompson , p.21) .
The present dilemma , that many people fe e l acute ly,

state

policy,

allies, and
Naturally

not
the

USSR policies.
indicates

especiall y

that

merely
route

by
a

taken

advanced

response

to

capita list
t he

nations,

Soviets

(or

of

USA and its NATO
state

socialism ).

would not have been feasible without compleme nting

And independe nt evidence,
t l1 ere

is then a direct outcome

suc h

as

Soviet-Si no

confronta tion,

is a strong internal military dynamic in state socialist

n.:.iti.ons .

There is a t wo-way co nn ecti on between world political arrangeme nts
nation-st.' .ltes

and

the

nuclear

f ix .

arrangeme nts are an evident source of the
nuclear

situation

is

increa singly

present wo rld polJU.cal structure .
is

widely

promulgat ed

.'.lrrangcm ents :

it .is'

seen

On

the

dil emma

as

one

hand,

with

t he

these
result

through
political
that

the

i nd icat ing the inadequac y of the

Indeed it is no longer a radical

theme

but

that: the source of the nucl ear problem comes from state
n world of sovereign states . • .

which

brought

the

�wo.ld

to

the prese n t dangerous situation' ( PL, p,JlJ).

nucJ.e11r fix tends to lo':.~ political arrangements into

On th e other hand, th e

the

statist

form,

into

arrangemen ts of an increas ing ly authoritarian and centralist cast.

stutlst

espoused purpose of nuclear weapons may be to kee p the
and

security,

to

defend

national

inter est s ,

reasons such as perpetuating the system
advantageous

of

confrontation,

st ate

to

(!),

provid e

but underneath there ore other

sovereign

st a tes

and

frame work

the

rlnd

peace

The

military-indus t rial in ter ests, dependent state explo itation, and

polit i cally
favoured

of

inequa l ity

it

supports .
The ~merg ing t heme is t he n that the ve ry nuc l ea r s i tuatio n arising from th e
statist

arrangements

a nd

interr e lations

( conomic

ideologies , etc.) tends to , and is used to, lock
a rr nngcme nl.s

of

s overeign

where

the

pa ttern

world

states And zones of inter e st .

t heme is a pi ecemea l pr a cti cal one .
side

the

rivalries,
into

conflict i ng
the

present

The argument to th1. s

Consider first, the matter from the

Soviet

of nati ona l control and progressive military-economic

reorientation common to all nuclear states is clearer .
The threat from the West, whether it exi.sts or not (and in Soviet
perception it certainly does) , has become a necessary legitimatio n for
the power of the ruling elites , an excuse for their many ec onomic a nd
social fa i lures , and an argument to isolate and silence critics within
their own bo rders. In the West we have ••. care fully con trolled
and se l ec tive release of 'offi c ial information ' (Thompson, p.20 ) .
"We" in the West, e specially the Americans, also
integrated

with

state

appara tus,

have,

in

forms

increasingly

the military-industrial complex, which is a

major. benefi c iary a nd promoter of the nu c l eR r. arms race . 68
Secondly, there i s evidence of entrenchmen t of the arrangements,
by

th ing s

S llCh

as

the

SALT negotiation s ;

shown

there are f i xed s uperpower s an d a

(growing) nucle ar club of nations all governed by a
rule , partly held in place by deterrence .

as

flimsy

negotiated

set

Connected with this , there are cases

rev ea ling the fixing of zones of interest, such as the Afghanistan example.
Soviet
US i s

68 .

of

The

invasion is not regarded as threatening US "vital interests", and so th e
not

over.duly

worried

about

Afghanistan

and

its

people.

What

was

The role of the military-industrial complex in present US escalation is
sketched i.n Cox. Marxists, with their dogma of economic determinism , would
assign even more weight to this point.
As some of them would free ly
concede, a similar complex has figured prominently in USSR escalation.

�diff~rent, what it was worried a bout a nd made ~uc]d a r threat~
adj~c ~nt

~estcrn

oil

supp li es :

concerning,

were

these lay within the US zone of interest (cf .

th e d Lscuss ion in Sche ll, p.212).

§8 .

Ways out of nuclear dilemmas:

results.

in itia l political fall-out from the ethical

Virtual ly all the ways are wa ys of limitat:i.on , and they all invol ve in

one way or another limitations on nuclear arms or the way they are deployed, and
limJt~tions

on

the

thu s inevitable.
and

more

or

power s of states.

Limitations on national sovere~.EX _~re

The limitations may be reache d by agreement

and

negotiation ,

less voluntarily agre ed to 69 , or they may be imposed, or possibly

worst of all, they may eme rg e from an ini.t i. al war.

As with other fixes produced by
there

are

suggested

ways

the

structural

ar rangements

of

states,

ou t which do not interfere with these ac-rangemen ts,

inter.stR-te approache s, and there a r.e ways which do seriously alter the struct ure

nnd

power

·elations

extrastate approaches .

of

state s

(and,

in the limit, remove t hem altogether) ,

All the familiar , allegedly "practical" and "realistic" ,

attempt~ to resolve the nuclear problem, for instance disarmament by mutual arms
limitations , etc . , are interstate ;
sovereign

state .

The

s ame

goes

(graduated) unilate ral disarmament .
about the nation- state;

they do not tamper with that sacred cow, the

for

les s

"realistic"

But in fact there is

proposals,
nothing

or

empi rical

fact ,

is it part icula r ly a stable one.

nor,

and

its

replacement by alternat.ive arrangement s.

as

a

We are certainly

free - Jn more libera l states, it should be eve rywhere - to theorise a s
demise

sacred

it is not a particularl y well justified political form;

it js 1ot even a very long-standin g form of political arrangement ;
matter

very

such as

to

its

And nuclear dilemmas

s houl d have e nc ouraged such reflection.

69.

In principle it would be relatively easy for sta tes to agree to settlement
of their disputes by less damaging a nd expensive contests than military
ones, e.g. by contests of selected rep re sentatives, and not just through
fiB l1Llng ln some form, but by contests of footballers , singers, da ncers,
lawyers , or etc . In prac ti c e, however, such more civilized alternative s
are never much consldered in thes e days of superstates . Animals, by
conLrast, are smart enough to settle dis pute s by means much more like
these .
Even the a nci en t Greeks - though they had a clear appreciatio n of
limits, which has been lost by post-Enligh tenment leaders
regarded the
institution of war as fi nal ( al l egedly inevitable ) means of arbitration
between city-st a t es , not seeing
its
social,
structurally -emergent,
characte r.

�50

approaches take one of

Extrnstr1te

ittlernat ional
of slate s.
r.ol

two

rou tes,

way

~Ile

to

l~,

ge nuine

power, or the way down, throt1gh fractio nation or deunionisat lon 7 0

The ways up and down are by no means one and the same;

,10ccss;1rily incompatibl e .

but they are

Some of the impo rt ant machinery, for a way up to

world governmen t, is alre ady there in the

international

law-courts.

Wer e

the

courts ns signed suf fi cien t authorit y and po we r, the remedy , namely through legal
acl ion, that· medie val
principle

theo ri. t s

saw

to

all

disputes,

could

in

be rxtended to in t ers ta te disput es , and th e just war between states S

and T supersed ed by the just ~ase of S versLs T.
given

intrastate

s n fflcienl

least jilitial]y)

But if

the

law

courts

were

power then their a uthority and efficacy would likely rely (a t
upon

war deterrence ,

though

not by military means.

perhaps

Law courts, as usually conceived, are not

effective without police and jails or

their

and

equiva l ent

supcr-statist

back-up

eq uivalent

for
of

economic

other

penalties;

and

the

either wi l l involve the capacity to inflict quite

substi'.tntial amounts of damage on "delinquents" -· which, bec ause delinquents will
typicnlJy

be

organisations,

will also involve damage to innocent, and perhaps

dissent 'ng , participants in those organisations, as well as to other
In

pa rt i es.

repC'ilt

uninvolved

short t such an approach does not resolve the problem but tends to

rt .

Tl1 • Way Up is one more stnt i s t, legali stic , authoritarian way of trying
ec:t

t. n

gri.ps

with

the

nuclear

though mostly 1n passing to be

to

problem, and accordi ngly is often men tioned,

dismi ss ed 71 ,

in

orthodox

strategic

texts

on

-·--------- - - - -- -70.

Am e ricans, for example, tend to forget that their state (like the US SR) is
a union, of fairly recen t orig in, and that a differ e ntly-oriented State of
the Union message could well consi der dissolution of the
uni on.
Regional
movements in USA unfortunately lack much popular s upport at present. By
contras t, the re are signif i cant se para ti on movemen ts , some deserving aid
and e ncouragement, which affect most other nuclear states, especially USSR ,
UK and France . The USSR already has tr oub le in holding its (supposedly
voluntarily integrated) satellite em pire together;
and the one recent
attempted add ition right on its frontier is proving extremely recalcitrant.
Nor s ho uld powerful political unions under centralised state apparatus be
f no t c rcd c l ocwhc r e .
The some appli es to state empire expansion, ns
.illustrated in contemporary Indonesia. Mos t important, the reunification
of
Germany
should be resi sted;
instead a more rational regional
deuni fication than the p resent East-·West division of post-war Germany
sho uld be oought , al ong wlth removal of nuclear weapons from the border
regio n, and so on.

71 .

Thus for example, Ka hn, where such a "solution" is quickly dismissed as,
impractical , etc.
Hardly ne ces sary to s a y the Way Up has won most favour
wllh the 1 ga l f r a ternity , and from more Authoritaria n organi s ations.

�5l

thermonuclear war .

By contrast, the Way Down, thoug h like

the

new, is sca rcely mentioned in the orthodox discussions;

means

an appcara nc Q (a comeback) in some more radi ca l discussions,

combined

with the Way Up (in "world ord e r" mode.ls:

unl i ke t he Way Down, i.s
considered

however

beginning

to

be

cf.

Way

and

is

more

sometimes
The Way Up,

sympatheti cally

by those who take a moral rather than strategic viewpoint.

a r e newed emphasis on world order, in rea c hing

inte rna tiona l

system';

and

'the

'towards

a

no

but lt is making

Galtung).

much

by

Up

mora lly

There is
integrated

missing element of world order today is the

absence of a properly constitu ted political authority' (PL, p . 320).

A main argume nt for the Way Up is

just

a

repetition

of

that

which

is

commonly supposed to underpin sta.tist arrangements in the first place, namely an
argument fr om ( gene rous) variations upon the Prisoners'
Tragedy

of t he Commons.

traditionally,

ecological order.
not

herdsmen

as

best

solutions

regards

to

problems

as

the

of

organisation,

public order and, more rec ently, as to

So with the "tragedy of nation-states") where the players are

but

nation·-states ,

and one of the prospects is destruction of a

r,ood parl of th e commons by rwclear wa r, the solution is now

sort

such

It is that authorlty and coerc ion - in the form of the

state - a r e r equired to ensure
espe cially,

Dilemma,

of superstnt e.

said

to

be

some

Of course, this begins to undermine an earlier application

of the "traged y" argument, since states will lose their sovereignty and some

of

thcjr

be

order-imposing

corr espo, dingly weakened.
ar gum ent s

are

role,

and

But all

political
this

is

obligation
to

There a re, then, many problems

through

these

A

further

theoretical

with
h:1.tch

the
is

Way
that

Up,

a

both

"tragedy"

theoretical

and

the Way Up merely repeats
arrangements.

It

is

contingency, of there being no rival intelligent civilisations

nearby, that the probl ems of interstate relations are not repeated
72 .

will

72.

stalist arrangements at a level up, by way of superstate
only

that

states

good ones in the first place, when in fact they are not, but are

only sound under quite restrictive assumptions.

prac t ical.

assume

to

See further loutley and Routley
especially Griffin.

and

material

referred

to

a

level

therein,

up
and

The rea reas ons for th e state are of course very different from the
thf!oretic::il c:ov er such argume nts af ord. Among other things, the state
enables and guarant ees the accumulntlon of power, privilege and capital.

�again .

The maj or pra ctical hi tch is that there h

no prospect at all of getting

su ·ha "solution " t o work in tim e t o Aerve 5.ts intended purpose.
Tn rc:,1.li l y , we ar e no ne arer a world gove rnment than we were a century
ago ,
In fact, it is even arguable t hat since World War II we

have moved furthe r a way from a world government than we were before
Wo rld
War
TI.
The disint e gration of empires has mul tiplied
soverei g ntles . I t ia true that we hav e s omething called t he United
Nations, but eve n the United Nations has decline d in power as it has
grown in memb e rship. By the beg i nni ng of the 1970' s the United
Nations ha d bec ome, in some ways, a l e ss powerful and e ven less
influen tial organisati o n than it wa s a t the end of the 1950's (Hazrui,
pp.2-3 ).
The reaso n s for thj s Mazr ui goes on to o u t line .
future

For

t he

foreseeable

nuclea r

ideologica l d i ff e r e n ces be t we e n s tates , including especia l ly differenc e s

as to how politica l arr angeme nts shoul d be e ff e cted, exclude any prospect of
opcrnt l vc

world governmen t or a worl d legal s ystem capable of resolving nuclear

hostlllt i es .
extre~ely

I n some ways, this is just as well.

monol ithic,

woul d

World

gov ernme n t

would

cer t ainly ,

whatever

it s

( g ray?)

politic al

colour,

{~xplo l tatJ v e eco nomic sys tem whi ch would do i mmens e

impose

damage

on

to

It

undesira b le

l eve l

Ideological,
r equ1 site

the world an

many

remaining

of

inde e d

u nity

political

and

parad 'gmatic ,

cannot

be

and,

e c o nomi c

sepa r atio n

expect e d

in

some

crucial

respects,

unity.
of

Moreover ,

give n

Northern

main

within nuclea r dea dlines.

swee ping

more

sovereig nty , c o ul d
blockages

and

agr ~ements,

be

negotiated?

dea dl ocks

i1

the

involving

genuine

There

an

way

is

When not even

endless

of

of

that
state

series

of s uch state reconciliation.

a pp lies to int e rst a te arrang eme nts, whi .h ma y make limited us e

the

of

The s ame
Way

Up

nego tia tions or other conc i liation pr ocedu r es within a fram ewo rk arranged
•

-

through the Unit ed Nations);

73.

it

limitations

almost

the

cultures,

nuc l ear weapon s li mitations can be worked out, how much less l ikely is

(e .g .

would

systems. 7 3

The Way Up thu s presupposes an unlike ly

much

be

f ost e r e conomism, would ent r ench bureaucracy with

all l t s damaging f ea tur e s, a nd could e asil y tend to totalitarianism.

·1
n .:ltur.:iL

an

7 11

Fo r a mor e de tailed (bu t decidedly mediocre) critique of the idea of a
world
gov e rnment,
see Galtung.
Naturall y the objections to world
gov •rnmcnt , 11nd dlffl c ult lca in the woy of oht in i ng 1t, do not extend to
mo r e f l ex ible world arrangements, such a world federation ofcultu res (cf .
Ma zrui ).
Such a plura l lstic ana rchlstic Way Up can
be
genuinely
s yn thesized with the Way Down.

�jJ

There is
arrnrgemant s

regrettably
and

als o

conventions

much
are

e~ tdert ce

frequ ently

concerning war and human rights 75), a nd are
scntJments
signed
does

slide

smoothly

that
not

not

1nce rnational

observed (especially those

worth

into despicable dee d s .

bode

well

ever be rcc1chcd.
ln

&lt;'nnv,•11t f&lt; n

any

great

deal:

openly

violated.

I ndeed there:.&gt; already appears to he at least one
fon·C!,

of

lofty

It

for nuclear arms limitations , s hould suffl c i en t ag reemen t

wl 1I C'h

tn

nl1

the

following

intEirna t i ona l

i1P mtljor 11u clc•nr sL 1t:es ore slgnnt:o r l.en,

w!1fc:h w11uld rule ·11t LSN war and nuclc11r cl ic• rcnc

includes

a

Even agreements states have

are oft e n enough disre ga rd ed, sklrted ar ound, or
not

tr ea tie s ,

1

,

t h ton genocide.

Genoc i de

ac.ts commit ted, in time of peace or war, with

inl ~nt to destroy in whole or part a natural, e thical, racinl or rel igio us group

as such:

ki.11:lng members of the group, causi.ng serious bodily or me ntal harm to

the members of the group , d e llbcrately inflicting condittons of life
to

bring about physical

destruction

i.n who l e or i n pa rt.

f ollowing associated a ct s are also punishabl e :
dJrcct

and

public

shall

Beside genoc ide th e

c onspira cy to

commit

be

Persons committing genocide o r any of

punl.shed ,

whether

they

are

the

othe r

act s

responsible rul er s, priva te

individuals or public officials. 76 It is not diffi cult to argue
nucl~ar

genocide,

inc itement to commit ge no ci de , attempts to comm.it ge nocid e ,

complf.ci.ty i.n genoci de.
mentioned

ca lculat ed

that

a

larg er

st rike (such as det e r rence policy requires as a ba ck-up respon se ) would

almost cer t ainl y consti tute an act of genocide, through what
minority

groups.

conspir acy

repr:esentati .v

'S

does

to

some

But then, by virtue of connecting principles like CS, nuclear

deterrence stands indicted
pa r ticular

it

of the

and

as

involving

i.ncitement .

nuclea r

s t a tes

acts

ass oci a ted

with

genocide,

in

Some wel.i - known political and military
would

thus

ap pear

to

be

li.able

to

indictment . and punishment und er internation al law .
7L1.

Even Dahl itz, who gi.ves a detailed and s ympathetic accoun t of nuclear arms
control at t empts and lost opportuniti es, is by no means confident th a t
suitable arrangement s onn now be achieved (se e pp.
210- 13).
Reasons
include technologic al advance s now taki.ng place, and the renewed America n
drlvc f or strategic super ior ity .

75.

See Brownlie, Kuper, and Amnesty Int e rnat ional reports.
in t his paragraph were sugg est ed by c. Pigden.

76.

The accow1t of genocide given is taken directly f rom the
Genocide Convention, whic h is reproduced i n Kuper, p . 210ff .

Most of the points
text

of

the

�The nuclear fi.x cmergi.ng fr om nat.io ,,-stnte arran!_1, 111 ~nz:s - c ombin ed wi th the
appare11t

I mpot ence

interstate relations to alleviate the situati on , indeed

of

with the apparent ability only to push the world further into the situation
ne:.rer

to

nuclear

the

" brink"

is

now

taken

to

ind ica te

contemporary angle) the inad equacy of natio n-state po litica l
tias

gi v en

new

impetus

sovereignty

the best-seller

and

to co nsiderat ion of other extrastate r es olut ions .

The

According

to

can

reorganise

the

radical

namely

n iclear

in

Sc.hell ' s

1

unsatis factoriness

situat .l on

The

should

the foundations of politic c l thought'

pollllcal

t.iicy opvrate •. ,

the

indicates

inst itutions

Fate

lead

political

of

to

req u i red

a

t he

Earth .

' ful l-sca le

to

make

't he

co n sonant with t he g lobal reality in which

and in ' work [ lng] out the practicnl s teps by which mankind ...
its

political

li fe' (p.219).

However Schell himself tri e s to

avoid the se ' awesome urgen t tasks, which , imposed on us by

the

of

the present system of nati on stat e s has even reach ed

stands,

Schell

reexaminatio n o f

world ' c

and

book

a new

a rrangements,

thesis that the nuc l ear problem

national

( f r om

and

work of our age'

else overimpressed

by

political t he oris ts.

the

7

Z

history,

c onstitute

So, no t feeling th e pressures of history or

real ities

of

(unstable)

nation-states ,

do

most

But there i s no good r eason to av oid the task of politic al

rea ssessmen t, made so much more urgent by the nuclea r situation.
There i.s li.tt l e doub t bu t t ha t we live ( too
11nthinklngly)

with

an

an tiquated

s ystem

many

present

state

arrangements,

representative
century

communications

•ery

different

condition;

in

a

77.

when
and

the mai n outlines of the mod ern totalitari a n state

and its mauifold defic i en cies recogni sed, even ea rl ier.

of

( a llegedly

17th

we re

willing ly ,

The feat ures

go vernme nt: , were largel y fashi oned in t he
especially ,

us

even

of poli t ical a rrangements which t he

nuclear impasse , among others, calls in to q 1est ion .
best

of

even

dem ocratic)

techno log y,
more
were

t he

and

primit i v e
d iscerned,

In the br iefs prese nt ed

A similar theme , similarly qu estioning 'such sacred tradi tions as a bs olut e
national so ve reignty', was p r essed by Bradley, a significant US g enera l
( sec Co x , p. 225).
Sch 11. (like Bradley) does not mak e it entirely clear whether he is
thi nking of the Way Up or t h e Way Down, but the names he drops suggest the
Way Up. So does the mai n t hrus t of what he says, e.g. ' Thus the pe ril of
extinction is the price that the world pays not f or "safet y" or "survival "
bu t for ito [sic !] insistence on co ntinui ng to divide itse l f up into
sovereign nations'
(p.210), as if the natural or original st ate were an
undivided one ? On Schell's position , see further Append ix 1.

�for political a r rangements such as repr~nontat ive government, the excessive siz
an,! compl ex ity of modern states was not envisaged .

But such systems con tinue to

opcrn Lc , i ns ufflciently questloned, though tl1el r justificato ry bas es
und c r mi ne&lt;l.

prese nt

Nuclear

problems

rep r esentative

have

political

emphasized

have

been

several other defici encies in

arrangement s.

In

particular,

they

have

rcv cn l ed how governments can thwart popular opinion, and act against the evident

will of t he people on an issue , for instance in installing US missiles
Euro pe a n

countri es.

cen tury

ca s e for r e pr e sentative proced ires is dissolved.

issues,

~

i s sues.

The

least, be reduced.
reduced

excessive

power

back

at

dev e lopme nts ,

pro cedures,

But the route down through

issue-regul ated

large

i mposes

and

complex

other

modern

requirement s.

states
What

lnl t .t1-1.l

s maller

a s iL ls

to

inf or med

citizens

gro uping

than

approx i mate
of

a

g lant

satisfa ctory

good will.

As

the re .1 r c se riou s dcfic encies .f.n

the

l.nf ormation

by
are

stn tes,

government

recent

tec hnologic al

called for a re smaller
Firstly,

in

present

information

and

democratic

progressive

procedure,

of

control,

nation-stat es,

channels, and so f o r.th.
ncc e ptable

the

from

These

upon

nuclear problems have again made patent,

even

·release
the

and

distributio n

distortion
r estrictive

of

most liberal of them (and

Aga in, especi a lly with new and less

systems , there is little excuse for thls.

information ,

upward

depends

But there ar e

e vi dently vest ed i.nterests whi c h stand to benefit from the limited

pub} l t:1 y

and

Secondly , democracy, insofar

political

rela t ed clcfi c i ncies as regards educati.on).

flow

major

li ke many other social arrangement s, appear to function better with

lnt egraLJon of groups by principles of federation.

a nd

on

of governments would, to that ex tent at

grou p.i.ng s , information flo w, communicati on and education.

cx pe n,, ive

lea st

governmenta l power to more participato ry democratic forms, a rout e mad e

poss ibl e ev en in

mu ch

elected

wny that is thoroughly ambiguous on most issues ) are not given an almost

f r ee hand on eve ry issue, but are required to answer
polic:y

th e

It is past time

for mor e is sue-control led d mocratic procedures , where governments once
(i n

some

Now that modern communicati ons a nd info r mati on-processin g

make i t fe a si bl e to dete rmine the mi.x of public positions on major
19tl1

in

of

data

featu res

in
have

a vailab ility

major communicati on
helped

in

making

present delib e rat e ly fostered pattern of nation-stat e

�56
co11frontatl on, and in establishin g the prisoner's
nuclear

superstates

are

often

seen

to

be

gJlemma

type

situation

th e

locked into (on which see, e.g.,

llardin1.
A central a rgument, arising from the nuclear fix, for

political

questi oning

current

arrangement s and seriously considering their adjustment (in theory at

le~sl), takes the following shape:•

Political arrangement s shoul d answer ba c k to certain

j,rnt iff.-.d

111

te1·ms

of

dolng

ut

.eas t

where

and

are

so. 78 The s&lt;.i r e quir ements lnclude ,mch things ns

en;,blJ ng good and meaningful and moral l lve s for those

arrangement s,

requirement s

(as

certainly

in

who

operate

under

the

muc h of the West) the basic

mat e rial condit i ons for such lives are met .
•

l\ccaus c of the nuclear [ix, nation-stat ~ arrangement s have

these

requirement s.

For

guarnntce the prospect of
arrangement s.

nation-stat es,
good

meaningful

lives

those

to

under

their

yet ther e ls a non-negligi ble probability that

person's morality is jeopardised if the person is obliged

a

meet

at least in the North, can no longer

such 1.lv •s may terminate, leas tl11rn fulfilled, 1.n this way.

support

to

A life's meaningfuln ess ls certainly diminished if it ends before

its 1,rimc inn nuclear d i~aster ;

m.-iny

and

ceased

s tate

to

Furthermore a

acquiesc e

in

or

engaged in nucl ear war preparation or nuclear deterrence (cf.

Benn) .
Th_erefore, nation-stat e arrangement s have
should

be

amended .

have

their

justificatio n,

and

Variations on this type of argument apply to many (though

not all) natlon-stat es:
natio n- s t ate

f orfeited

it ls not only because of the

forfeited

their

mandate.

nuclear

Political

fix

that

some

obligations to such

states a r e corr espo ndingly dissolv ed .
There is enough evidence that power- brokers who control
stght

of,

or

worse

have

lost

don't care about, t11e point of political arrangement s, of

wha t justifies or is supposed to justify their sta tes.
78.

states

This

applies

both

to

How they answer back admits of expansion in various ways, depending on the
irn lerlyi.ng politica l
theory.
Rawls, for example, puts it in familiar
contract ual form: that the political order is 'a cooperative venture for
mutual adva ntage' (p.4). Mao puts i.t in a standard democratic way: 'since
Lhe purpose of all political processes is nothing but to serve the people
and the i r interests, it is the people who should control in a meaningful
way, the gove rnment' (see Soo, p. 68).

�r;7
rnnre powerful s tates nnd to lesser states, both

c lai m

popular

Ln

and

mandate

ag;iinsL the wllL of the pcopl(! ,
power~.

put

a

value

hi3 lier

where,

nlrea y

illustrated

milita ry situa ti ons:
viol.1ted

the

'IH' t:.1k er s

on

some

have

more often , they act without it or

as

The sit1.1at-ton has been reached

sove reignty

nation al

survival. ' (Scliel1's conclu sion, p . 210;
is

-✓ hl.'lfe

where

than

'nuc l ear:

they do on human

for copio us evidence see

Kupe r).

Thi s

by I srael, Vietnam and many other states in nonnuclear

the

principles

of

just

warfare

repeated ly, as hav e ma ny other pr i nciples.

much of whn t c l .:i im they lv1d to externa l

have

been

blatantJ.y

Such states have forfeited

respect or internal political obedienc e;

so, on other grounds, have many other state s .
It could just be, of course, as is oft en
a lt er nat ives,
that have

been

re s arc hlng

glimpsed,

though

of world go vernment).

dismissed,

for

s tirc withou

very

no possibly better alterna tives .
but

little

As

to

whether

all

has

such

are

no

been

expended

on

opportunity

do

to

work,

a nd

not

Appea r

to

give

we

alternative s

w~y

Down.

There

working tow ar d s the wea kening
es pec .i.ally

can

be

the

may
and

ha ve

been

given

know very little a bou t how humans

suff icicnt

org anisi ng and trying out alternative
accessi ble

alter natives

instance as lacking feasibil ty , it is diff i cult to be enti r ely

operate under su bstantially different arrangement s.

But,

t ime

arrangemen t s,

to
even

once

again,

proc eed
thos e

nuclear

very far on
of

the

mor e

be time to pr oceed a l i ttle way ho wever , in
breakdown

of

t he

large r

s uperunion s , which are the immedia te problem.

ln valid to simp ly conclud e that alternative poli t ica l a nd
while

t here

But alternat i ves the r e are,

effor t

toking the risk of being dogmati c;

little

d e ad ii ne[,

tha t

t1e r a nge of alte r na t ives or their features (except pe r haps for th e

0

op Li. on

or

insinuated ,

nuclear

st a tes,

Thus i t woul d be

s oc i a l

arrangemen t s,

theoretic a lly feasible and certainly a l onge r- te rm goa l , do not present ly

off er a part of t he practical response to the nuclear fi x.

But there is no need to insist upon a s1 nglc-trac~ Way Out of
dll emrna

to

th t:

exclusion of all olh .rs:

quite the contra r y .

t he

nuclear

We can no t only

afford to be fa:!.rly catholic about " second best " ap proache s and embra ce wha teve r
seems to be working or looks like helpinJi • wUhin re c ogn i sed e thi c al ( and o t her )
con st rain ts ;

Indeed, given the urge ncy,

the

direness

of

t he

si tuat i on ,

we

�58
:,hou1d

~s

be

fairly catholic and not lnflexibly co~mitt ed to narrow methods, such

boRged

rlown

( a nd

v ery

on

a rms

limitations

ner,ot inti o n s

m"thod::i

should

si~nifica nt

be

undemocratic

perservered

concessions

unrepr•sentativ e)

between main nuclear states.

wi.th,

from

cert ai nly

tJ nd

and

the

attemp t s

superstates,

made

to

e.g .

No-first···use declarat.lon, a ban on weapons in space, etc.

But even s uch

a

wring

further

jointly

signed

The direction of most

hope for progress has however come into view, a direction that is not especially

new .

The politica l means of the Way Out are what they have
la rg e r

eve r y

liberal

or

huma nitarian

been

on

issue that has matte r ed:

from ou tside

state governmental apparatus by organised pressure fr om within or
nnd

it '

by

furnishing

self ·- organising

characte r is tically Bottom-Up
famiL l ar

cons i de rations

are

methods

an

alternatives

practically

wi t hout

which

never

virtually

upon

bypass

it ,

Top-Down.

Such

but part of the more general , and very effective,

case agai nst relia nce upon states for a range of things they are now supposed to
supply,

but

whic h

effectively and [or

can

almost

t hat

invariably

mnttcr

le ss

be

obta i ned, where required, more

e x pensive ly

without

them

(and

their

monopo1 i.es) •
In the case of security it i s states , with very few exceptions,
impo sed ,

or

acqulc s ced

and nuclear weapons .
frequently

from

time

being ,

movement

have

in, milit a ry solutions involving nuclear installations

The opposition to th e

local

a nd

neighbourhood

esca lating
grou ps,

nuclear

fix

has

come

some of them now feder a ted

:1cr,;11s nntions ( " o the dir c cLion :!.a not rcnlly interstate).

!we n rrnc:ccr-rn fu1

that

These

groups

have

in blo cki ng some nuclear ln s tal lat.tons and establishing, for the

some

a ga inst

nuclear-free
nu c le a r

neighbourhoods .

equipment

The

patchwo r k

grass-roo ts

is strongest in Europe, which is - as the

mov emen t realised , and what gave it impetus - a leading thea tr e, on US strategic
thinking,

for

a

limited

nuclear

war

not

touching

ext r eme ly doubtful th a t i~1crea i ng NATO and American
Europe

will

E11 ropc wil l

these

mnke

it

a

saf er

place :

American shores.

nuclear

r emoved

installations

in

on the contrary it seems probable that

bec nme much eafcr lf t he anti-nuclear movements

installations

It is

succeed

a nd Europe r e ndered nuclear-free.

g ro ss ly lmmoral condu c t will ther e by also be conside1.·ably reduced.

Ln

having

The chances of

�mrnt of the spectre of Soviet dc)tnl.11t\don, mil..ib:Jt:t, ideological and

Exc:c•p l

in

the

case

of

Eu ope,

where th e inexcusable suppression of Eastern

Eu ru pe a ll too ev iden tly persis ts, this is a n obvious fabrication .
8Cr i ou s ly

And even ir Western Europe the spec tre is

failing

partly

g iant

fashioned

military-in dustrial allianc e.
inc r easJ. ngly

dominated

and

largely

domi na t ed

financially

ideo l ogically.

much

propped

exaggerat ed.

no t

nnd

c1d c quatcJJ

and

ec onomically

some

of

and,

in

some mea sure,

Indeed much of the "free"

world

countered

as

mil.itary

by

The

means .

i .,"

in

basic

any

mode of

mUitary .

But

mil itary, and associated poli tl c al, domtnatlon of We ste rn Europe by

the Sovi e ts is a

problem,

t here

are

several

ways

other

predomi na ntly American nuclear weapons to mi tigate it.
on] y local def e nc e arrangement s - whethe r top·-down
alternative

is

it domina ted economicall y , by the US A.

doml na ti on to whic h nuclea r weapons are con s ide r e d relevant
in sofa r

a

up by the NATO powers '

i s not ge ncraJ. ly considered so much of a problem (as it ts 79 ), and
ls

anyon'

Since the l ast World War, Western Europ e ha s be e n

polHlcally and ideologica lly , by the USA ,

c a1;e

Does

expect the united Soviets to absorb China, let alone take over Canad a

or Brasil say?

Th Rt

other?

social

methods

but

also

some

and

much

r eliance

on

These should include not

state-suppl ied
social

decentralis ation , regionalisa tion and devolution of
orga nlsat{ons,

than

me thods,

or

r estructurin g, such as

power

to

dispersed

local

mo r e cooperation and interchange with the Soviets and

East e rn Europe.
Part of the point of
whether

external

or

r es tructuring

internal,

so

is

especiall y

situa tions, is to
st a t e-contrived
79.

break

make

any

military

takeover,

much more difficult and pointless, and the

rest o r ation of loca l control easier . 80 Part of
int e rch1nge,

to

the

point

of

cooperation

and

at the level of more ordinary people, in more ordinary
down

conditions

of

hostility

and

distrust

and

to

s abotage

the

West-East confrontati ons, and thereby to remove

For many pe opl es of the world , and in it s impact on the natural world,
advanced corporate capitalism is an oppress ive and damaging doctrine. But,
in contrast wit h a ustere Marxism-·Len i.nism whic h would i mprove the lot of
some of Lhe oppressed world while even worsening the impact on the natural
world, corpora t e capitalism admits a certain pluralism, and recognises many
mo r e individual ri gh t s and libertie s. Ce rtainly Marxism-Len inism which
appears to degene rat e in practice to an authoritari an and totalitarian
position is a less welcome alternative . It is fortunate, then. that we need
be saddled wi t h neither: there are s u per ior options.

�60
ot.hC'r

motl ves

fo r,

and

Western

popul ar

suppor t

Eu r ope ,

for

f or,

long

j.

much

Uitary
too

adventures

partial

to

and

military

advt'nturcs, sho uld now be hel ping i t se lf rath e r: than relying on a leaky Amer.lean
nucl e ar

umbrella

for its defe nce .

Moreover it ough t to be, at the ve ry least,

1ncomfortable about the risls of c a tastrophi ca lly damaging
t he

world

in

the

i nterests

of

its own security .

extensive

parts

of

Nor should other "nuclear

depende nt" states be prepared to ac qui esce in this not uncharacteristic European
impositlon.

There

wo rl&lt;l, wha t

LS N war

is

no
risks,

enormous
for

virtue

Western

in sacrificing othe r parts of t he
Europe,

rn i. li t r1ry-base d dom ina tio n to other parts of the worl d.

which

has

long

exporte d

There ar e better. options

than clublou s and ris ky nuclea r shields for Europe.
-·-·- -----

--·- . ·--

80.

Thus , for exampl e, t o the exte nt that lo cal defence groups a re integrated
under more centralised direction, it would be a built-in principle th at
s urre nder of the central directing sect i on absolved the federated groups
fr om following suit or following further dir ec tions. That is, through
devolution of power, surrender becomes structurally impossible (though
individuals or baste groups may surrender). Moreover, the central section
wnuld ho ld only limited informa t ion about the federated
uni ts
it
in tegra t e d.
The locally organised groups themselves, which would mer ge
wilh local po pulati ons, would be train e d in tact ics of passiv e resist ance,
sabotage, (nonviolent) guerilla warfare, et c.
The net effect (as c.
Pigden, who made most of these points , argues) would be to make the cost of
militar y conq uest, occupations and exploit a tion prohibitively high.
One reason why t he Japanese Army High Conunand decided aga inst invasion of
Au s LraHa i n March 1942 was th e cha r acte r of Australi.ans and the fact th a t
th ey 'wo uld resist to the end' ( Threa t s to Australia's Secu rity, p . 62).
Ycl
th
1 9 112 (wa r
r edu ced ) Aust ralian populatton was substantI.nlly
untrained a nd unorganised for loc ally-based defenc e . With such a defence
r estruc t uring, Aus tralia wou· d not only much reduce its vulnerab ility to
military adventures, but remove standard reaso ns for succumbing to threat s
of outside military domination, blackmail, and the like.

81 .

In par ti cular , with sufficient cooperation
and
trust,
competitive
prisoner's dilemma situations, which depend on the prisoners being kept
separa te, are removed. So too a main mode l
supporting deterrenc e policy
would be undercut.
And the arguments from national dangers would b e
further co rroded.
In the same direc t io n, i t is import a nt to extend cooperation between USA
and USSR down below t he l e vel of state trade deals, e.g. in grai n and gas,
to communicati on and coope r ation between people. For such commercial deal s
there is suff ici e n t tr us t, even in periods of intensive confrontation: why
should it not be so also a t more significa nt people-to-people levels? Many
f ur ther Ror ts of lnt c r rclo tionshfp ore fe slble, nnd jnexpenaive by
m:llltary st a ndards, e . g . sister cities, common clubs, worker exchanges,
gi.( t
pro Jee ts .
If, for ins tnnce , 100 1 000 o r mo r e ord lnnry Americans wer e
l i ving, working or holiday i ng in USSR ( and vice versa), Americans would
feel less enthusiasm for hurling nuclea r missiles into Russ ia (or vic e
versa ) . Only quite inadequate efforts have been made to build up mutual
respect and trust; or the con tr ary , a l ot of resources have been expended
to enco urage pr ecisely th e opposite a tt itudes, e.g.
as part of the
strnteg y of the "cold war".

~

�6J

What th e anti-nucle a r movement s must press
b,oa rl out1 i.nc;

fof

::tccordingly

i.ic&gt;

perceptive

t r ansarmamen t,

to

i.e.

conversion

outer

edges

of

graduat e d

the

movements,

alternative social defence arrangements).

Bu t t h e ar gume n t a lso makes it clearer how f a r this should go,
t hrough

in

i n pa rt it i s what they hav e_ been pushing for, nuclear reduction

an d rlisarmamen t ( a nd, on the more

wa y

clear

namely

all

the

disarmament 82 to total nuclear disarmament,

unilateral

c e rt a inl y to lo cal disarmame nt across progr e ssively larger parts of the planet's
s ur t~cc ,

inc luding

especially

Europe.

For

once

the

state is demoted , its

i mpo r t ance a nd t he necessity of its maintena nce properly downgraded and reliance
on

dec i s i on- making

its

diminished

de ci s ion-making - once all that is
happe n ) ,

one

in
duly

favour

of

allowed

more localised cont r ol and

for

(it

does

not

need

to

major component in the nucle a r fix is removed, namely the problem

o f red 11ction or even loss of state sove reignty .

Ma'ntenance of that sovereign ty

has been ass i gned a mistake n importance, which in turn acco un ts for the mistaken
we ig ht ass i gned to the arguments from national dangers.

What is

important

and

wo rt h pres e r vi ng is not the sovereign state, but certain ways of life within the
stn r- c .

The na ti o n- state and dangers to it, and accompanying

features

s uch

as

mis p.l aced natl.onal J.sm, are the weakest links i.n the nuclear fix situation .
On ce th e demise of the soverei.gn nation-state is allowed f or, the arguments
fr om

nat iona l

conce rni ng
part i cul a r.

dangers

.lndividual

also
and

grou p

rights

and

In

their

freedoms,

by

t he

that

nation- s tate .

matter

The

are

to

arguments

liberties

in

for

t hem,

as

sma ller

or

exclusivel y

nation-state is neith r sufficient for
are

disappearing,

nor

community arrangements can ensure them.

But

a r guments f r om lnd i vidual and group dangers remain , do they not?
ri sks

are

civil

necessarily

th em , since i n inc r eas ingly many states the s e liberties
nec e ss ary

pl ace

None of these require national sovereignty or even a national life.

None o f ti e rights and freedoms
g ua r a n te ed

disintegrate.

in div id11a ls 11nd groups r e maln:

To

be

sure,

th a t has always been so, 83 and ls not

---~------ ----82.

The In i ti a l but impor ta nt st e ps are at zero cost as regards deterrence.
Wer e det e r re nce re a lJ.y the pol icy there would be little case for more than
a f r a c t io n of pr ese11t nuclear arsennJ.s.
The ste ps to disarmament ;ire
well-known , e.g.
the scrapping of obs olete weapons, and an end t o
modernisati on, the removal of nuclea . weapons in crucial theatres such as
Euro pe, et c .

�62

hci n1~ clwnged but only woH,f!ncd in thi. s age of

moslly

to

wont

be

sure

t hat

nucle

or

arc

othe r

outsiders.

People

t hclr li v es will contlnue to run their course,

i.denlly i n a flourishing fash ion , a nd wi ll not be
Russ nns

natlon- states.

t

controlle d

by

Amiirican s

or

Nucl e ar arrangeme nts which threaten t he ir lives

not a rational rout e to these ends .

In t he weigh-u p t hat should occur in char t.tri g a way
dilemmas

the

as

nuclear

out

of

such

deo ntic

fix and its subsid i ary dilemmas, there ar e then much

more i mport a n t elements than featut·es of the nat :ion-st:ate, namely E~-~ of
things

those

the st at e is s uppos ed to safeguard, such as individual and local we lfare

and a ut onomy;
wc,1pons.

but those th i ngs are bett e r ensured by

The

main reasons are fam il iar :

threaten Lhe lo ss of basic values,

such

the

removal

nuclear

of

in particular, nuclear circumstanc es
as

welfare

and

autonomy,

for

many

cr•ntures and reg ions, and the potential los s is in general much great er than in
a nuclear-frcP si tuation ( even should another

with

nuclear

weapons ).

ideological

party

the

o pportunity

armed

There are also well -kn own supplementa ry reasons;

example, the production of nuclear weapons reduces both local
of

remain

welfare

for

(because

costs of wea pons manu fa cture) and autonomy (bec ause of th e

accompanyin g sec urity measures).
Thus

the

appropriate ly
de vi ces

and

nuclea r

fix

limiting
weapo ns

is

resolv ed ,

theoretical ly

it

can

deploy,

and

how ),

and

rate,

by

by

allowing

for

the

But, although that is a reasonable

Way Out , at little c ost in the circums tances , it will be
s ince

any

sovereignty of the st ate (especially as to what nuclear

con sidera bl e reduc tion of st a t e sovereignty .

pra ctice ,

at

strongly

resisted

in

those who hold power hold it , in one way or another, unde r th e

au s pices of the state.

This is a main reason why people must organise

and

act

aga i nsl the state .
Again the resolution also lo ok s practicnl enough, since
sovereignt y

reduction

in

ne ed apply es s e nt ially only to the the production and deployment of

nuclear weapons .
83.

the

Ind eed

it

could

in

principle

be

obtained

by

negotiated

It will rema in so und er any satisfactor y political arrangement s.
Until
human s ocial arrangement s change substantial ly , there is no substitute for
on-golng vigi lance to ensure or maintain political liberty.

�agreement ( at the top l e ve l s of s tat e) .

to

far

with

the

superstates , the li mitations of s tate- powe r will likely ha ve to proceed further:
for nuclear weapo nr y doc s no t stand in sp l endid isolation.
i.nto

both

milita ry

s yst ems - and

( c ivil)

Rather

it

is

industrial production of the states

So, uns u r pr i s ingly, practica l- look ing resolu t ions are being

concerned.

ti ed

solidly

resisted by super states.
Accordingly more popul a r (bottom up) act ion aga ins t nuclear-involved state s
and

espec i ally

against

the supe rstate s , af t e r all the stat e s causing the mo s t

serious dilemmas, wil l have to be t aken much furth e r.
variety

of

organ is ed

forms.

These in clud e a refusal to contribute to nuclear

war preparatio n , e ithe r d i rectly or
wld •l y,

from

such

s t e ps

ns

Once again it will take a

The

indir ect l y.

the

forms

of

action

range

block adin g o f shipme nts of ur a nium, and the

rc f1 1!:lal of suppJ 1, Qa a nd se rv i c es to sa i1or n o n nuc le ar ships and subma r i ne s,

t he

to

withho lding or r ed i rect i on of t axes des t i ned for nuclear security purposes.

They inc l ud e as we ll the whole

r a ng e

nuclea r

facilities

i nstal l a tions

and

of

nonviolent
(methods

protest
which

method s

against

do

exclude

not

i ncapaci t a t i on a nd decommissioning of equipment l and which do include new

model

.
8'~
resistance and de f e nce organisations).

It is important to realise that petitioning of
powe r

state

representat i ves

and

ho l d e rs, f or instance through letter campaigns, demonstrations and direct

ap pea l, t s far f rom a complete strategy , a nd may be ine ffecti ve or ignored,
th e r esul t s disco u r aging.

and

This is one reason why popular action should be based

on a mor e com prehensive politi c al

strategy,

which

also

involves

withdrawing

s up po rt f r om prevailing state arrangements, and working out and partic ipati ng in
alter nati v e a r r a ng emen ts, especially

alternative

defence

forms.

85

Sufficient

d etn' l s as t o what to do ar e already known, enough to make an immediate start.

84.

For some imp r e ssion of the rang e of me thods, see aga i n Sharp.

85.

For muc h mor e on all these points, s e e e .g.
fu rt her Appe ndix 2.

Martin .

As to what to do, see

�64

APPENDI X l. ON THE FATE

or

MANKIND AND THE EARTH,

according to Sch e ll, and to Anders.

A
ncrtes
of
nucl cn r
prophet s
lw a
pr odu c ed
a
EJ e r:les
of
ph ilosophj cal ly-·o riented works on nucl e ar war and the all e ged impl i.c c tions of
l1 uman ex t inct io n . 1 The series is important for its dee pe r penetration into the
nuclear d ilemma , down to metaphysical leve ls; i n this the series contrasts ith
the transie nt s u pe rficialities of much o f the political commentary.
The most
wi de l y c i rc ul ated and influential text of the series is undoubtedly that of the
s l ightest of t he ''prophets", Schell' s The Fate of the Ear th.
This skillful
piec e o f medi a -philo so phy uncannily redeploys some of the appar e ntly deep
phenomcno]ogi cal themes of Anders . So, conveniently, main assumptions of Schell
and And ers ca n often be considered together. To critic i se their a ssumptions is
not of co u r s e t o belittle their wo rk. In pa rticular , Schell's little book, for
a ll i.ts politic al shortcomings, is having a significant a nd much needed ef f ect
j n sh i ft i.ng att: lt udes towards nuclear arrangements.
It is especially valuable
f or
i ts vivid and horrifying scenarios of the aftermath of nuclear attack.
Unfor t 1111,i t ely it: a lso exhibits, both phi losopld.cally and fac tually, sever e
defects .

Somr of it 1s simp ly ga rbage:

to selec t one example ,

consider

the

claim

that
' witho u t . . . a world-wide program of action for preserving th e
[ human] spec i.es
nothing else t hat we undertake together can make
any pr a c t tea l or. moral sense
(p.1 73, rearranged ).
Th is s1ou l d cer t a inly be rejected phi losophica lly ; for ther e is no separate
moral issue of s uch overwhelming importance that a ll other lssues become mor ally
ne 11 t r al. Mo r a l issue s remain moral issues: they don 't cease to be so when
compar ed wi t h more important moral issues ( as Schell effective ly acknowledge s
el s ewhe r e, p . 130 ) . And the claim should a l so be junked on more f actual grounds.
Humans fo rm a highl y resilient sped.es, like r abbit s i n Australia a survivor
spec i es, unl i kely t o be exterminated unde r
presently
a rrang ed
nuclear
ho l oca usts .
l.

The di.st i ng ui shing term i s from Foley's Nuclear Prophets, wher e many of th e
l eadi ng prophets are assessed. One well-known pro ph et not so consider e d
there i s Jas pers , presumably because hJs ma in work (which might equally
we ll ha ve been translated as The Fa te of Mankind) comes out in entirely th e
wrong direction.
For it gives heavy philosophi c al attire
to
the
be tt e r -d e ad -than-red abomination,
A ma ln argument agai nst Jaspers so presented i s simple. Howeve r bad being
r d mig h t be come ( at present it is debatably worse than living under some
of Lh e tot a l i tarian regimes th e free We st props u p), it still gives human s
a fu rth e r chance for good lives , since r e gimes fall or can be topp led: bu t
t o t al a nnihil a tion removes that all-important oppor t unity .
But J as pe r s does not pr e sent his po s ition so simply . Rather his con t e nti on
i s t hat there a re circum st a nc e s whe re a nd princ ip les for which a person or
group of per sons ought .to s acri f ic e even their lives . Freedom is such:
a
l i f e worth living i s a fr e e life. But the latter pint can be granted
w!. 1:liout conceding tha t s a c rlf1cc is a possible means to it ,
While the
sai:rifice of one or a f e w l i ve s may be a possible ( if dub i ously effec tiv e)
w~y t o fr • . l ivc D for oth e r s , c er t a inl y the sacrifi c e of all l ives is not a
poss i ble rout e to fr e e llve s for a l l, s ince no human l i.ves r ·emain. To thi s
rx Le nt Sche ll l s ri g h t (on p . 131) i n a ccusing Jasper s of an ea ch to all
f al l Rcy.
J aspe r 1 s i dea that "the f r ee life that they try to save by all
po s s ibl e mea ns is mor e th a n me r e lif e or lives'' breaks down when applied to
al l participating pe ople. None c a n ga in free live s by extinction of all:
t hat is not a possibl e route to l ife e ve1.

�was selected howev e .· b1?ca,.1se it 1eads i0to, lndeed presupposes,
two of the major defec tive assumptiono in the work ot Mchell and And ers:
Sl.
Nuclear w,n· will ellroinate life, humnn li.fe r1t least, on
arth (the
2x~_~nc:Uon assumption); and
S2.
111 the absence of humans, very many notions, not only
those of morality
a nd value, but t hose of time and space for example, make no sense ; or, to put
it into a more sympathetic philosophical form, these notions depend for their
s nse on a n act ua l human context ( the ext ravagant a nthropocentric assumptlon).
It is appli cations of S2 which giv Anders' and Schell 's work 2 some of its
apparent phllosophical depth, and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement
through the paradoxica l propositions generated. B11t the frequ ent applications
of S2 depend esse ntially on Sl. For without total extinction there will he
humans abo ut, to make past and future, good and evil, go on making sense!
Th ·-- exDmp l e

Granled the factual assumpti on Sl is by no means ruled out as a real
po ssibilit y; granted the technological means are now available to make it true,
to render Homo sapiens extinct; 3 granted the prospect of nuclear war does
t hreaten leacfing centres of Western c .i vilizat ion witb obliteration. Even so Sl
appea r s unlikely in the light of present - admittedly inadequate - information.
Even in Ca nada, which lies on the pol ar route of Soviet missiles, human li fe
should be able to continue in certain northern areas (according to Canadian
medi cal studies) . Sche l l's argument to Sl is extremely flimsy. It depends, for
example, on an unjustified extrapolation from the Northern to the Southern
Hem i s ph ere , but for the most part it does that very North American thing , of
con tracting the world to North Arner.lea .
(All that matters, all worthwhile
civili zati on, i.s in USA, or at least, to be more char.itable, in North Ameri cA
and Europe, which will also be wiped out, i.e. its human population will be
eliminated in the nuclear holocaust.) Some of the data Schell relies upon , for
example the effect of nuclear explosions on the ozone layer, is significant l y
out of &lt;late. Other effects than ozone destruction apparently transfer even less
we ll f rom Nortl1 to South. A factually superior study of nuclear disaster than
Schel l's,
by Preddey and others, indicates that parts of the Southern
Hemisp here , New Zealand and southern latitudes of Africa a nd Latin America could
escape relatively unscathed from even most massive northern exchanges. 4
Roth Anders a nd Schell remark on the "impossibility of unlearning" th e
mean s of manufacturing nuclear bombs. It would seem that extinction, which they
both foresee as at least a live possibilit y, would furnish a good medium for
unl e 3rning nuclear technolog y (something very like this emerges from van
Daniken's theor y of an earlier "high" technology). In v i rtue of S2, they would
however 0xc lud e such a possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly
2.

For a deta iled comparison of Schell and Anders' remarkably similar versions
o( S2 , se Foley JS.

3.

Thus the Las t Man argument, important in environmental ethics, is no longer
merely hypothetical, awaiting the remote death of the Sun, but assumes new
ur gt'ncy. It is this sort of argumen t: that connects environmental et hic s
and nucl ear ethics, at a deeper metaphysical level. The Bomb and Bulld oz er
are out of the s ame technological Pandora's box .
Nuclear technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pando ra's box.
Biological and chemical mea ns are perhaps even more
effective, and ce rtain l y can be more selective in what gets extinguished.

4.

Howev er, new modellifig~ and estimates, none so far very reliable, keep
appearing, and amending the picture. On the basis of one recent scenario,
generated by a computer modelling of a 5000 megaton nuclear exchange, th e
immuni.ty of the Southern Hemisphere to the dire consequences of a northern
LSN war has been questioned . In particular, Sagan, no doubt overreaching
the evidence , has 'warn[ed] that the nuclear blasts would create enormous
diff e rences in temperature between south and north, shifting normal wind
pa tt e rns and carrying smoke and radioactivity south' (Newsweek, November 7
1983, p .56). Some sections of the environmental and peace movements have a
vested interest in exaggerating the probable effects of nuclear holocaust
for life on earth, much as many stotesmen have an interest in minimizing
t'r""l .

�66
th n t lhc notion no long er rnnde sense.
But what tlh•y s(H'm t.o want to s uggest
wi. Lh th e impo ssi bility-of-unle a rning mes sage is th "' inevitability of the
de velopment and event ual use of the technology - as if having learnt th e means
ull else was dete rmi ned , and manufac tur e and use ceased to be a matter of
c hoi ce. Certainly such vie ws have been flo ated 5• But: they are no t t e na bl e .
Ther e are man y examples of
technological advances that have not been t ak en
adva nt r1gc of, and there are even cases of tec hnological developme nts that have
be en mRnufact u rcd but not marke ted or used. The re is not something ve ry special
a bo ut n11 c l ear appa ratus that puts it beyond the scope of such· generalis;&lt;1 tio ns .

Both Schell a nd Anders do claim tha t the re are very special things about
nu clear wea pon s , in particular that they do not allow "expe riments ". Even if
thi s were tru e - i. t is certainly not of smal ler weapons
i t would not tell
aga .inr,t the pr e v.lous argument: against the ine vitability of nuclear weapons. And
in fac t Anders and (e ven) Schell hedge thejr claims a bout testing , and
the
limits to nuclear sc..ient if i c work ,
to large-scale weapons and independent
experiments which do not interfere w.ith tl1 e observers and those outside the
" J.abnrn t.ories".
Again they have latched ont o major po i nts: in parti c ular, we
hnv e at present no way of testing the c umul a tive effe cts of large nuclea r
weapons in concer t, e . g .
for more holistic effe cts such as fireballs or
firestorms , e le ct romagnet ic puls e or ozone destruct ion. Sho r t of an LSN war,
and l ike ly eno ugh with it, these crucial effects must rema in largely untested
and lypothelical in chara ct er.
The penetrat.ion of human chauvini sm , a s in S2 , is not something peculiar to
Sch e ll, but is a product of Western ph ilosop hy, European philoso phy especially.
This cl,auvinism is unfortuna tely alive and sti ll well, Anders' ve rsi on of S2
being ju s t on e striking illustration ( c:f . AA p . 252ff . ) . It ha s a lso deeply
penetra ted Anglo- Amer i can phi.losophy, and has recently been extended
by
Wittgenslein ' s wo rk , where even the necessary t ruths of mathematics are taken to
be a pro duct of I um:rn co nv enti ons , and would va nish w.lth bumnnsl
Such ar e
all eged imp lications of ex tinction ;
but the fact is that the truths of
arithm PLlc a r e in no way dependent on the existence of humans or humano ids or of
gods or g iraffes .
In Sche ll, human c hauvinis m is dished up in a particularly
powerfu l and obnoxious Kant ian form.
Th oug ht s and proposit ion s, time and
tens e s, history and memories , values and morality, al l depend on the life- giving
pres e nce nf human being s - past or fu ture or me rely potential humans are not
e nough , persons t hat are not humans are cer t ai nly not enough. Thus, a ccording
to Sc hell (p.1 40 , e .g. ), ' ... t he thought "Humanity is now extinct" i s an
impo ssi ble one for a rati onal person, because as soon as it is, we are not. In
imagining a ny ot her event , we l ook ahead to a moment that is still within the
strea m of huma n t.ime,
The thought is howeve r perfectly possible for
huma ns; we can have it right now. Though we no doubt have it falsely, a later
ratl onal creature may well be able to hav e it tr uly. Schell erroneously denies
that: t here is no "later" ' . . . outside th e human tens es of past, pres en t, and
futur e
(p . 14 0) 6 •
Human ext inc t ion eliminates ' the creature that divide s
time into past, presen t and f uture ' : so anni h ilati on canno t 'come t o pass'
(p. lli3) .
But it: is simply false that the tenses are human;
the tens e s depend
on a local time ordering (per ce ptible to many creature s ot her than humans, but
no t depending at all on that perceptibilit y f or its via bil ity) relating other
time s to the present , to now (a l so a huma n-independent location, evident t o
other cr eatures, an d borne witness to by suc h sequences as the passing seasons).
And nnn ih llntion may als o too easily come to pa ss , for ma ny humans in the Nort h
at l e ast, as it came to pa ss in recent ge ologic al times that human s began to
exist upon earth. Bef ore t hat ther e was a time befor
there were any human
beings.

- •••-- - - H•--- -

--- - - - - -

S.

Not merely by technologica l determinists of marxist persuasion. Hackworth,
a form e r US general , a r gues by straight induction, that if the US mili ta ry
ha s a wea pon it will u se it.

6.

Th e ap palling theme that humans c reat e past, present and future
repeated e l s ewhere , e . g . p .1 73.

(etc.)

is

�Anders ' arg um ent for the demise of time, that 'what has been will no .Longer
even what has been', is also explicitl y and narrowly verificat ioni.st: 'for
wrwl wo u ld t he d iffer e nce be betwe en what. ha s only been and what has never been,
if the r e J s no one t o r emember the things that have been' (AA p.245). Ther e
would st l ll remai n ma ny sorts of differenc e; for one, the history record ed i n
mm1y
other org anisms would be differe n t.
Temporal themes do not la c k
' legl lma y be ca use not regist e red [or
verified]
by
anyone';
truth,
signl Eica nc e , sti l l less meaning, are not matters of human verificat ion.
be

Here , a s e ls e where, the human cha uv i nism is mixed with other distortin g
metapl1ysi ca l assumptio ns of our Western he ritage , in particula r, verificati onism
and on t ol og ical assumptio ns (to the effect that there are severe difficult ies in
talki ng ab out what does not exist).
Thus, for example, Schell takes over
dub I.o ns metaphys ic s from Freud, according to whom "it is indeed impossibl e to
i magi ne our own death; and whenever we a ttempt to do so, we can perceive that
we are i n f a ct s till present as spectator s" (p.138). The second clause goes a
good dJ e l a ncc t owards refutjng the first. In fact there is no g r eet dlfficult y
in descri bing coun terfactua l s ituations which undermJne both Freud's claims.
The same go e s for Schell ' s extension s of human chauvinism into one of i t s main
tr a&lt;l 1 ti o nal str ong holds, value theory:
the simple and basic fact [si c!]
th at befor e t here can be good or evil, service or harm, lamenting or rejoici.ng
there must be li f e' , human life ( p. 171) .
These are no facts, but deeply
entrenche d
philo sophical
dogmas whi c h have been exposed and criticise d
elsewhere 7.
Natura l ly s ome t hi ng s will disappear with the extinctio n of humans:
trivial l y t here wi l l be no mor e humans (unless humans re-evolve or are
rec eated ) , and t hus no mor e human ins ti tutions, human activitie s, huma n
emo ti on s , and so forth. But it is a lready going too far to suggest, as Anders
does, that t he r e will a c cord i ngly be 'no thought, no love, no struggle, no pain,
no hope , no comf ort, no sa crifice, no imag e, no song ... '. For there are, and
may eontlnue to exist, othe r creatures th a n humans with emotion, struggles ,
songs ,
Nor will the endJng of all such human Vf?ntures, if it comes to
p3ss, show that nl l past huma n ve ntu res have be en 'all in vain', meaningle ss ,
and already so Lo say dead. The decay of t he s olar system, or the heat-deat h of
the uni.ve r s,~ cv~n, wi l l no t s how t hat worthwhil e human activitie s were not
worthwhi. le. 8
Sev er.a l of tbe other notions and themes common to Schell and Anders derive
from t he i r shared assumptio ns Sl and S2. It is these that underlie the biblical
no t io n (in Re vela tions ) of a Second Death , redeploye d by both.
'The death of
mankind ', und e r Sl, is reckon d a ' second death', because by S2 end Sl remaining
lJ fe i.s r e nder ed mean.lngle ss and already ' seems to be dead' (AA p .244, S p.166)
a nd Ls already 'overhung with death' (S p.166). Thus, too, more trivially , a
per son f a ··es ' a s econd death ', not merely one's own but in addition that greater
de ath of the spe c ies and all future generatio ns (S p.166, p . 115). However even
if nu c l e ar ext inction came to pass, the stronger notion would not be vindicate d,
becau s e it de pe nds on the fallaciou s inference to the meaningle ssness of
prec edi ng lif e and on the
very
questiona ble
represent ation
of
this
mea ni ng l ess nes s as a sort of death. There is no Second Death: creatures die
just once , pe rh a ps all at about the same ti me . The idea of a Second Death lacks
even a s o li d met aphys i cal bas e .
From Sl , t og ether with the minor pr inciple that extinctio n being an
absolu t e does n ' t d i ff er in deg ree, come s the universa lity of peril them e that
' we are al l exposed to pe r il in t he same degree', which is according ly
'd isguised' a nd 'diff ic ul t to rec ogni s e', be cause there is no contrast (AE p.61+;
S p.15 0 ) . Thi s th eme fall s with Sl. In a ny event, not all peoples are equally
i mperilled by t he nuclea r situation , th e Indians of southern Patagonia being
7.

See , e .g ., ' ll uma n chauvi ni s m a nd env .l r onmental ethics', in Environm ental
Ph i l oso n~
(ed i ted D.
Mann.ison and other s )) Research School of Social
Sciences , Aue trallnn Na tio na l Univ er0 l t y 1 1980.

8.

Anders is here ( AA pp .244-5) r e l yi ng upon a ve rs i on of

the

argument

from

�68
rnLher betlcr pJac d than the Germans of northern gu , e .
1 011
Nor are all pe opl e
C&lt;JuaJJy locked
in to the situation or inca pacitated by it; as exp l.aine d,
th e
po s ition is different in different countries a nd placeR.

Nor,

---

1

i ke wise , are all people equally res ponsible, an obnoxious theme,
(in co ntrast to Anders) r-c pc a tedly infiltrates . This is the Po go
theme, ,iccord ing to which
-S3.- · Responsibi lit y for t he pre sent nuclear si.tuation (fiasco, really)
distributes onto e verybody, it be longs to very human in the world . 9
B11t there is 3lso , mixed in, a weaker more plausible claim that gives lie to the
stronger one , namely that we have some responsi bil i ty (the Nazi situation is
compared). An es peci ally blatant example of the Pogo theme 10 runs as follows:
'
t he world's political leaders ... though they now menace the earth with
nucl cnr wcapo nG, do so only with our permis si on, and even at our bidding.
At
least, this is true for democracies ' (pp .229- 30) . The theme is elaborated
e l sewhere :
we are the authors of that extinc tion. (For the populati ons
of the super powe rs this is true in a positive sense, since we pay for extinction
and support the governments that pose th e t hrea t of it, while for the peoples of
t he non-nuc lear-armed world it is true only in the negative sense that they fail
to try to do anythi ng about the danger)' (p . 152) .
But this is more of an
argt1ment indicting r epresentati ve government, by revealing its insensitiv ity and
unr es pon s iveness to many of the populace they alleged ly govern, not to mention
those affec t ed by its activJties who are not represented at all (namely
ioreigne t-s ). But Schell convenient ly neglects all such points:
we are
pote n tial mass ki llers. The moral cost of nuclear a r maments is that it makes of
all of us underwri. ters of t he slaughter of hundreds of m.lllions ' ( p .152).
And
again '[ as] perpe trators
we co nvey t he steady message
that life not
only is not sacred but is worthless; that
it had bee n judg ed acceptable
fo r ever yone to be killed' (p.153) . Little of this is true . Those who campaign
against nucl ear a rrangements , vote against nu c lear- committed parties so far as
is possible , a nd the like, are certainly not the authors of potential
des t r uction, and responsibi lity .for the nuclear situation does not simply
dist r ibute onto them. Nor does responsibil ity - or the unlikely opinions as to
worth Schell tl l eg itima ely attributes to everyone - fall on those who have don e
less .
Responslbil ity for de cisi ons taken in "liberal democracies " even by
representat i ves (in the unlikely event of this happening in the case of anything
as important as defence) cannot be traced back to those represented , since among
wi ll c :1

Schell

--- ·------·---- - - -

9.

An inter•stJng converse of thls t heme is sometimes advanced , that no one is

responsi bl e , the whole thing is out of control. The technologit al vers i on
of this no-responsi bi l ity the me is dis cus sed s hort ly. More satisfactory is
the theme that nuclear arrangement s are ou t of political cont ro l , but fo r
re aso ns, in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclea r things goi ng,
whic h enable respons ibility to be distributed . The vested interests , wh i ch
bear considerabl e responsibil ity, include the mi li tary weapons i ndustry,
a nd r e sea r ch and a cademic commurd.t.ies , Under pressure s for re-election
especiall y, politicians give in to these powerf ul groups, so losing contro l
o f pol itic a l. processes. The argument fai l s at it s final stag e. For many
politicians either belong to or represent vested interests . Thus polit ic al
processes tend rather to reflect vested interests than to run ou t of
political control .
10.

Another example of spreading the responsibil ity runs as follows:
'The
self-extinc tion of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sa ne
or sens ible; neverthel ess, it is an ac t that, without qu ite admitting it
to ourselves, we pla.n in certain circumstanc e s to commit' (p . 186). Ev en
for most of the plnnners, ex tinction is presumably not part of "the plan",
but an 1ninte nd ed consequenc ; and most of us have little or no role in
the pl a nning, enough of us even campaig n agai nst the planning .
Fur ther
't he world
chose the course of attemp ting to refashion the system of
sovereignty to acconm1oda te nuclear weapons ' ( p . 194):
the world'?
This
connec ts
of
course with the ideological argument from defence of
fuodamental s, e .g.
for libe rty, for the (USA ) nation, and against
soc inli.sm.
In the'
.nurse of
th:fA
argument yet Rn o thm: fallR 1011s
assumption is rolled out: ' The means to the end are not limited , for the
end itself ~ets the limits in each case' (p,189 ) .

�mnny otller th1.ngs, a representative .LH only
represf.ltiJ:ai:ive of a p· rty which
offers a complex and often ill-characteris ed package of policies, and a voter
may vote for ze ro or more policies of this package.
Only in the (uncommon)
event of a clear single issue referendum, which is adopted, can respo n s i bility,
st .Ill of a qualified sort, be sheeted home, to those who voted for it, not to
e ve ry one in the community. While S3 is false, there is an important refated
th eme that is much more plausible; namely that the present nucl ear situation
generates responsibilitie s for every social ly involved person (thi s theme is
discussed in Appendix 2).

When moreover the Pogo assumption is disentangled from accompanying theme s,
part of what r es ults is decidedly along the right lines; namely
S4.
The controllers (not to be confused, in Schell's fashion, with all of us]
have failed to change our pre-nuclear institutions. The sovereign system is out
f step with the nuclear age , the one-earth system, etc.
(the whole ea r th
theme ). Thoug h Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the
state and the frequently immoral purpo es for which the state is us ed,
unfortunat el y he often loses sight of this i mportant theme (indicated pp.187-8).
Yet S4 forms part of Schell's critique of the state which is, by and large,
scatter ed and fragmentary.
As observed (in §8) , Schell arrives at the
conclusion t hat the nation-state has outlasted its usefulness, and that new
pol iLlcal institutions more 'consonant with t he global reality' are required as
a matter of urgency.
But he evades what he admits is the major task, making out
viable alternative s.
At mos t he makes some passing gestures, some pointing
towards the Wa y Up.
So l utions to the nuclear dilemma come, if not easily, in a similar
simpllstlc way, from the Top Down; tho se who can must appeal to the Top (cf.
p.230). Schell places his hope in treaties for arms reduction and pmitat io ns
( such as SALT) and in worl d government ( as with the United Nations) . 1 Given the
r ec ord of these organisations and treaties, the negotiations a nd regulators, it
is by now a pathetic fai th. Nor is a serious need felt for further analysis of
the nuclear situation, to investigate the origins of nuclear technology, to
explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider effective changes to
military-indus trial organisation and ways of life .
But some of the requisite deeper analysis of the nuclear situation a nd ,
more generally, of t he roots of war can be found elsewhere. 12 The roots of the
nuclear fix are not confi ned to the ideologically-a ligned arrangements of
nation-slates , but penetrate also into key components of those states, their
mjlit.ary, their controlli.ng classes, and their supporting bureaucracies .
And
both within the arrangements of states, what accounts in part for th e
a rrangements, and in key components of the states , a con spicuous and crucial
feature
Ls
the drive for power and domination . 13 Thus the push for [nuclear]
supe r iority by the super-states, to be achie ved through military-orient ed
science and technology, which involves a nd enables domination, in seve r al
inter.related forms. The main power-base is the large nation-state, where enough
surplus product can be accumulated (from at home and from abroad, and bled from
nature) to proceed wlth military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found t he
h.lgh-te)~nology research and devel opment means to ever more expendable power and
energy.
In changin g t he structural arrangements to eliminate the prospect of
nucl e ar war, it is not ultimately enough just to downgrade the mai n power·-base,
the natlon-stat0.; it ls also Important to alter key component s of the state,
and, mor e swe epingly, to ·remove trouble-maki.ng patterns embedded in all these
social and political arrangements , namely pat tern s of domina tion, patterns
anife sted not only in state political organisation, but in white-coloured
relations,
ma le- female
re l ations,
human-animal
relations,
human-nature
relations; to remove, in short , chauvinistic relations . However not everything
11.

Sec p.225ff.

12.

In Anders and el-borated in Foley, and more straightforward ly, in Martin.
The inco1iplete list of items given ab ove, to be investigated in a deep er
analysis of the ruclear situation, paraphrases Foley JS p,164.

and especially p.227, bottom paragraph .

j

�nee ds to be accompl ished at once;
and
the clus~~ - of damaging power and
do1nlnaL l on relatlons tied into war can be tackled separately. And there the
probl e ms can largely be narrowed to certain problems of states and certain key
components of sta tes.
[n ~1at analysis he does offer of the problem with states, Schell repeats
th&lt;• familiar false contrast of state cxpedie.ncy with morality, as a c ontra st
between "raison d'etat" and the Socratic-Ch ristian ethics.
The teaching that
'tl1e end justifies the means j_s the basi s on which governments , in all times,
ha ve li. ccnsed themselves to commit cr::imes of every sort' (p.134).
So 'stat es
may do virtually anything whatever in the name of [their] survival ' . Schel l
then argues however, that extinction nullifies end-means justificatio n by
destroying e very end; but again the argument is far from sound, a nd depends on
human chauvinism (as under S2) combined with ontological assumptions .
Even if
all humans were extinguishe d (as under Sl) ends could remain, for instance for
nonhumans such as animal s and extraterres trials , actual or not. The e nds-mea ns
argument can however be repaired to remove such objections : instead i t is

13.

These motivating drives form pa rt of a larger int egrated
packag e,
compris ing maximisatio n drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth,
('TI C" rgy, sp ecr,
sat:f.sfnctto n, . • . • for the
newer
Enlightenme nt (but
Faustian ) vlr tues.
Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for
excessiv e neatness nod implic1ty manifested ) to reduce th package to one
main component, prefer e nce-satisfa c tion for 1nstance, or ut .i lity. And the
type of drive ls justified (especially for those who have it, but worry
abo11t i t) not 01ly as virtuous, which it is not, but also as rational,
which agai.n it is not. Rationality , the deeply entrenched myth has it,
consists in maximisatio n, of the virtues .
Maxjmisatio n of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
theorems and associated paradoxes. The maximisatio n of power, as with the
Christian-I slamic God, encounters the paradox of omnipotence , the parallel
maximls ation
of knowledge
paradoxes of omniscience .
There are no
consistent objects which are omnipotent or omniscient.
The drive for
ma x i mum consistency , often taken to be the epit ome of rationality , also
l e nd s to inconsisten cy in the case of more important theor i es, s uch as
arithmetic and set theory (Godel's theorem and associated limitative
t heo rems).

IL, .

R &amp; D, though directed by military requirement s and the arms race, also
drives the a rms race. Its role .is partly disguJsed by the myth of neu tral
science.
There have been a tt empts, not only by those committed to technologic al
dcterminlsm , to involve technology more dee ply as the main, or single,
source of t he nucle a r fix . It is technology, th e mega- machine, running out
of control , that has brought us to this pred cament, the nuclear abyss.
Sometimes t his serves to exonerate states and thei.r key components and
those
who
control
them, for they are simply caught up by this
out-of-cont rol machine; but sometimes the s tate itself is se en as a
machine also running out of control. But technologic al determinism , like
other varieties of stronger (nonana lytic) determinism , is false .
Nuclear
technology was selected and proceeded with, after a well-known po l itical
dispu te involv:i.ng distingu1.sh ed scientists ; it was deliberated , fund ed and
promoted , while other alternative s were not.
Damag ing technologie s of th e nuclear age were not inevitable,
but
dellbcra el y chosen by certain components of the large nation-sta tes. And
murh as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be persisted
with.
The fashionable inevitability /determi.nis m themes admit not only of
refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting with often
recalcitran t
technologie s.
They also admit of being made t o look
r idic ulous. If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolut ion, then if
it fu nctions (as it p ·obably will , a matter also determined ), it will serve
as a human population control device, a matter also determined.
That is,
the Bomb has its fixed evolutionar y place in human population regulation.

�7l

claimed tha t ext inction null i fies ends-me ans justlft&amp;A~ion by frustrating the
r a J iqntion of ev ery re levant end - me a ning by ' r e levant', in this context,
t hose end,, the rea li sa tion of which th e stat e appeals t o in justification of its
n uc l ear pol i cies . 15
An LSN-war, even without human extinction but with severe
c no1 1gh 1 sses , would undoubt e dly frustrat e the realisation of relevant state
ends.
So eve n f rom an ex pediency perspective, superstate policies are open to
severe c r i t icism , for exampl e a s motivationa lly irrational.
As to th~~ pa r. t of the st a te and (state) sovereignty tn war,
Schell leave s
us i n no do ub t . A s ov e r e ign state is virtually defin ed as one that enjoys the
right and powe r to go to wa r ln defenc e or pursuit of its intet"ests (p,187).
Wa r ari s es fro m how thi ngs are; from the a rrangement of politic a l affairs via
jealous na t i o n stat es (p.188). Ind e ed th e r e is a two-way linkage betwe e n having
s~:".'_E:_r~}:_f;;22.._~ a n d _ca pad 1:.7 t o wage war. On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell
c o11Lends , nec e ss a r y f o r people to org a ni se fo r war. On the other side, withou t
war it is impossibl e t o preserve s overeignty. Neither of these c ontentions i s
t r Rnsparen t l y c lea r a s the y stand. The f l rst is damaged by civil war and the
like, t h e s eco nd by t he per sistence of sma ll nonmilitary states. Now that the
mac r o-state s ystem is e ntrenched, it is however easy for conservatives (in
pci r ticu l ar ) t o a rgue from t he "'real:1.ti e s"' of international life, which include
sel f··i n terest , agg r ,~ss i on, f em.· , ha tred.
It is on this basis th a t peace
ar r angeme nts are r e adi ly d ismissed as un rea listic, utopian, even (amu s ingly) as
•xtrcmlsl (c f . p . 185).

Schell's f ur ther th eme that nuclear "wa r"' is not war threatens, however, to
undermine hi s ca s e a ga inst the s overeign state; for example, his ends-means
arg11m nt and t he a rgument based on its nucl e ar war-maki ng capacity. Fortunately
th e nol-wa r t heme needs much qualifi c ation, and starts out from an erroneous
c ha rac t e r i s ati on of wa r as 'a violent mea ns employed by a nation to achieve an
end'
( p .189 ):
but--this is neither ne c e s s a ry nor sufficient for war. What is
ri ght ( s o it i s a rgued in §1) is that nuclear wars are very different. from
ea r lie r c onvent i onal wars.
Schell goes on to claim that war requires an end
whic h nuc l ear "' va r" does not have. But nuc l ear attacks can certainly have ends
( ev en if LSN war s cannot be won in the older sense: but not all wars or games
a r e wo n).
It is a lso cla imed that war depends on weakness; on one side being
defeated on a de cision by arms. But in nuclear "war" thi.s doesn't happen, ' no
o ne's st r e ng t h fa ils until both sides have been annihilated' (p.190). But what
t hese sorts o f considerations contribute to showing is again not that nuclear
wa r s a r e not wa r s, but that they are not wars of certain s o rts, e.g., not just
wa r s (be cause they fall on such criteria a s reasonable prospect of successand
improveme n t ), not rational wars (in a good sense), and so on. That conve n tional
war s have pe rs isted into nuclear times does damage to Schell's argument that
nu r:10,1r we a po ns h av also ru i ned " c onventio nal"' wars, and his connected theme
t hat t he demise of war has left no me a ns to finally settle di.sputes between
na t lo ns, f or th e final court of appeal has been removed (pp.192- 193 ) . The theme
d epend s on the mistaken proposition concerning the demise of conventional war
a nd t he mi s t ak e n proposition that war of some sort has to be the final "court of
a ppea l'' betwe e n nations (for, as observed, there are other types of contests
tha t coul d s e rv e , and
there is also th e possibility of more cooperative
behaviour, e . g. joint refer e nda) . The theme also imports the social-Darwinia n
assum ption of Clausewicz (the "logic of wa r" theme criticised in §2) that war
has to pr oc eed to the t e c hnological li mit
as if war and violence were
thoroughly nat 1 r a l actlvitLes independ e nt of recognised social settings (for
winni ng, su r rende r, etc.) a nd rul e -less activities. On the contrary, wars are
pa r asitic on s oc i a l organisations such as sta t es and are governed by a range of
understandl ngs , conventions and rules .
The y are a social phenomenon, with a
rule structure, if no t a logic .
Huch ca pital has bee n ma de not me rely from "the logic of war" but from what
i s now cal l ed "'the logic of deterrenc e " a nd the "'logic of nuclear [strategic]
plann lng'". The me ssage that is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive
n uc l cnr 11rr.1 ngemc nt a t he wo d&lt;l l s now en ll ng 1. ed in a rc perfectly loglcnl, sotmd,
15.

Thi s re for mu lation was proposed by N. Griffin, who suggested that the main
qual ificat ion can be inferred from Sche ll's context.
- j

�72
rcnGonab.le, rational.
However thJs represents li l i:. le more than a cheap
semn nti.cal trJ.ck .
Logic in no way justifies the present arrangement s, or
nnythiu g 1·ke them , or renders them reasonable. There is a logic of deci.sion
(as presented , e .g., in Jeffrey) which ca n be appUed in strat eg ic. planning;
but it does not yield s pecific results without desirabilit y measures being
assigned to alternative outcomes, that is without values being pumped in,
extraloglca lly.
There are various ways these va lue assignments may
be
determined, to meet moral requirement s or not;
but in nuclear s tr ~tegic
planning they have invariably been set tled on the bas iG of expediency. l&amp; In
fact,
'logic of' tends to be used very gener ously, as a word of general
commendatio n, to cover something like 'rational consideratio ns ente r ing into t he
policy or strategy of '. In these terms, S hell, who like o thers enjoys pl.e ying
with the term 'logic of', should write o f ' the il logi c of deterrence' , f or he
emµlic1size~~ (p.21.J) tlP disparity bct:wc11n the supposed rati.onali ty o f t:hret1t~nl.ng
11se of nuclear weapons and the irrational i ty ( even from a national i n te r e s i
viewpoint) of act ually using th m should the threat fail: 17 ~ the success of
deterrence doctrine depends on the c redibili ty of the threat
of
thi s
unjustifiab le and irrati onal use. I nd eed Schell wants to go sti l l further a nd
locate a contradict ion in deterrence (e. g . pp.201-2): but the argume nt depends
on an interesting conf uaion of cont:radictl on with cancell at ion , 18 along with the
Rss •mption that deterrence invo lves cancellatio n . Nucl ear deterrence ma y wel l
be irrational, i.t is immoral, but it is not inconsisten t .

16.

Selecting the 11sual came theory scttlng sees to th is almost automaticnl ly;
for it is then assumed that each player plays to ma ximiz e his or her own
ndvantagc. Thus too th e presumption Jn Walze r, p .277, that 'the logi c of
deterrence' is based on eye-for-eye and toot h- for-tooth as sumptions .

17.

Even the irrationali ty of the use hac been contested, e . g .
it
wishful]y
thought that America will rise l ike a phoe nix
radioactiv ~ ashes .

has be en
f rom th e

The r e is moreover a simple solution to Schell's problem of th e mis sing
mo..!_ivc for retaliating to a first strike (p.204), namely, not a r etributiv e
one, but a n ideological one:
eliminate t he prospe ct of the f uture
dominance of the riva i deo l ogy .
18.

An anal ogous confusion of negation with cancel lation or obliteratio n
appears in recent US " st a r war" thinking, where US missiles are supposed to
"'negate" incoming USSR missiles .
Moral paradoxes of deterrence take a diffe re nt dire ction;
although
involving negation t hey dep end upon perhaps questionabl e i nterconnexi ons of
intensional func t ors. One type of paradox (consider ed in §5) derives from
a policy of credibly threatening LSN war without however intending to
proc eed to LSN war, though credible th reats ( ap pear to) imply an intention
to proceed.
Another s tyle derives from acclaimed intention to reduce the
number of nuclear missiles when t he persis tent pract ice, which impl ies an
intention, is to increase th e number. This paradox is technically r emov ed
how satisfactor ily in another matter
by a dis ti nction between
longer- term ai.ms and :1.mmediate practic e , a time-ho noured method of removing

�.PPENDIX 2. On the Matter of Collt&gt;,.•Uyr,, and Indiyi,hli1 1 Responsi bility
and on Regional ~~rategie ~
What one do e s depend s , naturally , on where one lives and what mea ns one
hns , AS we ll as on wha t one should do and what sort of person one seeks to be .
So too what s tr a t egy a stat e should adopt depends on where it is located and
what sort of power it is , on national as we ll as on moral co nsi de r ations . In
presen t circumsta nces states have an evident responsib il tty to work ouc th~lt•
pol te l. cs .
The r e nre however some pcrs uua iv • argum ents that this is where uLl
r espo ns i bi l i ty ends : t he se major re sponsibi lities accrue entirely to states,
a nd ther e is no individua l, or (smal le r scale) c oll ec tive, responsib ilit y to
work out a pol i cy or stance on such matters as nuclear ar rangement s and still
l ess to ac t, perh a ps against a state, on the basis of such a stance. While such
a no-respon sibi l ity or ~-out posit ion no doubt suits many people
many for
th emsel ve s, s ome (especial ly mor e a u thoritari an power-hol ders) on behalf of
othe s - it do e s involve i nadmissib ly opting out of moral responsib il itie s,
r e spon si bil it i e s ac quired by vir t ue of being a person wHhin the fr amework of
ce r tain soci al a r r angements .
Now the r e is no doubt that individua ls a nd groups can do t his, c an opt ou t.
They ca n neglect t he:tr moral re sponsibi liti e s; b ut they are not ju stified tn
doing so. Against th i s clai.m, whi ch is bas ed ultimatel y upo n each person's
being set i n a we b of respons i bj_lity-- induci.ng social r elat ions, whether they
like it or no t so long a s they choose to liv e with others, there are some neat
arguments which a ppear to pe r mi t , or even wa rrant, opting out. One influenti a l
argument take s t he following lin es:
1.
The (o r dina ry) ind i vidual, or group, ha s no poss ibil ity of making a
d i fference t o wha t happens. Theref ore
2.
Such ind ivid ua ls, or grou ps, have no obligatio n to try to make a
differenc e . Hence
3.
Suc h i ndivid uals, or groups, are not mor a lly responsib le , f or instance when
thint s go wr ong.
There are two mai n a ssumption s in this a rgument , both of which should be
resiste d: fir stly, in gett i ng from l to 2, a varia n t of the "ought implies can "
t heme 1 , and se condly, the ass1mptio n tha t individua ls can't make a differenc e .
While it is true tha t individua ls cannot accomplis h much on their own, together
th ey can. Wha t a n individua l can achieve depe nd s on what suff ic ien tly many
other i. nd lvidua ls do.
In highly competiti ve communi ties, full of hopeful
f r ee- riders, a pe rson may encounter a familiar impasse: that he or she acts in
ma nner
M (e.g.
morally, against nuclear arrangeme nt s , r a tio nally), at
con si de r a ble pe r s onal cost , with no gua ra ntee that othe rs wil l also ac t M-ly.
Suc h nn impasse no long e r faces so many in the West, at least as regards initi al
s t eps agai nst nuclear a rrangemen ts. The individua l can cooperate with others in
ways t hat do make a differenc e.
An i ndividual is not exonerate d from
r e s ponslb1.l ity by the argument .
While ind iv iduals can re s pond by joining organisat ions whose activitie s are
di rected a t mak i ng some differenc e , many individua ls a l so have the option of
more indi vldu All st i c action in such forms as boycotts , go slows, po l itical
di s obedi enc e.
An important form of individua l resistanc e, a lready adopted in
Canada and nor t h··we stern USA, is refusa l to pay income taxes directed towards
defenc e
or v·r ious pa r t s thereof ( e.g.
nuc lear weapons productio n and
de plo yment ), or a l ternat ively redirec t ion of such taxes , for instance to peace
fun ds,
Evi de n tl y, however) all these more indivi dualistic forms of political
act ivi ty wo r k mo re ef fe ct iv~ly if individua ls integrate their activitie s, since
th e i mpac t s aggregate ( a nd appear aft e r a certain stage to exponenti ate). As
we l l co l lective action he lps in distribut ing the impact of retributio n or
puni ti ve ac t io n by st a te aut horities.

1.

Any sat i s f a c t ory d _ontic th e ory which t akes mora l dilemmas with du e
se r io usn e ss is bound to r eject th i s theme. There are als o independe nt
g rounds for j e ttisoning this Kantian theme : see Routley a nd Plurowood.
- II

�.,I&lt;,'

Th 0 re are, furthermo re, arguments of some weight that individua ls are under
Ro1ne
sort of moral obligati on to t a ke political ac t ion to disaffili ate
tlwm,, l' lves f rom wlrnt contribut es to the prospects of nuclear war. What type of
ac t ion Lhjs is depends on the sort of state one resides in, for instance,
whether i l is a nuclea r power, whether it provides nuclear bases or facilitie s,
etc., and o
such complicat ing issues as what kind of preventiv e action the
state iN l ikely to take in return. (Any state seriously practis ing deterrenc e
Js bound to take some action against effective protest, or ri sk losing
cred ibi l ity ; but there are limits to the amount of state coercion any one
individua l need bear.)
One a rgumen t - it is one of a type that can be varied from making nuclear
wea pon s to, fo
example, providing fac ili ties for them - proceeds from th e
wron g ness of nu c lear war to the pos'ition that it is not right to be making the
we~pons for such war.
The argument here appli.es connectin g principle s (like
those of §5), while appealing to such backgroun d informati on as that the
manuf act ure and de ployment of such weapons j_ncreases the risk of s uch war. But
j f it is not morally righ t to be making s uch weapons t hen those who live in a
state that is doing so ought to d isaffilia te themselve s from such defence
productio n, an1 disaffili ation includes not paying for such prodtictio n through
d e fence taxes .
The argument is not without substanti ve as sumption, but the
a s sumptions appear morally reasonabl e and defensi ble.
Another
effective
argument proceeds from the question of the type of moral person one wants to be :
Does one want to le, or effective ly to be seen as, the kind of person who goes
along with the nuclear destructi on of human populatio ns?
Or with making
c red i bl e a threat to do so, or th e like?
What follows applies primarily to
people wh o do not want to be, or be seen as, such people .
Arguments like hese not only put opt-outer s and do-nothin gers on the spot
insofar as they contribut e to national objective s; they also raise questions ,
perhaps eve n dil emmas, as to pol:L ti cal obligatio n fo r those who would take
act ion, ev en limited action such as redirectio n of taxes 3. For are there not
political obligatio ns to the state, such as paying due taxes and supportin g the
national defenc e effort?
It i.s usually assumed that there are. However, no
dile mma occurs under a theory which, properly, takes political obligatio ns to be
re gulated in some fashion by moral obligatio ns ;
for in this case moral
obli ga t i ons ov_rride political obligatio ns. In fact political obligatio ns are
alread y significa ntly limited by moral constrain ts. The nuclear situation does
not so muc h bring out new limits on political obligatio n, as em phasize the
respects in which those obligatio ns are already limited, and introduce further
moral considera tions against sponsorsh ip of national defence arrangeme nts.
\n obligatio n to try 4 to dissociat e oneself from preparati on for nuclear
war or from nuclear-d eterrence , for instance by not spending part of one' s
working life contribut ing indirectl y to it, does not commit one to more t ha n
this:
to an obligatio n, for example, to work for an alternativ e nat ional
defenc e policy which avoids nuclear elements. But no doubt this wou ld be a good
thing to try to contribut e towards. Once again, what one attempts depends on
wher e one lives, the level of one ' s commitme nts, e.g . to nonviolen ce, and so
forth. For not only are different types of policy reorienta tion appropria te for
different nations and regions, but there are more superfici al and deeper
rcori ntations that can be worked out and promoted, e . g. schemes that leave
2.

An argument of this type was deployed by Bishop Hunthauss en of
s upport of his refusal to pay defense taxes.

3.

This dilemma and op ti on is now removed in practice for most wage earners by
Pay As You Earn taxation schemes - schemes ap parently introduce d to give
t he state interest on gross earnings, bu t obviously very effective in
remov .i ng taxation power from most workers, and so in further transferr ing
ower from ind ividuals to the state.

4.

Given the power of institutio ns and the state one may be able to do little
more than .!:El_, without giving up one's work and thereby one's abili.ty to
contribut e to other deserving causes. For example, it may be v ir tua lly
mpossiblc for one to avoid contribut ing to a superannu ation fund which is

Seattle

in

�"co nven ti on,'.11" warf a re a pparatus more
that ch:ing,.. tha t .

H

T

~~ s

intact,

and

deeper

(ecological )

sch emes

Th&lt;:! US Bisho p , f or examplet pr esent R rather shallow set of goals for a
su pe rp owe r s uc h as the USA, which includes such objectives as preventing the
d e velo pmP n t a nd deployment of destabilizin g nuclear weapons systems and 1o1orking
for better co nt r 1 of already operational systems (see PL, p.317). The nuclear
s i t ua t i on a ffords an import ant opportunity to press however for a much deeper
se t of cha nge s in the superstates .
For those whose very limited political
i nfluence is exe rted in cons i derably less powerful states, even the shallow
goa ]
ma y look quite different: there are no nuclear weapons (except perhaps
t ho se of a nother power stationed on local territory) to redeploy or to bett er
c ontr ol .
The vi ew from the very minor powers in the Antipodes i s furthermor e
diffe r e nt from that of the medium powers in Europe. There is some prospect ln
much of the Antipodes of avoid.i.ng the more immediate effects of an LSN war,
whi le t her e is Little such prospect in Europe (cf. Preddey and o thers).
There
i s ac cordingly some obligation - an obligation little considered and not grasped
by the powe r holders - on those in the Antipodes to make some effort to preserve
th e r e in the South elements of what is valuable in world civilizatio n. Local
a nd re g ional self-intere st would also suggest substantial steps
towards
s e l f-p r e s e r va tion that (foolishly) have not been initiated.
Wha t i s broadly required in the Antipodes is not difficult to discern once
th e gonls are gli.mpsed. Steps include wlthdrawal from the American alliance,
wh jch i s in an y case of questionabl e merit since its main advantages lie with
the US a nd J.t affords no guarantee of local defence; 5 c losur e of American bases
and wi t hd r awa l of Ame r ican a cess ri.ghts for. nuclear-car ryi ng equipment to
por ts , a ir bas e s and other facilities, espe cially so as to remove local nuclear
ta rget s; pursu i t of a mor e evenhanded policy of nonalignmen t (something quite
s mal l powe rs elsewher e have managed to achieve ).
That much is easy, in
pri nci pl e ; and justified. It is justified because local commitment to th e
Am e r ica n mi lit a ry operations in the r egion lacks a solid f oundation; it is
preml s s ed prim a rily on t e acceptance of deterrence, which, so it has been
a r r, ue &lt;l ( in §5ff.), lacks justificatj_ · n. That Australian commitment to joint
Aus t r al ian-US f acilities and to US military operations in the region is
e x pl i citly bas e d on acceptance of deterrence emerges from several recent
s t a t eme nt s of gov e rnm e nt policy. The jolnt fAcilities are 'part of a system of
d e t erre nc e ' • 6
More dif f icult to e nsure, at least without much preparation , is that
economi c and cultural collapse does not follow an LSN war in the North.
Se condly, then, the building of increased socio-ec onomic independenc e in th e
Antipod e s is r e quired. It is not enough to make the region a nuclear- free zone
not wo rth targeting militarily: the regio n must also have a sustainabl e life of
1.ts own. For a small region, thcit lo oks a very costly exercise unless combined
with other desirable objectives; for example, in Preddey and others it is
estimated that a substantial portion of GDP would have to be diverted to build
up New Zealand' s economic independenc e. 7 For a larger region whi ch included
Aus t ra l ia, the costs would be less. They would compare favourably with many
Northe rn military budgets, and l1ave the advantage that much of the expenditure
is genuinely productive. If furthermore - what seems unlikely - the structu r al
readjustmen t were combined with t he .independen tly desirable aims of moving th e
5.

Se e the dJ s cussion in Ball, chapter 13, especially pp.14O-1.
How slight
t he commitments are, under the ANZUS treaty in particular, has been
e mpha si ze d again in recent defence discussions between Australia and the
USA .
Of cour s e, the ANZUS Treaty is only one, and a comparative ly minor
one , of he many mi.litary treaties that should be terminated:
from a
Eu rop ean nnd world viewpoint the winding down of NATO and the Warsaw Pact
ar r a ngeme n t s , and the r moval of American and Russian forces from Europe
( a nd el s ewhere ), are very much more important.
A ful l e r d i scussion of Austr.alia's defence phil osophy
will appe nr in a subsequent publication in this series .

and

alternative s,

�76

whole reg i on towa rd s a multi- c u ltural conserver societ y and perha ps even
dh,r ,, r t i ng
"d e fence " spend i ng to conne cted self-managem ent and soci al dt'!f ence
gon l s, the costs would be very considerabl y lessened . They only appear so g r eat
in th e s e tting of a consumer-s atellite soci ety. In any case, wher e lif e and
c ul tu r e themselv e s are conce rned , the cos t s do not appear excessive.

I n sum, Southern countries s ho uld be s e vering their milita ry linkages with
Northern
nuclear
powers 8 ,
a nd
s hould be preparing now, socia lly and
e conom i cally, for the time af t er the LSN war, the g reat No rth ern war.
Howev er
ther e are serious blockages in the way of such th ngs in the Ant ipodes) and
inde e d impeding an y substantial attempts to lessen the impact of LSN war.
Some
of the blockages derive agai n from the f act that present nuc l ear arrangement s
favour man y of the power holders and s u it strong cor porate interests which wield
poli t i c al powe r .
But the main blockages to mo r e popular action a r e sl og a nis ed
r.n the false dlchotomy: "either it won't hnppc.n or we ' re all dead a n}•wayj
so
why bot he r".
One reason for blocka ge is then the extinction assumption ( S l of
Appendi x 1), the unwarr · nted a doption of which is excessively nihil is tic .
A
mor e i mportan t reaso n is that most people, and most of the ir political
re pres entatives, do not bel ieve that majo r repercussio ns of LSN war are going t o
bcf;1l l
th e m.
These are e vents which , .l i. ke starvntion and tortur e , happen to
o th ~r ( r mot) pe o ple , not them.
It is no t tha t LSN war i s unthinkabl e :
rather i t is that i t seems
unb,~llev a hl e t ha t it should make any d ifference . Most people in t he Antipodes
~eal l y do not believe that thei r lives are likely to be shattered by nuclear.
war.
Wa king up and mo bi lis ing t hese peo ple is a major part of the problem in

6.

Se e th e letter by R.G. Hawke, Prime Min1.ster , replying to a symposium on
conseque nces of nuclear war, Canberra Times, Saturday July 23, l.9 83. The
point is also made by the Fore ig n Minister in his Evat t Memor ial Lecture ,
as
Hawke~ notes.
The point is softe ne d by r e pr ese nting the fac i li ties as
also having a role i n verificatio n, as well a s dete rr ence, 'that mak es arms
c o nt rol and reduction feasi ble': the known role of the facilities in war
fighting i s not alluded t o , and nor i s t he fact that any verificatio n role
can be alte rnat iv ely a ccomplished us i ng satellites. However the matter is
not in any do u bt:
'successive Australian governments . • . have taken the
vi e w that our primary conce rn should be to suppo rt the effectivene ss of th e
Uni ted States deterrent to war itself' (D.J. Killen, Minister for De fe nc e;
quoted in Threats to Aust ralia ' s Sc ur.lty, p.17).
Government representat ives (e. g . Hawke ) conc ed e that the joint facilities
put Austr a lia at nucl ea r risk.
' Howev e r it is t he judgement of t hi s
Government that the benef.its to Australia in terms of its immediate
int e rest and globa l st r a tegic consideratio n outweigh potential risks'. A
prope r de cision-t heoretic analysis would not sup port Hawke's claim:
since
Australia is known to be a nuclenr t arget because of American bas es (c f .
Ball, pp.130-8 ), the pot e n t ial risks given that an LSN war has
a
non-ne gligible probability far outweigh a ny i mme diate benefit s . Since
Australia has only a r egiona°i strategic role, the global st r ategic
consideratio ns are , as could be othe rwi s e i nferred, primarily those of the
ma in user of t he facilities , the USA. The Governme nt is prepare d to put
Australia , its peoples and e cosystems , a t what is decide dly serious risk
.for i.mmediate and Ame r ica n i.nt ere st s .
A
worthwhile
re presenta tive
government docs not hold its people s hostage for such re asons . Not only i s
tha t short-sighte d expediency decision maki ng: it seems virtually cer tain
t ha t the &lt;letai l s of the decision mak ing, were they ever. revealed, would not
justify the policy in the longer term even on the basis of expediency, bu t
wou l d turn on s uch things as present trade advanta ges and short-term
co mme r c ial considerati ons.

7.

As to the e c onomic and so cial problems Aus tralia would face in t he event of
a n LSN wa r, see Coombs fo r a preliminary as s es sment.

8.

Id e ally the removal of s igni f icant nuclear targets should t a ke pl c e nc ro as
the whole Sou thern Hemisphere , because this is the zone that is r e latively
insulated, a t mosph e rically, from the Northern Hemisphe r e.

�77

achie ving requ isi te social and politi e Rl ~djustmen t.
-yen those who believe
tha t LSN war ls no t improbabl e (but may well not be totally destructi v e of life)
do little to reo r ganise their lives in a way that would reflect their
assessmen t: . 9

Richard Routle y*

9.

Aga in , for some of what to do, for some ways to reorg a nise, see e.g.
Mart in .
There is als o much in teJ.J.ec tual work to be undert ake n, for
example , searching out details of alternati ve arrangeme nts, and al so
dJ.scredit ing establis hment experts, especiall y economist s and poli.tical
scienti s ts , who intellect ually underwrit e present nucl e ar arrangeme nts .

*

The tex t has bee n much improved as a result of detailed commen t s by C.
Pigden , R.
Good in, N.
Gri ff in t B. Martin and L. Mirlin, and through
cor r espondenc e with G.
Fo ley.
J.
Norma n has helped in its final
organisat ion.
The initia l outlines of the pa pe r were worked out in
Victoria , Canada; and an early version was read a t Simon Fraser Universit y
in 1982 .

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to a$ A/i,.

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Situation ,

referred

c.u.

Beck,

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in

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s.

&amp;

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nuclear

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and

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5

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effective

internati onal

G. Foley, ' Jonathan Schell : Genius - Phi losop her - Rewrite
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Man ',

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t ypescript ,

G. Foley, Nucl ea r Prophets. The True and the False_, typescrip t, Bri sbane, 1983.
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of

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Ohio

State

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You?

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Macmillan ,

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�79
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o[

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New

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of

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and

75

(1978)

Decision

12

G,S. Kavkn, 'Doubts about unilatera l nuclear disarmame nt ' , Philosoph y and Public
Affairs 12 ( 1983) 255-60; referred to as DU.
L. Kuper, Genoclde: its Eoli~ical use Jn the Twentieth Century, Yale UP, 1982 .
D,P. Lackey, 'Ethics and nuclear deterrenc e',
Rachels), Harper and Row, New York, 1979.

in

Moral

Problems

(ed.

James

D.P. Lackey, 'Missiles and morals: a utilitaria n look at nuclea r det e rren ce' ,
Philosoph y and Public Affai.rs 11 (1982) 189-231; referred to as MM.
D.P. Lackey, 'Disarmam ent revisited : A reply to Kavka

and Public Affairs 12 (1 983) 261-64.

a nd

Har de n',

Phil osopl'l_

B. MarU.n , Grass Roots Strategy Against War, Freedom Pr ess , Nottingha m, 1984 , to
appear.

A.A. Mazrui ,

A World Federatio n of Cultures: An African Pe rspective , Free Press,
New York , 1976.

J.C. Murray, Morality and Modern War,
Affairs , New York, 1959.

Cou ncil

on

Reli.gi on

and

Inte r nati onal

T. Nagel, 'War and Massacre ', in Cohen et al, pp.3-24.

J. Narveson, 'Vlolence and War ', i n Regan, pp.109 -146.
National Conferenc e of Catholic Bishops, Committee on Wa r and Peace, ' The
challenge of peace: God's promise and our re s ponse' , Origins 12 (20) (1982)
306-328; refer red to as PL, for 'New Draft of Pastoral Letter '.
Oxford E_i~~lish Dictionar y, Oxford, 1971; referred to as QED.

B. Paski.ns and M. Dockrill, The Ethics of War, Duckworth , London, 1979.
G.F. Preddey and others, Future Contingen cies 4. Nuclear Disasters , A Rep o rt to
the Comn1issio n for the Future, Governmen t Printer, Wel lington, New Zealand,
1982.
P. Ramsay, The Just War : force and political responsib il itt, Scribner, New York,
1968.
J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, Harvard Universit y Press, Cambridge Ma ss., 1971 .
T. Regan (ed.), Matters of Life and Deat h, Random Hous e , New York , 1980.
R. Routley and N, Griffin, 'Unrave l ling the meanings of life' , Discussio n Papers
in Env i ronmental Philosoph y 113, Aust ralian Natio na l Universit y, Canberra,
1982.
R.

Routley and V. Routley , 'The
Alternati ves 2 (1982), 23-8.

irrefutab ility

of

ana rchism' ,

Social

�80

R. Rou tl ey ~nd V. Plumwood, 'Moral dilemmas and the logic of deontic notions'
in
Paracons i stent Logic (ed. G. Priest, and others~ Philosop hia Verlag, 1984.
R. Scheer , Wi t h Enough Shovels: Reagan, Bush and Nuclear War, Random House,
York, 1982.

New

J . Sche l l, 'Refle ctions (Nuclea r Arms - Parts I-III) ', The New Yorker,

February
48- 109, and 45-10 7, respecti vely. This
P.&lt;&gt;rinr; , trnh tl t lcd Th£&gt; Fat e of th Enrth, hfls now appcnred as a hook wlth
t hat tit l e (Knopf, New York, 1982). Referenc es in the t ex t are to the book.
1,

8,

and

15,

1982,

pp.47-11 3,

T.C. Sche lling, The St rategy of Conflic t , Ha rvard Univers ity Press, 1980 .
G. Sharp, Explo ri ng Nonvio l ent Alterna tives, Boston, 1971.

D. and R. Smith , The Economi cs of Militari sm, Pluto, London, 1983.
F . Soo, ' Mao's vision for China', in ContemP?_rary Chinese Philosop hy

Adelm ann ) Nijhof f , The Hague , 1982, pp.62-80 .

T . Taylo r, Nurembu r g and V:letnam: An
19 72.

American

Tr agedy,

Times

(ed.

Books,

F.T.

London,

E . P. Thompson and D. Smith , Prot est and Survive , Monthly Review Press, New York,
198 1.
Threats to Aus tr alia's Security . The ir na ture and
Gove r nmen t Publishi ng Service , Ca nb erra , 1981.

probabi lity,

Austral ian

R. W. Tuc ker , The J ust W r, John Hopkins Pr ess, Baltimo re, 1960.
M.M. Wakin (ed.), War, Morality and the Mil i tary Professi .on, Westview ,
Colorado . 1979.

Boulder ,

t

M. Wa l ze r, Ju st and Unjust Wars , Basic Books, New York, 1977.
R. A. Wasse rstr om ( ed.) War and Morality , Wadswor th, Belmont , Cal i forni a , 1970.
B. Will.lams , ' How to t hink sceptic ally about t he bomb', New
1982).

Society

S. Zuck.e rma nn, Nuc lea r Illus :l.on and Reality, Collins , Lo ndon, 1982.

( Nov .

18,

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              <text>l 89 - .r

1 NTRO!)UCT f 0N.

Vlrt· uc1l ly .11 1 t h e ph i1os ophi.c ;l1 lit cri'!ture on nur.le a r war ls wr i t te n from
;-1
SllfK·rpower (predomin an tly Amer i can) or e lse European (mainl.y German,
British or Fre nch) viewpoint.
This art:icle, a f ter connecting in initial
section s with Northern Catholic literatur e , adopts a very different Antipodean
s La nce . Such re gional per spective s , whil e t he should not affect
the morality
o [ t he mat t e r, ,ff , highly po1i ticaJly relevrmt.
eitlH_•t

t he phJ.lo so ph i ca l li tera tun~, c&gt;spec ially t:ha t emanating from th e
als o
a i l s th e test of morality. lt is c oncerned only or primAr i ly with
what i s good o r "rati onal" or prudential f o r A.raer.i.cans,
or for the American
sl.ltc, t o do ~ whereas mora l ity is ind e pende n t o f place, race , natio na lity and
t ile li ke . This article tries t.o take the morality of the matter, and the
r es ult ing r ed is tribution of mora l and political obligations, seriously. It
c onc l ud es, amon g other things, that th e Ame r i can and Russian states have no
moral bu s ine ss putting nonaligned peoples at suc h grave risk as pre sent nuclear
ar r angemen ts involve.
Mtwh o f

U~A,

CUNTENTS AND OUTLINE: Itali ci sed heading s §3 - §8 indicate the ma i n
structure of the argument
Pag e No

§O.

Introduction. Nuclear vs conventional wa rs, and new moral

l.

i ss llPS . L,1 rg e-sc nle (LSN) vs limited nuel ea r wars , the focus on the

f ormer , but the l mplic tions for the latter.
§1 . J_l5)w nuclea r wa rs differ from o t her wars; wars and Htates, and the
2::.9s ulti ng l imi ted appr~riateness of older models and theories of war.
War chc1rac t e ri sed. The e ss e ntial role of th e state. New and diff~r nt
featur es o f nucle ar wars.

2

0

§2 . The mora l si tuation: the recent: tendE:'n_c::L of moral consid e rations
-~-~~s_ome e_n t.i.re ly submerge d_ in_ the context o f war.
The nncl e nt d ist i nction of morality and expediency. Strategic planning
base on expe di enc y. Argume nts tha t war must be expediency-base d refuted.
Mor a l i ty dues nol have to, and ought not to, give way to expediency.
Uti lit ari a ni sm nnd expediency distinguish ed . Limits to consensus:
s upermen and s u pe rhawks. National Interest and expediency assimilated.
Li mits of st ate e n titlement.

§3 . The initial a rgum':nt to the immorality of LSN wars.
One ke y argume nt, from the wrongness of ki.lling noncombatants in mass, is
pr esen t ed, ass es sed, and criticisms met. Ar guments for the premisses of
the ke y argumen t elabo r ated.
§L1. Argum e nt s f r om historica] r equirement s on ,just wars: the important
a rgume nt from convergence, and env:l.ronment a_l ar~Ements_ .
Argume nts from just war requJrements: di sc rimination; proportionality ,
p r ospe ct of success. The detailed convergence argument, from rival moral
positions. Arguments from enviro1nental principles.

§ 5. The shift t:o nuclear deterrence: nrgume nts to its immora~-~~·
De t e rre nc e seen a s the only prac tical way to satisfy major desiderata:
p re ve ntion of wa r: and maintenance of pruden t ial values. Pure deterrence
not t. he po H e y. De terr c nce ais prac t.! c (• d has i.ncreased the probability of
nuclea r war. Th e first argume nt to imruorHlity of deterrence, from the
pla u s ibi l i t y of probab-Ui.ty of Immorality. F11rther arguments through
&lt;l ~u n t i c conn e ct.l.ng principl(~S : the probahl ll Ly l.inkage. Refuti.ng the
c ou n t e rargume nt from the succe ss of deterr ence . The way the onus of

1.

5

11

1 !•

17

Page No
!,ills on deterrence policy , 1.Jhi ·h cannot mt&gt;et. evidcnlla J. requireThe second connecting principle: the wrongness of serious
prc'p.tralio n for nuclear war. The general form of connecting pri nc ipl es;
separating out t hose hat arc correct . Th e third connecting principle:
the wrongness of se rious threats of nuclear devastati.on . Criticism of
this principle lead s to further connecting principles, th rough i n te ntion
and through commitment. Meet i ng counterargumen ts from utilitarianism .
AppJying the connec ting prlncip1es to argue to the jmmoral:tty of
deterrence. Arguments from limited convergence: pro- and anti -ut ilitarian
versions. Other reasons for deep dissatisfaction with de terrence .
piu,.,f

Till·lll H.

56. ~£0Ctical ,___pru&lt;lcnU.al and more moral arguments from national
daugers Lo nuclear build-up of the ~upe r statc.s, and the genes i s . - of
nu c 1 t',ff di lemmas .
The tirgume nts from nucle,:-ir black.ma:!.l and foreign domination, and from
risk of nuclear destruction. The crucial arg ume11t from basic ri g ht s and
f11ncl;iml.'nl.al values. The argument from i solated people to superstate
iwnoral ity. The supers tat e theme, and rea&amp;ons for its appeal . The much
less p0rsuasive de endcnt state theme. Ch:1llcnging the assumptions of
tllr&gt; undt'rlying rc latiatory mode].
§7. The rcsulring nuclear di~emmas ·- fo r nligned states and their
_supporl e rs.
Ch,nc1ct. er ot the nuclear fix. Subsid iary di lemmas: natio na l securit y vs

37

43

fre edo m nnd democratic arrangements; personal and role dilemmas. Features
of deontlc dilemmas. Deterrence presented as second-bes t escape from the
nud.car fix . The nuclear fix a fix of s t ates' own making . Interconnection s
between the nuclear fix and nation-state arrangeme nts.

§8. Wavs out of nuc lear dilemmas: initial political fall-out f rom th e
ethical res 1lts.
Tl1e inevit.c1bil i ty of limitation s on nat1onal sovereignt y. In terstate
and ex trastate approache s . The Way Up and th e Way Down of extrastate
approaches . Arguments for the Way Up, and the decisive case aga i.ns t it.
FaiJurc of internati onal agreement s) espe ci ally on human rights and
geno ci de. Excl11s ion of nuclear dete rrence und er the Genocid e Convention.
Need fur the reexam i na t i on of current political arrangements i mpo sed b y
the nuclear fix. Deficiencies in present antiquated politi cal a r ra ngen.ents revealed by nuclear problems . Further arguments from the nucle a r
1 ix for polll lc:il reassessme nt. The we . k J i.nk: the sovereig n nationstatc. Forfeit11re of political obligation by many st~tes . Alternative
po 1 I. Lical arr;__ingcmen t s vs nuc lcar time hor 1.zons.

49

The rnultt-track Way Out of the nuclear dilemma. The main polit ica l
mea ns lle outside state governmenta l apparatus. Laying the s pectre of
ideo1ogicnl domination. Social restr uct u ring a nd devolution of powe r.
Graduated disarmament and transarmament, and letting state sovereignty
go. Dissolving the arguments f r om natiorrnl dangers. S .. a e r e si.stance to
loss of po wer . Further lines of o r ganised act ion agains t nuclear states.
Appendix 1: On

Scl1;!1l

t he fate of mankind and the ea r th, according to

and Anders.

Nuclear prophets a nd prophet .i c ru bb ish . The ext in ct ion assumption .
Common emerging themes of Sc-hell and Anders. The extravagant anthropocentric assumption , and some of wha t is wrong wi.th i t. Second death
dlsmlssed . The universal i ty of peril. The alleged universality of
responsibili t y : the Pogo theme . The correct, but undeveloped, whole
earth theme . Ultimately Schell offers little hope and s upe rf icialiqy.
Nuclear war is war. The logic and illogic of de t er renc e.

H

64

.1,t . . ..

Page No

~~~_cl_:!~~; On mat t ers of co lJective and individual rt'sp oirn:ibilit.y
a nd on regional strat egies.
Individual and state responsibi.J.ity. Opt-·ouL positions , and o.rguments
t.o Lhem. Failure of the arguments, and the impact of group co peration .
Arguments to direct obligations of individ1rnls to the nuclear
dissociation. Limitations of rival political ob l igati ons.
Dif f eren L pol ic y r e organi sati on for d:i ff 're n l regions. Shallm,•er and
deeper g a]s. Th e important opportunity for deepe r r eo rg.nnisution
afforde d by nuclear dilemmas. Ob.ligations of those in the Antipodes:
what i. s required, and justifi d . Soci a l and ec onomic reorganisation
in the An tipodes, and reducing costs i.nvolv1~d. Bloc kages to social
and po litical adjus tment.

iii

73

ON THE ETHICS OF LARGE-SCALE NUCLEA! WAR AN!)

NtlCLEAR

DETERRENCE

AND THE POLITICAL FALL-OUT
Large -seal ~ nuclear wars raise cthlcal questions not generated,
~ Ll

o r n~ arly

HO

th11 n e of even t he larges

d if f0 r· c n c:' !n kln&lt;l of war.

invo l ve,

and

threatened

sa id

to

so

differ

co nv entiona l wars ( t he World Wars ) as to yield a

CertFdnly ma s sive

PX

hAnges

Gt1ch

as

nuc.le:ir

wars

exchanges such a s nuc lear deterrence presupposes , ar e

neither envisaced nor fully accommodate d by tr·d ltional theories of
Muc h

at

forcefully, by previo us human mili tar y cncounters. 1 This is at

bottom because of their projected effect . , which are often
f r om

eit her

just

wars.

new philosophic al reflection and inveRtigatio n is required, even if r a ther

wel l -t est d and old-fashion ed moral princip l es will

se rv e

as

initial

ethical

ba se.
Al though nuclear wars are, thus
non ex i s tent
(extrapolat e
va r ie tiea,

objects,
1

nuclear

wa rs

from n very limited
Ia

fnr, only a decidedly

menac1.ng

class

of

proper have several distinctive properties

nu .lear

experlence 2 )

and

come

in

several

particular, confined or limited nuclear war s, of which tactical

or st rat eg ic ar c subvarietie s, contrast witl1 lirge-scale nuclear wars (LSN wars)

- - - ------- ---- -1,

The US Catholic Bi shops i n t heir Pastoral Letter (PL) make the point
forc e fully:
'Nuclear weapons •.. and nuclear warfare ••• are new moral
issu s . •. The re exists a capacity to do something no other age could
ima g ine:
we can threaten the created ord 1· • • • We could des roy [God ' s]
work' (PL, p.312). While the independent analysis offered in what follows
has a great deal .i n common with the Bishop ' s position, it differs
significant ly in removing the religious backdrop and associated fe a tures
and, it is hoped, in bringing out the logical structure of the argument
more clearly and sharply. To illust ra t e the differences tha t emerge with
removal of the religious backdrop ~nd its the associated unity-of-ev il
theme, consider what happens to two examples from PL, p.323:- First l y,
peace is possible without religious enligh t enment if it is possible wit h
it: religious enlightenme nt is not an essential c ondition as there
implied . Secondly, violence does no take all the forms the Bishops tr y to
give it , e .g.
sexual discriminat ion is hardly a form of violence,
pornography an aper tc without it , etc. It ia a serious m stok e to try to
heap so many diverse and independent issues together under the one heading
(forms or violence) along wi.th war aa if t hey stood and fell together, e.g.
abortion and nuclear war.
Note tha t referencing , ·where not through an au thor's name, :ls by way of
acronym explained in the references at the end.

2.

an

The isolal ed, and unnece sary, bombing of two Japanese cities at the very
end of World War II did not render that war a genuine nuclear war. Nuclear
wars proper will he very different and v ry nmeh mo re horrifying.
Nuclear
wars proper, though elements of uncomfortab ly adjacent possible wor l ds,
ought therefore to be onfined t o merely possible worlds. Enough of their
features we can appreciate without their being brought to act~ality.

111hicl. r1c'ed not howe ver. be unlimited 3 •

explosio n

A large-sca le nuclear

involv es

war

of l arge quantitie s of nucl ear devices ove r a sizeable region;

a [unction of two main parameter s:
distr i bution.

Such

strnt.egic ) nuclear
quant l t leo

of

a

war

war

quantity

diffe rs

which

explosivc n,

ts

markedly

limited,

nnd

(megatonn age

wh ere

from

by

the

a

of

t:,Hget.s

it i s

ex plosive)

limited

assumptio n,

the

to

and

(tactical
much

or

smaller

chnr.uctcr i Rtic ,111.y

arc

cl rcumscr ibed, f or instance confined in pr i ncip l e to military inst al l ations in
a

given

reg ion.

Though

t he

focus

in

what follows is upon I.SN wars and th eir

prev e nti.on, limLted nuclear wars are by no
nucl.car

arsenal

means

a

separate

st r ike 1

s ince

a

is a prereq utsite, an d th e probabil ities of escalatio n of suc l1

waxs to LS N wars arc high (given usual reasonabl e aosumptio ns

second

iss ue ,

et c. ).

4

Because

of

these

of

follow -up

or

connecti ons, much of the ca se made

acainst LSN wars transfers to more limited wars, as wi l l become evid ent .
How nuclear wars

reHultlng

d-Lffer

from

oth er

war s:
wars and states and th e
-- ---------- - -- - --

llmltcd appropria teness of old er modelY and theories of war.

of war that has dominated mucl1 thinking, including strategi c
two

party

(or

thinking,

A model
is

th e

severa l person) game or, as a complicat ion of that, th e clan or

trib e bat tle ~.

A picture of

war

thu s

refle c tion

r e quirement s

for

legitimat e and just wa rs, which technolog ical

on

advances have
trad iti ona l

now
theo ry

ender ed
of

war,

emerg ed,

inapprop riate
ha rdly

and

especiall y

sometimes

surprisin gly,

as

a

result

inapplica ble.

of

The

made no allowance for such

J.

Another dimension of varia tion concerns the sequence of the war, es pe cially
the type of strike :lnvolved.
Though the sequence is j_mportant for the
mo r al ass es smen t , for example of th e ma in actors , it in no way alters the
immorali ty of LS N wars, as will emerge.

4.

'T he overwhelm in pro babi li.ty [.is1 that a nucl e ar exchange would have no
limits ' (PL, p.31 !+). He nce am, Jor org ument. against limited nuclear wars:
t hat any such war risks , inde ed renders highly probable, an unlimited war,
and the ris k is far too large to take. The point in fact follows by
s Lrai g htforwanl a ppli a_tio n of decislon theory, multi.plyi ng the mass lv e
undesira bi lit y (mora l and ot h ~rw ise ) of n LSN war by 'ts probabill ty gi ven
a limited nuclear war.-Giv en th e character of weapons developme nt and
present communica tion ar.rangem ents, the id e a of a highly circumscr ibed
purel y nuclea r exchange between the s upe rpower s , perhaps in the European
"theatre'' , is really a myth.

5.

There was a substanti al element of sport (and connec ted features of
prowess) in t radi tional wars tha t bas been eroded in modern t echnologi cal
wars. Nuc lear wars may be not just un s po r ting , in that no notice is given,
etc. , t hey a re also remote and impersona l, and different ly unjust, in a
mu h deeper wa y,

j

phenomena ns mass bomb.lng o f lar.ge citJes, such a s
Tokyo.

rn1clear bomb.fng , wi.th

And

j t.'

many

occurred

wi.th

Dre s d e n

and

further crucial effects be yond mass

bombJng, adds furthe r new d imens ions .
Ycl lt is impor t a nt for tic argument
1Jnchors,

Lo

historica l

were

accounted

unjust

war l s essential ly a ma tter of states and their control:

the Oxford Eng l is h Dictionar y acc ount, w~..!::_ is 'hos t .ile contentio n
ar1ncd

'war'

of

content io n

or

comba t;

cxct1i1nge is the actual e xp&lt;irience .
but

other

are not literal, but transferr ed, metaphor ic, etc. 8

proLagon ists, antag onists or players;
means

and

or

wrong.

to elabo rate
by

means

of

forces, car ried on betwe en nations, states , or rulers, or between part i es

in t he same nation or state' for control of the state7 ;
noun

linkages

G
to be awa re of what counted as war (the :emantice of the matter),
and

of wh Pn , 2nd why, w;-1rs an&lt;l military ac tions
Firstly ,

r e tain

always

a

f nction

of

sens es

of

the

States are the

forces c omprising armed soldiers are

the

a nd comba t or forceful and typically viol_ent
Thus wars ar _ external or internal

states or their rule.

(c.ivi.l),

Thus too wars have grown in

quantity and fr eque ncy as states hav e expanded , wars have changed as states have
transform ~d,

and

nuclear

war

has

emerged

with

nuclear states.

lhf,on°tic al way then to eliminate wars is t o remove states :

6.

An obvious

:i.n short, wars

ar e

There arc interes ting si delights concernin g eve n the etymology of the term
1
war' , wh ich wa s deri ved from a term meaning 'confusio n ' . In particula r,
'it is a curious fact that no Germanic nation in early historic times ha d
in living use any word pro pe r ly meani ng 'war'': Oxford English Dictiona rt
( OED) o n wa r,

7.

But of co urse there can be something quite a nalogous to war waged between
clans , gangs, multinati onal firms, even against Nature , and still more
me taphorica lly against poverty, etc. To this extent , a strict definitio n
of 'war' is being insisted upon. Even so the diffusion of power structure s
the argumen t will direct us to, has to ex t end beyond just the brea k-down of
nation--s tates.

8.

Tn to thls category (si.n ce Natu re i s no naU.on) falls the ubiquitou s and
unwa rranted war against Nature of modern times , wh ic h features just as
large in Marxism as in capitalism . As could have be en guessed , someone
.t was James - suggest ed channelli ng all war into "war'' in the me taphorica l
sens e agai.nst that unarmed and nonaggres sive "opponen t'', Natur e.
James
proposed a s a substitut e for war proper, conscripU .on of the youth for a
wa r again st Nature (see Wasserstr om, p.12).
What it boiled down to,
howev er , was that youth -was to be c hannelled into all the dirty work, in
that way to acqui r e manly virtu.s mil i tary ac.tivit.ie s "rightly" i.nstil,
especia lly discipline ;---but also service, devotion, physical fitness,
con struc tive exertion, responsi bility, and order. Another less diabolica l
sub st it ute for wars p r oper (in America n ecoropian literatur e) is through
wnr gam es and other game s of competit i ve cast.
Again specious arguments
enter for t hose bringing- out the "best" in human males, etc .

.:1n uut

,~01•1p

of ro llt:ica l :.ind asso ci ated t cclmoJ .ogJ--n l st ru cture,
and are

nltcr i ng

by

the

s tructu r e.

Wars
j _Lu a t

from

c an thu s be seen as a struct ural problem of

(other wi se

defect ive)

politi ca l organ isatio n of states ;

they are a

ional fix , n struct ural malfor mation .

helps

wa r

arise

War

Thls seman t.ically based pictur e

of

exp.la in why th e rad ical a rgumen t agains t nuclea r wars and
deterr ence

d t: vo lves into an

war-m akers ,

argume nt

agains t

aga.in st

states .

In

the
fact

( s&lt;'1 f-legit i.mise d)
on

the

war-d eclare rs

and

tradit ional theory , wars wer e

r estric ted to extern al wars, which were coni:;tr u ed as
t heir

r emoved

t1 e

right

of

r ulers (p ri nces) to conduc t for certai n politi cal purpos es;

states

or

the argume nt

was that priva t e person s with grieva nces had access to the
c our ts 9, while states
did

not ( wa r s w_re, so to speak, the intern a ti.onal analog ue of
th e law courts ).

But this is itself a very sta tist conce pti on of th• legitim
at e

place

of

wars;

ll1c• scmiJn tica i s not so rest.r .i ctive and permtt s intern a
l wars with i.n i; t ate s, for

examp le t.o end wars, injust ice, etc.
Let. us

a

h OW\ ) V1_. r

to brlng out what is differ ent now - confin e att e nt1on

-

basic and moat famili ar cas e, extern al wa rs hetwe n two s
tates or sets (axes)

of st a t. es , two-pl a yer ex t cr n;il wars.
·ompr litive

game s,

could

be

won.

attent uated form for some "victo rs")
Lhc World vfars.

strate gy.

surrou nding
trad i tional ly

firstl y

for

mass ive

armed

wa rs,

Like

exchan ges

such

as

th •re may well be no winnin g

in

ar e as

the
of

No r thern

very

hemisp here

countr yside.

Thus,

and

the

second ly,

for

laying

the

was te

_£Dint

of

of

substa ntially

substa ntiall y

oblite rated 10 ,

(cxe rcl sed

and

most

as

nothin g
all

worse off than at the outset of the "play" .
are

huge

war

seen, to settle seriou s inters tate disput es , is remove d:

a nothe r point of diff e rcn ~e , the phenom enon of wars that
prepar ed

that:

That assum ption still held good ~hough in

Wj th LSN wars it no longer holds;

is settle d with main protag onists
player s

It war; assume d

An LS N war could involv e destru c t ion of all main Wester n
metro polita n

agglom e ra tio ns

9.

to

main
Hence

elabor ately

f0r , etc,), but which can never be pointf ully fought ;

Thus Aquina s a nd Grotiu s for examp le (see Ba rnes , p
. 776, top).
The
argume nt
presup poses rather a lo t , includ ing a neat public /priva
te
dis t inctio n . Put Aquin as's way,
it looks as if it could be readil y
t r .-:m sf erred into an argume nt for intern atio·n al govern
ment, or at least
effect ive law-co urt s , Yet all Christe ndom was suppos ed a
t that time to be
one state!

5

hence t he ineviL Bl&gt;Je emphasis on .l:..l!.E.~- deterrenc e.
.:uid

ot her

Lhf'

e lements o f gamesmen ship ha d a role in earlier wars, but it was

not pu re de t e rr e nc e .

to

mil i tary

Certainly , deterrenc e, bluff,

Lastly, tradition al wars could be confined in

tar gets

r egn rd s ju s t wa r s ;

and

military

e xchanges.

principle 11

This feature iG fundnnent al as

for, as will appear, wars that spill over in gross

uni nvolved par t ie s sac rifice any pretensio n to morality.

ways

to

The special effects of

nu -lea r exp lo s i •cs , e s pecially operated in mass, mean however that large nuclear
canno t

w3rs

be

legitimat e ly

confined.

l1orrify lng det a i l i n popu l a r so 1rce s
uz0ne

&lt;lestr uc ti on,

s hockwav es,

suc h

effe cts

gign nt l c fum i gat i on s
§2.

a nd

th e

e nti re l y

rapid

••.

speed

special effects (presente d in

Schell)

include

radioacti vity,

pu lses, fireball or firestorm

e tc., etc.

As a result

of

these

of exchange, LSN wars will resembl e

mor e than they re semble old e r - style war:s.

The mora l s ituation:

be c ome

as

el ec troma gnet1 c

&lt;lcv .,su1t .i o11, rog ue bac t e r in ;.rnd viru se s,

com pounded

Th e se

the

r ecent

tend e ncy

submerged in the context of war.

of

moral

considera tions

to

It is particula rly important

i n t he ca se of war to mainta in a firm grasp on the ancient

distinctio n

mo r a lity

or local or nat :l. onal

and ~ ..e5:..diency.

What is done in war, especiall y

between

advant a ge, may be very diff e r ent from what ought morally to be done, whether the

l ') .

There is however the degen e rate idea of war as i.nvolving annihilat ion or
extinctio n, and of winning a nuclear war as annihilat ion of the enemy whil e
no t be i ng e ntirely annl.hilat ed oneself: the side that somehow "survlves "
suff ic iently to r ebuild is said to "win".
But this is, at best, an
extremely t e nuous sense of winning , wl1ich in any case neglects the medical
ev idence conce rning nuclear destructi on.
Recen t t alk a bout winning or even s urviving a nuclear war must
reflect a failure to appre ciate a medical reality: Any nuclear
war would inevitabl y cause death, disease and suffering of
pa nde~onic proportio ns and without the possibili ty of effective
me d ical int e rvention
(PL, p.313).
Mo reov e r an y such phoenix war is r adically unjust, because of violat ion cf
the tr adit i onal requireme nt of pro portional ity, and for other reasons
de veloped in the tex~.
Unf o rtunat e ly as doc umented ir Sch ee r, significa nt off i cials who are
resp o nsibl e for the nuclear destiny of the USA - and so of t he world t hink that the devast a tion o nuc l ear war an be survived by Americans and
t hat a gl oba l nucl e2 r war can actua lly be "won"! They re ly , among other
things, on a n incredibl y low , and unaccepta ble, redefinit ion of "winning" .

11.

In prac t i ce they often were not, they drained limited economies , they layed
wa s te countr yside (though to a minor extent compared with nuclear or
c hemic al wa rf Rre or mod er n min i ng), im poverishi ng inhabit·n ts, etc.

l all('.l" f u determ in e d usi ng the cod es :ind conv en l:lotH'
Much

t.h at

oug h t

war ,

of

or

othenlis e 12,

not t o be do 1c i n wa r is do ne, for one (alleged) advantage or

anothr·r, desplte modern m:i l tt ar y cod es a n d co nv ent i ons ani the like .

we

liv e

not

go

in

a rat her bar barous age :

unremarke d,

if

the

th e horrors of the twentieth century will

history

Furt.l1c1inore rn Ll tta ry t h i nki n g a nd

ge t s

writt e n

as

wi pi ng

moves :

based

on

"stra t e gy"

disad van t ages ,

of

mor a lly

excluded

actions,

·a J.culaU o ns.

charncterist i ca---1J:x
its

is.

that

rur al populations, be come real 1o ss ib i liti e s, included in

o t

con,w&lt;ptr·n ti nli.sr

d0.Lcrmi nes

(accurately)

str ate gtc pl an n ing tend (.1s Nagel ex plains) t o

induce a ce r ta i n mo ral numbing, so th a t a r ang e
such

Hllitarily

its

e xp&lt;'di e n cy .
by

gains

own

i.t _o u~ !:_, morally,

cons i d e r i n g

and

Eac h

side

only

lo s 8e s a s

a

in a military encounter
own

its

advantages

and

r e sult. of alterna tJve possible

to consider those of the other side( s) as

well.

In

t h is way stra t eg ic planning di s places morality .
I nd eed l t ha s been contended that wa r should be planned and conducted
wa y,

a

no-holds barred combat fought to the maximal (local) advantage, without

l i mit s , moral or other (except insofar a s technology limits the means of
eLc.) .

Such

t he

class lcal

through

"bald

an

inc r emental

a

distinct

nrgumen t

tc.tt1s .
g

a r gument

from

an

t ha t

th e

It

would

And
(bu t

The

externally

wil l be broken by each pl a yer in turn for advantag e .

ext r aordi na r i l y na rrow motivat1ona l bas e i s assumed.

the

of

li mit)

escalation

man" f a llac yi 3), t hat there can be no limit.

assum p tion is t hat a ny merely s e lected limit (as
enforced

force,

Js the so-called "classic " view of Clausewicz, oft: repeated.

Cl ause wicz Lr ics to argue,
reall y

this

Thus t oo

follow

from

i d ea of a limited wa r is some so r t of contradiction i n

nut i t i. s not, though breaking off i n the he at of war, or the

s upposedl y l imited nucle a r exchange, may be s ingularly impr obable .

c onfusion
Nuclear

12.

For a s Nage l c ontend s (early on), there are moral restr ic tions on the
c onduct of warfare which are not legalistic only and which are neither
a r bit r a ry no merely conventional, nor a mat t e r of usefulness.
These
t li cn1&lt;•s
run er Lindy co11n t •r Lo the. cll.llrn :l.c t heory of war of Clnuscwic z - n
th e ory outlin ed In Walz e r.

13.

As one l e s s hair does not, at any stage, dis t inguish a bald man from a
hirsute ma n, there a r , starting from the hirsute end, no ba ld men. Th e
prog~e ssiv e escalation ar.gument concerning war is an inc remental ar gument
Jike
the t e chnic a l Sorites syJlo gisms , formalising the type of fallaciou s
a r g ume n t which shows that one more straw never makes a heap.
Th e
fn l l;i.cio us e scalation argument 'i. s pa rt of the so-called "logi.c of war ", f or
more on whJch see the conclusion of Appendtx 1..

i'

war s thus appear dec i dedl y Cla usewiczj_ a n .
for

the

l
anc,

r or

players

Still the !irgument

is

inc onclu s ive;

can choose, at leafJ t J n sma ll er calmer wars, not t o e scnlate,

examplt!, agree to abide b y arranged practlccs , t y pes of we a pons, etc. l· 4

A s t 11tc engaged in war se ld om sees i t self a s e ntirely bound by
of

mo ·al i t y:

lt i s t ake n to be me r e prude nce on t he pa r t o f those attacked to

take account of the no-imr oral- holds-ban:-e d appr oa ch t h e y

c&lt;;p,~, f,11 ly
t lw

1

constraint s

from the ot her s'ido.

11w~Liou not onl y

as

to

ma y

well

enc ount e r,

So 0a , h g1·oup po t e n t i a 1l y e ngn g cd in war f;1cps
it

wlw t

o u g ht

to

do

in

mor a lly

permi ss ibl e

si. lu&lt;1tlons , but al s o both wha t i t ou g h~_ r ea l ly do, a nd wh a t it can morally do in
the morally flawed situati on s it finds i t s e lf.

But the last question do e s

not,

in tli,1L cnsc•, r e d uce t o o ne of ex pe di e nc y .

There i s no que st ion, then, of moral i t y giving or having

0:x.pe&lt;.lienc y,

even

under

extreme

to

give

way

to

circumst a nc e s such as the prospect of LSN war

involves .

Fo r it i s not as if s haky con Ri de r a tions of

give

to the f i rm ground of exped iency when t he c hips are down, since often

way

morality

eno1gh such mora l ero s ion does not occ ur in c risis s ituations.
t hcorc~ical

fac t

is

that

both

deliver

f r om

us

But the

the

vnlue

the o q'.: .
to

Expedlency

fact,

but

urg('s ,

tba t

does

foreign

takes

local va l.ue s - o f sel f , family, clan, class, or nation - ar e

conside rat i on s .

proper charact risa t i on , a

remote

By cont r ast, mo rality requires, as a matter of its
much

univ• r sa lizable

mor e

univ e rsal

pr inciples .

rePultan t

i1,tersu bstlt uti vit y

fairness,

eq u ita billty and

of

value

and,

And morality thereby imposes, through

principl e s,

jus t ice.

distributio n

c ertain

requ i rements

of

general

Ex pe di e ncy yields an unfair , inequitable

value system, one tha t subscribe rs would not a dh e re to if differe n tly
Ttie

no t

It assumes, or

what really coun t, and ov e rride or are t o be max imized at the expe ns e of
or

to

cruci al

simply

narrowl.y-co nstr;.icd l oca l a dv anta ge or powe r a s wha t i s valuable .
even

bound

moral i ty a nd expe dien c y fall within the same,

eq 1:. 'J l y f~lrnky or equally sol ! d , doma tn_ of v al ue

miraculousl y

are

placed

1 :.,

.

Jeep thcorcL ical u1 s ati sfact orinc ss of ex pedi e ncy, and associa t ed strategic

Lhinldne , n l so Jer lv ci; from Lh i s faU. ur e

of

·va l untioi1~:;

pe r so ns X and Y are interchange d under

14.

11nd r es ults not ho ld -f ng whe1

i nt e rr e pla cement,

from

the

same

As Wa l zer a r gue s, p. 24. An histori cal ex ample i s the era of ge nu inely
I imi t cd w:1 rs l n Europe fo ll owi ng t he hilrba rl s m o f th e Thirty Years war.

B

.
expr d 1e1cy
assessm ents 16 •

ic

c~ n

For expedie ncy loes not elude

deontic

presen tation:

be pr er;ented as through such popul a r slogans as "local might i.s right",

or ft lvcn tight formal

rest•mb le

charac terisat ion .

The

charac terisat ion

will

normal ly

that o[ utilita rianism , except Lhat util i tic . are only assigne d to,
or

arc bi asse d in favo ur of, certnin indivld u~ds.

Howeve r, theorie s of ut.llity

~ol have to he posi tions of expedie ncy if utility is 11ot locally confi
ned.
util llariun ism prope r is not to be dismiss ed as
cnn

Thus

onside ring only expedie ncy;

intcrsu bstitut iv:i. y rc'quire ments of morali ty ;

meet

do

it

Lt does not, unlike the

me hods of war game theory, assign differe nt weights to the

individ ual

uti.lity

of ( ce rtnin) Americ ans, as opposed to Russi ans , say.
There

are

dc•ont.o .logis ts
r egardin g war
mora ll y

howeve r

signlfic a11t

e.speci ally,
17

•

which

differe nces,

between

utilita rians

serve to further compli cate the moral pie t u re

In particu lar , utilita rian approac hes have

permis sible,

or

to

seemed

to

effect

some

to

rend er

justify , ugly strateg i es and practic es as regards

~nemy civi. lians, that deonto logical princ iples wo uld not
permit.

already

and

partisa nship ,

since

utilita rians

But

this

is

would

reject the

descrip tion of pr.ctic es permitt ed under thei r princip les as 'ugly';

wherea s an

a im

in

what

follows

is

to

avoid

meta-e thical

me ta-ethi cal neutra lity, though of course not
there

is

a

neutra lity.

to

achieve

And

morally

large area of consen sus, or at least moral converg ence, from which

ar gumt'n l ,an bt'gtn.
S('Vcr al

moral

partisa nship,

VJ.rtua ily all positio n s

grc•

that

the

obltter ation

of

major ci ties ln a LSN war. would be wrong, indeed morally outrage ous.

If

tltere is diss e nsion, as there may be among nuclea r stra tegists
who seem to

feel

no qur.Jms when lt. comes to trading loss of some Americ an cities for
some Rus si a n
ones, s imply increas e the costs

involve d,

up

to

loss

of

whole

nations

if

l.5.

The severe limitat ions of t:hoBe l esse r ''virtue s ",
nationa lism
and
pAlriot isrn, also come from the failure of replace men t which
exces siv e
applica tions of nationa lism easily engend er. Try for example swappi
ng a
person from inside the homelan d with one from outs i de as regards
treatme nt.
The point of, and reaso·n s for , intersu bs t itutivi ty as a require
ment of
morali ty, is well explain ed in Har e , p.78ff. Hare applies the require
ment
to make a telling case agains t nEtion ali sm (a case which exte
nds to
strat eg ic decisio n-theo ry).
Nation alism, al ong with fanatic ism, is the
main cause of war, so Hare conten ds, p . 72.

16.

The case aga inst expedie ncy was develop ed in detail
especi ally the critici sm of Thrasym achus in The Republ ic .

17.

Thus the differe nces between Nagel on the one side, and Brandt and
Hare
the other, i.n Collen et al.

by

Pl ato ;

see
on

:iccesi:iary , unti.l moral repugnanc e :fs
Tile

ncounlere d;

_!: hen try to work down

again.

fact remains howe ver that Jn the nuclear area things have got substanti ally

oul of perspecti ve, morally.
abandon

or

Strategic thinking, i n particula r, has

tended

to

suppress moral considera tions ( as indeed theories of the state also

do, somet imes flamboyan tly, in favour of partisan values).
Naturally Lhe fact of broad consensus as to the morality of th e matter does
not

m ·an that there are none who would welcome such outrageou s happening s, that

to t al nu clear destructio n of the North even, would be
Cons id er

t he

w11rld ,·inpl r1•.

be

so thern

risi.ng

(hemisphe re)

no

one's

advant3ge .

strongman , SS, who has v :lsions of

Wlillo l.lH' t,uperpowt• rn of lli&lt;' no ·t. h rcm:i in, SS ' 1.1 dnwm ·a n

realised.

Thus

his

best

strategy,

having

rid

s ubmarines and ·outhern lands of US bases, is to try

nil lear

to

exchange

in

the

North,

There

would

southern

to

be

waters

encourage

a

hardly

an

of US
all - out

point then in securing

institutio nal arra ng emen ts so that potential SS's do not accum ulate much
espe . ially

given

the

apparent instabi lity of crucial world arrangeme nts.

tlrnt is to nnt1eipnt e:

lhc present point :1.

has

and

tts

power,

limitatio ns,

is

an

thnt ( t he fnct of) moral

inadequat e

But

conse nsus

const r aint without accompany ing

struct ural adjus tments.
For , typJrnlly ,

&lt;lifferc11 tly

to

nationa l

impose

interest

ls

taken

hosta ges

or

override

morality,

e ven

holding

civilian

populatio ns

kill:lng m111.lons in the national :i.nterest 18 ).

unfortuna tely, these assumptio ns are not confined to more totalitar ian
such

as

of those

those of Eastern Europe.
things.

substitut ion

of

jus tificatio n;

fails

in

The

first,

expedienc y

,

.
C.!.BSSC,S

And,

regimes,

But morally national interest can do neither

the

overridin g

for

morality ,

of

morality,

which

the second, the alleged mor a l dominance of

:important

or

irresi stibl e ethic a l claims t ha t dominate mo r e ordinary

cthicnl considera tions (such as those conc er ni g
nuclear

to

is

entirely
national

simply
lacks

the
mo r al

interests ,

of cases, including , so the argument wi.11 go, the

case of LSN war.
18 .

As Sche ll blun l:ly puts it, 'What io being cl.aj_med is that one or two
countries have the right to jeopardis e all countries and their descenden ts
in the name of certain bel iefs' (p.132). However this way of putting it
leaves room for ambiguity , since the belie fs may be morally grounded rat her
than based on national interests .

Stales may i ns i st upon opera ting one self ish national interest basis ,
Ii:!.

It

nol

be

pretended

expcJ i&lt;"ncy (na me l y ,

that

tha t
of

it

i.s

"group

but

n montl basi, as distJnct from one of

ego1 sm " ).

There

no

1s

special

moral

d.ispensa ll on

fo r governments.

j ndiv iduals :

ther e ia no loe;i.cal diffe ' nee .ln the patter1 of jus ti fi.cation, or

analys is of obligation.

Morality works :ln the same way for groups as for

For e xample , what ought to be as regards Xis (analy~ed

semant i cally) what would happen as reg a rd s X in all ideal worlds;
no

di ff e r e nce

organisation.
extenuating
killers:

whether

X

is

an · individual

States such as Israel (in i ts recent invasion
reaso ns

aside,

be having

just

as

beeu

conce ded , special moral dispensations;

more Lhan tha.t and do not sta nd up to crit.i.cism.
cannot

immorally

makes

system, grou p or

of

Lebano n)

are,

as brigands or mass

there is no moral difference.

Certainly t here are gro unds on which states
or

individual

or

and it

f11rnish

two

(incompatibl e)

their a gents

01:

have

claimed ,

but the excuses offered are no
A

moralities ,

a

s atis factory
state

moral

theory

or public one and a

private or individual ci tiz en one - state expediency Rnd individual

morality

becaur;e thi s would lead t o violations of sub st itutlvity , neutrality, etc. 1 '3

ins t ance , a state ope ra ti e X could us e s tate

mor~lJy impermi ssi ble ways, ways ruled
Y are permuted .
special

01 1t

cover

(e.g.

to

considerati.ons

citizen

Y

in

by state interests) when X and

A group or organisation or pe rson can be

der iv ati ve

damage

For

bound

of

course

by

in virtue of role, but these are der ivative

prin c iples - good for any such 1nstitution - which fit within and answer back to
general

moral principles.

So it is also with a state which is an institutional

arrangement justlfied ( i nsofar as it is) by the way it answers back to some
least)

of

its

citizens:

its

charter does not legitimate emergent allegedly

1orR l principles which convenien tl y coincide with those of state expediency .
particular,

a

sta te is not

1 morally)

survivrd .

In

entitled to risk the lives of many of its

own citizens and of other p~oplcs and creatures for its own ends, even
ow n

( at

for

its

Thus it is not entJ.t led to do what both nuclear war and nuclear

de terre n ce r equ l re, as will emerge.

19 .

There a n ~ also othc•r arguments agai nst two (or
see Routley a nd Plumwood.

multiple)

morality

Lines:

11
!-: ' )
'j.J.

The i_ni t i&lt;d argument

p:1cifli;m

yield

arguments

to

the

tmmora1 lt.1_

of _ LSN

wars.

to

tb e

1mmora1it.y

of war.

But 1wch a rgum ents ;ire

controversi a l in an area where th ere is no

go od

r·ason

to

Argumen ts

be

for

controve rsial.

Pacifism can accordingly be se t aside as a spec i a l case, stnce the immorality of
LSN

wars follows .
All but pacif is t positions concede that war in itsel f is not a c rime.

nil

wars are immo ral, though eve n inoffensive wars may be pointless or inferior

ways of settling po litlcal issues between states .
wa r s

who

Not

are

Among more or l es s admissible

th e inte rna tiona l " tourname n ts '' of arlstocrat ic young men or warriors

volu11l'cer

:w

Ho ldlers

nnd

whos&lt;'

actfon

does

no t

6pi.ll

ov er

on to

noncombar.an ts , a nd some early a nd medievvL wars , wh ere few or evet no combatants
were kjl.led in war.

conscrip tlon,

Since the esta bl i shme nt

press-gangs

and

recruitment

of

such

of

the

lHrgely ceased to take these less offe nsive for ms;

induction

prac tices

as

near-d es titute, wars hav e

modern massive war s are

far

removed from the ideal war-tourn ament typ es (which fea ture now only in ecotopian
por traya l s, in ways that are in creasingly dub ious ).

imrnornl,

Most

s orts

of

wars

are

because of what is done to the essentially un5_nvolved, but few to such

a n exte nt as LS N war s .

The first argument to th e

immorality

of

LSN

wars

and

of

sufficientl y

larg e-sca l e wars ge neral ly, takes the following form:

Pl.

The (deliberate ) killing in mass of noncombatan ts is wrong.

P2.

LS N wars involve the killing in mass of noncombatan ts.

P3.

Wha t inv olv es wha t Is wrong is wrong .

( KA)

LSN wnrs ar• wrong.
The parttcular a rgument g lven i s ju st one r epresenta tive of a set
of

Lhis

type.

the

(KA )

t·cpL1ccs

But the

qu1. te

'kl.11:!.ng

su ff i c l en tly

11v :i.l.

crcH tu res' .

Thu s

t n ma ss o f noncombatan ts' by a

cl~rnse concerning 'huge des truct-lon of 11.f esty l e of uninvolved or
i. nvolvecl

f ocus

can

destructio n cf li.festyle of nonhumans and humans

fJJ i k(~ Ll w t :in L'., N war wJ 11 brf ng l a
on

arguments

Cha racte ri sti cally, in Western culture, it is thought that mass

kl l Ling of h11m&lt;1ns ls a bout the worst th i ng that can happen.

vadu tlo n

of

not

ll

fir s t

uitable
directly

Other vuriatlons will emerge in the di.scussi.on (i.ncluding

th at: where the bracketed 'de.liberate' figures ) .
The argumenL Js valid,
,1L t a .kcd)

on

the

basi :3

but
of

may

each

be

attacked

( and

of its p1·emisses.

has

in

ef fe ct

been

Let us consider these in

reverse order. The principle, P3, used in the argument, that what involves

11

what

is wrong" is -wrong, has been c hallenged on r:1ther Scholastic grounds. There are,
in partic ular. problems like those generated by Good Samaritan arguments,

purport

o shot.J tha t some proper obligations involve wrongdoing.

as~~lst.i.ng :rn in jured robbed per son is said
robbed;

but, s ince the ro bbin g is wrong,

to

"involve."

providing

For

which

instance,

that person ' s

assistance

belng

is also wrong.

But thes e pr oblems derive from too slack a not1on of i.nvolvement; w:i:th a tighter
accoun t of invo lvement th e problems disappear and P3 stands . 20
As aga inst P2, it may
legitimately

directed

be

argued

against

that

mi lit ary

nuclear

targets.

wars

can

be

encounters

But given the character of

nuc lear wea pon s, LSN war s could in no way be co nfined to such targets.
net

merely

the likelihood that many missiles ex plode off target, ther e are all

the ot:he r eff ects of large-scale nuclear. bombings.

fnlloul

There i s

down-wlnd

from

military

pcopJc, es pecial Ly in the cas e of
uninvo.lved co u11 t rl cs aucl

tnrgcts
US

and

For example, t he radioactive

will affect large conc entratio ns o(
European

t argets ,

and

may

affe ct

as Conn &lt;l o.

There may be an attempt to avoid the problem of massive civilian casualties

by

appeal

cffcrl ) 2 1.

t o s uch dubious pri nciples as the doctri ne of double effect (or side
If missiles wer e c haracte ristically

r.eliAbly

on

target,

and

one

20.

The challenge to P3, which is often expanded to a "distribution of
obl igat ion over entailment " pd.nciple ,, can be removed by a ti.ghter
involvement connective, linked to a good paradox-free entailment.
For
de t a il s s ec Routley nnd Plumwood, where Good Snmar.i tan problems arc
diagn osed.

21.

According t o the doctrine , which is one concerni ng responsibility, we are
rcs ponsJblc
only
for the intended e ffects or consequenc ~s of our
freely-c hos e n actions, and not for other (side) effects or consequences,
even U
these are foreseen and/or intimately tied to the intended
conseq uences .
Unless carefully hedg ed, the doctrine is
pernicious ,
a llowing those who suitably adjust their intention to escape responsibility
for evi l th e y knowingly perpetrate. Thus, for instance, a Russian supreme
comma nd which intended only to take out US military targets would, under
double effect , have no responsi bil ity for the resultant effect on American
and Canadian cities!
Taking the i ssues concerning do ub le effect to a more
satisfactory
conclusion would however require a larger theory of action, which duly
dis tingui s hed acts (what is done) and outcomes from attached intentions .

whicl1 was

intend ed

unfort unatel y

only

went

off

to

destro y

an

unma1H1&lt;HI

und e r g round

Such claims shou ld be reject ed :

ci ty.

dou bl e

effect

Noneth e l ess

the

circum sta nc es

differ ence , for they m.ay mitiga te atti tu des to tho s e rcflpo
ns lbl f'

,1

for firing the nd ssi.le, .·i.nce
the

the

thr actjo n would be wrong, and th e

~.:_~:~ ~css nol ]c$sen cd by the g lv n lntent l.on.
innkc

silo

course and destro yed a large ci ty, it c ould be claime d

th.:it t.h ~~ (uni.nt cndcd) mass dest ructio n is legitim ised under

could

missil e

j

t was not as if t he y had

del iberat ely

aimed

at

The double effect princ ipl e confla te s [dimin u tion of]
respo nsibil ity

Assign ed for an act with the [dimin ution of ] wrong ness of
the act.
~s agains t Pl, and as regard s the middle term of
argued

tha t there is an impor tant equivo cation .

the br~cke ted term, ' delibe rate ' .
killin g

and

P2,

it

The equivo cation is induc ed by
be

conc eded

that

de libera te

milJta ry ,

e . g.

farmer s

or

goods

or

servic es

bootma ke r s or ente rtaine rs .

used

exclud ed

as

innoce nt .

The

s econd

d~ten sible - versio n of pr emis s P2.
other.

for

re a sons,

it

by

proper ly

point concer ns a much narrow er - and les s
Bec a use P2 s o amende d is

less

defen sible,

is bes t to l eave out the "modi fier" 'd el ibera te'.

What is import ant for the presen t purpos es i s the moral status
of what is
mixtur e

of

tha t wi th the motive s of the perpet ra to rs.

requir e

the

qualif icatio n

'delib e rate'

or

done,

So 'delib erate'

gets left out, equiv ocatio n is avo ided, P2 stands , and so
does Pl.
not

t he

Second ly, it will be

conten ded thAt LSN wars do no t i nvolve t he delibe rate killin
g of t hos e

a

It

no means al l inn ocent , many being direct ly involv ed in mi
litary ef f ort,

whethe r just as taxpay ers or as s upplie r s of

not

be

charge d firs tly that noncom batant s, insofa r as they are distin
guish able,

by

and

ma y

of genuin e innoc ents is imperm issible , two challe nges will
be made .

will b
are

While it will

Pl

For Pl

do es

'int e ntiona l' or the like. 22

Admit tedly nlso 'nonco mbat a nt' is a fuzzy term , but none
the worse for that, and
Lhere

is

no

seriou s

p·o blem

in

markin g out a class of clear noncom batant s,

people who a rc not &lt;lir cctly involv ed i n the comman d and
J.s,

mnrco v'r,

no

need

to

adopt

action

chains .

There

the prncti c e , derivi ng from catho li c ism, of

statin g rn init i.al verslo n of Pl in terms of in noce nts at l e ast as proble matic
22.

Despit e Na3el ' s sugge stion that it does (p.158 ).
The sugge stion depend s
upon oimila r mistak en assim ilati ons , of ac t wi t h intent
ion, and wrong ness
with respo nsibil ity, to t ho se of the double effect doctri
ne.

,1

rlns:;

":'i

,c mnk.t~

t,-,nt of r~on ,~omb:1t ants to try

t:(,

endenvourlng

c..hnrac t er i z .. , -- Rnd then

i:h c dif f ic11.Lt transiti.on to noncombatants.
there

Nnt only can arguments aga i ns t the premlsses of the argument be met,
.tr,~

for

;ir311mcnts

the

prt:'ndsses, thongh for t he subc-tant iv e moral premiss Pl

and

Lhcy aru of the cha tacterlstlcally nonconclu sive moral sor t

tend

will

For examp le, one argument for

v3ry sowcwhat with th e underlyi ng ethical th e ory.

Pl, .rnd for objecting to the kil l ing of non~ombatan ts, ts the Kant i a n one,

(to

poi.nt)

,
re s pect: owe d to tnem a&lt;· pc so ns

mi n f nn l

from

-~_gume nts

§4 .

the

understate

sc,rio usly

doing

so

23

histori_ca~ __ ..::_e~qu i rcm nts

on

wars,

just

ur

dreamed

by

conlemporary

"free·-enl&lt;'. rp r fs c" cap:l. Lalist st.ale (and

opponents

communis t

im portant

the

The conclusion t hat LS,'

wars cacno t be justly waged - nnd accordingly are ?njustified -

1e

that

fail s to treat them with the

.0..1~Jl~l5:!..'..~- from con-:_er_ger~£:::J and cnv.t ronment al arguments .

r.;omet. lti

to

of

is

Americ a

inspired,

me r ely

not
or

et c),

th e

of

same

The

conclus ion fnlls out of vc1rlouR trc1dj t i0nc1l requirements, worked out i.n mediev al
t:irnt•s ,

(or jusL

wars.

first

One of t h e r equi r ements gives but a varia nt on the

;&gt;1

:irgumen t (KA). · 1 For a necesso r y co nd i Lion for fighting a wat· justly was th a t it

to

no t be the case t hat large numb e rs of [innocent] noncombatants are bound
killc.:&lt;l (cf.

be

Barnes , p .77.5) .

A just war req ui res just means , that t he war should be

fought

by

morally

which

impli es in partic ula r that there is no indis c riminate

killing of noncombatants .

The implied principle was escapsulated in a princi pl e

legitimate

of

means ,

discrimination

(betwee n combata nts and othe rs) whi c h 'prohibits all actions

directly intended to take the lives of
p.312)

/. ~:,

.

civilians

and

of

noncombatants'

(PL,

LSN wars, where not only military installations are targeted, violate
')

(

I.lits ·cqulremcnt '' .

7.3.

Of course there are co~nterarg uments too , and not merely from t c military
in the case of small numbers of obst r uc tive noncomb a tants. One
;.rngLP
favored argument is a va r i at ion on the Bald Man: the re is no clear line
between combatants and noncombata11ts. Howe v er a s Nag el a rgues (p . 20) there
in
are distinctions between t hem, firstly in terms of thei r roles , e.g.
c,irry-Lng or u!,in? ;irm · o r dircc . ing t. lnBe who do, a nd s econdly in terms of
See a l so PL , p.312, where a
their liarmf.uJ.ness , the threat they offe r.
uj rr.p1, and ef fec ive paradigm case nrg11mcnt is up pli ed .

2 1~.

Note th at throughout, tile• te:xt adopts Llie OED eq u.:itio ns, reflecting common
lust wit h mo~ally right or correct, and unjust with morally
usage. of

- - - -··---·--

Overlapping the requirement of Just means is thac 6f
being that of net evil to net good:

pro ro rLi on
cor; tr-:

up

proporclonality,

'the damage to be infljcted and

lnc urn.&gt; d by the war must be pro porti.onate to the good ex pect ed

the damage and costs ,

req 1irement:

disproportio nate

to

goods

moral

pr0p0 rt lonnl ·l ty re qui.r ement i R

er i t1! rlon

of

the

which

doctrine

through war .

"improvement"

ln

achieved

of

confined,

nationally

no t

ar

that

way.

ov e r a ll

co n sequences

of

abstaining

i mprov ement "puts wrongs to righ ts":
c ondi. tion s

"nmel.ioratlve "

wn y

the

'a nation wages war

justly

than

Similarly

on l y

if

the

for that nation or the wronged n8tion it is supporting have a decent

s:1tisfy

for

bad,

from war ' (Barnes, p.72) .

LSN wars can

in

these conditio ns, as scen.-i:rios depicting the aftermath of s 1ch

Some oft.h e lesser r e quirements for a just war are also
wa rLl ,

nnd

war

According to the fl.rst, 'X wages wa r

c han ce of be ing better after the fighting ends' (Wakin, p.20).
no

are

Entangl ed with the

justly upon Y if the overall consequences of wa r a re bette r, or less
th e

taking

by

p,312). 27 Tt Ls not difflcu lt to see that LSN wars violate this

(PL,

arms'

the

e :a mple

that

of

infringed

reasonable expectation of success.

by

LSN

It seems that

tl ie r· c ca n b e no rea onable expe c tation of suite success in nn LSN war ·- whatev e r
t!il'

v0 ry

d lf !&lt;r&lt;' n t'Jy,
cx rhanges .

1 lmilcd

prospccUJ

of:

succl'SS

for

whatever the p rospcct:s of succf•ss in

Wha t

some

sm11ll

strictly

state
limited

clltc ,

or

nucl ea r

is le ss clear cut is th e question of whether LSN wars conflict

with th e requir ements of just cause or due fnu lt, and of right

intention.

Fo r

One (by no means
be arg ued to in various ways.
c onclusive) way is Nage l's way, from the requirements of directness and
r e l e vance in combat, the underlying ( co ntroversial) principle being that,
1
wh&lt;1tcvcr on&lt;.&gt; does t:o another person inte ntionally must be ai med at him as
a subject, wlth the intention that he receive it as a subject' (p.15).

25 .

Til e principle can

26 .

wars where t he targets ar e
c8 s cntially military ones, and noncombatants are unaccountably killed
"!nd:lrectly",would b~~ :i.ffe r cnt. Such wars are no t however excused by t he
For such wars remain unjust on
pe rnicious doctrine ~f double effect .
on lif e
several counts, e.g. they inflict disproportionate damage, e.g.
As Zuckcrmnun says, 1 Tt is st ill inevitable t hat were
s ys tnms, etc.
mil i tary i nstalla t ions rather than cities to become the objectives of
nt lack, millions, even Lens of mlll.lons of ci v.Lli a.ns w-ould be
nucl 'lH
kill e d .. • ' (quoted i.n Thomp s on and Sm i.th , p .14, where the italics are
The situation witli strlctly llmi ted nuclear

ndded ).

Zi.

Tli! r; i s riol Lo b e confus0d wi.tli wlwt lB very different, the vi.cious anclent

doctrine of proportional response - an eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and so
on - recently adapted by the Americans in their latest offi cial policy of
fli&gt;;,cib1e r e so0T1se. ,vii11~ted to the level " f att ack,

t hi i, ilc&gt; p e nds on the s e nsitive jssue of the weight assigned to what
are

se e n

as

b:J1; i c human r1. gh ts and fundame ntal value s , a nd the extent to which just wars
can
b e i.dco J og i.c a lly justif i ed.

Whil&lt;': the ma instr eam pos1.tion

of

medieva l

theory

oppo s ed to id e ologica ll y jus tifi ed war s a nd "humani tarian" wars, these wer e

was

no L ck f' nitlvely exclud ed by the trndiU.o nal theory ( cf.
lltt J e

is

wlw n 1.;o m,rn y arc

se nsitive

howe ver,

me rit,

( a nd

when

issue s will ari s e again subsequ ently).

a r g uments

are

not

do

There

.In puzzling ov e r dubi usly effcctlv e requirem ents,

dec isive ng a lnst LS N war s

h i st orica l r e quireme nts

Barnes, p .778).

not

simply

commit

argumen t s

matters

underlyi ng

the

Finally , these argumen ts from

any

presc r iptive

fallacy;

from

historic al

autho r ity

for
to

th e
mo r al

c oncl 11 s i ons, but use also premisse s to the effect that th e requirem ents imposed,
a nd

nome times applied , were justifie d.

As they are.

I n the Christia n traditio n t here were two main strands of r eflectio n on the
mo ral

rightnes s

or

justness of wars, the just war t heory and a rival pacifist

str a nd, promine nt in early Christia nity, but largely submerge d from Augustin
e on
co ntempor ary

u n ti l

times.

Both exc lude nuclear wars, one strand because they

arc ine v i tably unjust, the other because they are wa rs and

This

ls

the

involve

beginnin g of the converge nce argumen t agai ns t nuclear wars :

such wari, a re exclud e d from all ethical perspec tives, once

remov ed

( a nd

e ven,

howr• vcr you look
conse ns us

violence 28 •

Ht

very

f requentl y , when it is not) .

il morally .

a r gument;

it

The argume nt i.s not

proceeds

expedi.en cy

that

is

duly

They a re morally wrong

the

same

as

the

weaker

fr om similar results from the full sweep of

ge nui nely e thi c al position s, not from massive agreeme nt of opinion.

The deta :! le d conv ergence argumen t is an exhausti ve case by case
each

type

of

moral

theory.

Fortuna tely

deta ils

can

be

de ontolog ical a nd contrac tual theories l ead back to requirem ents

28.

one,

from

shortcu t.

For

for

just

war

These alte rnatives are not as far. removed .r..ractic ally as may appear.
For
the aim of just wa ~ theory is not 'to legitimi ze war but t o pr event it.
The pr1~sump tion is against the use of force ' (PL, p.312 ) . And ~..£. types
of wa r s a r c ruled out by Lite theory. However not all wars or violent
revoluti ons a re excluded , and that is enough to guarante e the distinct ion
be tween t he a ltern a tives. In particu lar, defensiv e ware are allowed - at
l e ast for th e defendin g side, though from a wider viewpoi nt these too may
be co nd emned
'the classic case [of the just war] ••• was the use of
l et ha l forc e to prevent aggressi on against innocen t victims' (PL, p.311).
Und e r rec e nt internat ional law, defence , narrowly construe d, is the only
legi Uma t e basis for wa r; Roma n law was only slightly more generou s, in
a llow i ng for th e restitut ion of eoods (see Barnes , p.780).

.l /

whi c l1, it ha s ,ilrcady been s hown, LSN wai·s violate.
w.1r

were

i_;ornctimes

a rriv ed

at

or

l n fact conditions for just

defended through pr inciples of such moral

th12ori · s , so tl,at a good deal of the r equls i. te argumentative

been

done .

work

already

The latter point hold s a lso as r egards ut ilitarianism, where it has

in c[fec t bee n c•hown that whatever br a nd of utilitarianism is

maxim j.sati on

utl lHy

has

is

final ly

ac complished,

LSN

adopted,

wars

are

howe ve r

excluded

ut1· 1 ·Ltar1an
·
g r oun d s . 2 9 Tl,e reason f or suc1
l converg nee .i snot f ar to see k ;
wars
Llw l

involv e

on

LSN

1:uch ma ssive infliction of pa in and colossal removal of pleasure,

tills dominates i n assessmentn howev •r Lhey 1:1 te accomplished in

utllitarlan

Tilu s any genuine alternative to LSN war ls bette r 30 •

L1i; ldon.

The arguments

ovcrwhc .lming

so

moral

far

case

outlined
against

such

mora J princi ples whi ch the waging of a n
principles

are

de riv able

from

agains t

some

LSN

wa rs.
LSN

would

su bstanti ally

wo rse

are

tha n

exhaust

th e

violate

thes e

of the theories just considered).

These

ac countable,

condition

not

( again

th e obligation to maint a in

earth jn proper shape a nd not de grade it s systems :
we

do

For there are oth e r significant

war

pri q•f pl es include e nvironmental ones, such ns :

p,cnera tions, to whom

wars

we

the r.-esponsibility to futur e
pas s

to

th e

" recei ved

the

world

it".

Such

on"

not

in

conservative

principl 0s - howeve r they are finally s atisfact or i ly formulated - are

bound

to

be vio lat ed in t he event of a n LSN war.

§5.

The shi ft to nuclear deterrence:

suppo rt

nuclear

arguments to its immorality .

Those

who

arrangements have had a way of halting - and if not defeating,

certainly turning and deflating - arguments from the immorality of LSN wars ,

by

pointing out that there is no actual engagemen t in any such wars.

What i s being

done ls, it is cla imed, quite different fr om

war:

deterrence

is

most

important

precisely

engagement
in

preventing

in

LSN
such

wars from ever

occur ri ng , as we ll as in mR int ai ning other fundamental Western values.
it

is

continued ,

deterrence

is

the

.9nly

practical

d e siderata, prevention of war and maintenance of values.

way

indeed

Indeed,

of obtaining both

Similar arguments

29.

For details see, e.g ., Lackey, especially MM.

30.

An argwnent of this sort is devel oped in more detail,
complete gc ner ality, j r Goodin, esp •c i £tlly 'Disarmame nt'.

are

But compare Hardin.
though

not

in

a&lt;lvnncerl for all tl1e va ri ous guises that de terrence is presented

in:

mutually

;.~ssurcd des truction as fnrrnerly, fle xi ble r espo nse as latter ly, or otherw.ise. 31

Su,h c1aims as to the roles and
dubious,

for

seve ral

reasons.

objective s

of

deterrence

If i.t t.rere, "sufficiency" to deter would be an adequate goal.

s uperior ity.

than

th i s,

and

sometime s

even

a

mili ta ry

goal.

In fac t there ha s
renewed

driv e

for

Pure delerrence can account nei t her for act ual nuclear weapons nor

for orthodox Wester n military strategy 32
process

decidedl y

A first reason is th a t there i s much e vid e nce,

despite pronouncements, that dete rrence is not the - the only -

been a que st for more

are

Nor has deterrence set in motion

the

of disarmament to be expected to reduce armaments to levels ap propriate

for dctct"rence .

On the cont rn ry, un&lt;ler " its"

impu.ls e

there

has

been

almost

unli mi te d acce l era tion in building arms (to pa ra phr a se PL p.318).
A other major re a son for serious doubt a bout what
sold
31.

is

being

11nder "d e terrence" labe ls conce r ns th e _proba bility f actor:

marketed

a nd

deterrence has

It ts important to observe that the di sc ussion is not restricted to one
form of deterrence, such as that of mutually assured destruction (MAD), but
applies t o al l for ms of response likely to engender LSN wa r. This includ es
"flex ible r es ponse", since the lik e ly further development i s massiv e
ret al iation to a n ini tia l Soviet nuclear raid. Part of the reason for thi s
is the extreme vuln erabilit y of the US defence systems, especially the
communication systems, e.g.
to early strikes a nd to electromagnetic
pulses.
In the result i ng great confusion, escalation appears the likely
out come . I n a ny case, fle x ible response includes massive retaliations, as
part of its ra ng e and is ultimat e ly backed by it.
It is a l so im portant to observe that deterrence as practised is not
confined to responses to (nuclear) a ttack. The threat of nuclear action
has been made in cases where a rival encroaches on a zone of interest of a
nucle a r power. I t is in part because deterrence includes nuclear responses
to what is construed as serious misbehaviour of rivals that the practice of
deterrence raises the probability of LSN war to the extent it does.

32.

As to the firs t po int, there is not onl y overkill capacity and the driv e
for suped ori ty ( oft e n repr esent ed as '"negotiating'" strength) but the
matter of counterforce weapons which are offensive weapons. As regards the
second point, US policy has been de cidedly expansionist with regul a r
intervertion in o ther nations; there have been r epe ated US threats to use
nucl0ar weapons, espec ially to deal wi th revolutionary activities in t he
third wo rld , but also in Europe in "li.mited'" nuclear war; and i n official
military stra tegy no s ha rp line has be e n drawn between c.onventi.onal and
nuclear weapons: on these and other r elated points see furth e r Lackey MM,
p.19lff., and also Thompson and Smith.
The argument can be pressed
[1rLher, to the alarming conclus ion that deterrence is larg e ly a front,
which plays onl y a minor, but justificatory, role in actual US policy.
Among fu rther evidence is behavioural data: a government with a genuine
deterrenc e policy would repeatedl y emphasize its strength (even when it
la c ks strengt h), whereas the US govcrrnnent ofte n parades its vulnerability
and weakness in public . For other evidence see Smith, e.g. p.46ff.

i.ncrt.:ascd the probability
nrms-race

type

t hat

of

LSN

war.

More

precis ely,

deterrence

of

th e

is being practised, which invol·es full-scale prepar a tion

for Lota] nuclear war, has prepared the cond i tions for nuclear war to occur, and
hns

to

that

,,,·te nt

least en hanced its prospect s of occurring .

at

r easons also, connected with pure
original

setting),

the last 30 years.

the

deterrence

and

with

the

For other

"cold

war"'

(its

probability of a LSN war has increased consid erabl y in

The reasons include the threatening posture

called

for

by

deterrence, the propaganda, which comes to be believed, that must be promulgated
to main tain credibility
overridden

or

with

''sacrificed"

a

population

whos e

real

for

military objectives;

state of military readiness;

etc.

The situation has

many

ther e

sober

analysts

century , i.e.

think

before 2000 .

is

a

high

There are s e veral

interests

are

being

the dangerous and risky
now

been

reached

where

pr obability of an LSN war this
routes

to

such

a

probability

assir,nrnc•n t.33 It wo uld only rccp ii re one in ' id e nt wi.th a 20% chance of leading to

an rscalating wnr every 8 years between 1960 and
Amer lean

2000.

alerts,

hav e

been

lucky

already .

In

of

nuclear

markedly.

the years ahead it appears likely that th e

For

the

danger

supplicant

nations

resources declines.
and

the

worsens

and

the

extent

The danger is enhanced by

connected

increasing

chance

of
the

lot.
33.

Cox).

easily

as

the

plight

extractable

continuation

of

of

crucia l
the

arms

of nuclear acci dent and human or

t ec l1nical error, none of them negligible factors as
(cf .

:l.ncrease

zones separating the superstates are increasing in

sjze and number, with Soviet and American expansionism, and

r e veals

the

exchange .

number of incidents with a real chance of engendering nuclear war wil l

race,

on

sidE? ;i.lone, have been at least as frequent, and sometimes , as with the

Cuban missile crisis , carry a considerably higher chance
We

Full

past

experience

copiously

Such a sketch can of course be elaborated and tidied up a

Even so every substantial point involved can be contested,

and

many

are

Another route to a moie than subjective assessment is to apply Delphi
methods:
weigh up the experts' a sse ssments. In this regard it is worth
noting that it is not only ''nuclear doves" who consider the probability of
nuclear war has increased in r e cent years.
Amer ica n officials have themselves admitted that the policies of
r ealis ing th e st rategic potential of counterforce attacks and of
selective and flexible responses have increased the probability
of nuclear wnr (Hall, p.128).

20

conlcntlous (thoug h not always for good reasons) .
s e em s

no

way

Fof better

or

worse,

ther e

to rna~e such an overall probability argument particularly tight;

a nd ti1t: r E:! arc p] a usi. b le arguments , from the complexity of th e data concerned and

t he conti ng ency of the future, that it cannot be made tight .
IL is bad enough however that l.t 2-._~_ de c idedly pla usible that it

proha bJ~

that

LSN

an

war

will

d i st r ibu tion pri c iples) that it
proba bl e

that

c entury.

And that is enough

a

grossly

occur this ce ntury.
is

immoral
to

decidedly

morally

on moral grounds, to change deterrence as
policy

is

i.mmoral.

For then it follows ( by

plausi ble

that

it

highly

is

sequence of events will be perpetrated this
warrant

morally to take acti on to avert the outc ome.

de terrence

highly

is

evasiv e

act.Lon.

We

ought

That in turn implies taking steps ,

presently

practised.

Thus

present

That i.s but the first of several ways we shall

nrrivc at that damaging conclusion for pres ent super-state deterrence policies.
The plnusibil ity of claims as to the hi gh or increasing probability of
war h a s of cour s e been disputed.

LSN

The mai n counte rargument runs as fol lows :

Nuclear war is unlikely , be ca use the consequ ences are too horri fying.
The underlying assumption i.s that wars and the like, with

ar c

improbable.

assumption.

Unfortunately

however

horrifying

outcomes,

much ava i lable evidence counters this

More th an enough humans have not shrunk from brutal

exchanges

horr if y i ng wars , or even from genocide, as human history attests (cf.

Kuper ).

What ts le!;s assailable than the high probabili ty claim, what the
ce r tnin ly

Ther e by, through det errence, we

si t uation,

since

have

already

got

into

t.h e probA.bility.

immoral

of

r aising

The mor e detai led underlyi.n g arg ument s , then, to the immora lity

of nucle ar deterrence proceed by

LSN

an

deterrence operates by the perverse practice of preparing for

thereby perhaps helping t o bring it about, in the sense

war,

against

evidence

s eems to support, ls that there is a non-negl i g ible probability of an

LSN war .

LSN

a nd

way

of

princ iple s

mapping

war into ar.gum~nts a gaJns t deter r ence of LSN war.

mi.gilt appropriately be called deont:ic

connecti ng

pr inciples .

moral

arg uments

Such principles
The

fl rst

of

the s e principles t a kes the foll owing preliminary form:
Cl.
should

If 1t is wro ng that X s ho uld occur, t hen not only
be

pr ob3ble

is

it

wrong

that

it

that X occur, but, more important, it is wrong to directly

i ncrease t he pt' o ba bility that X occur .
Thus, f or

example ,

s i nc e

is

it

wrong

to

ki l l

a

large

noncomb atant

po~ulatf on in LSN wa r (by §4) it is al s o wr ong to put the populati on at ris k
and
wrong to increase t he chance tha t the hostage popul a tion is wiped out,
which

nuclea r de terre nce does .

botl1

of

For simil ar r eas ons a super s t te is not morally

entitled to im pose nucl ea r r i sks upon un invo l ved noncomb atants, esp ecial ly t
ho se
of third part y no nal i gned
most

Like

"' t tuations .
defeat by
example ,

0

t a te s .

sub s t an ti ve

Unless

mo ra l

count erexamp l es,

the

second

principl es oc c u r s.
probabi lity

that

par t

princ ipl e s

in

Cl

runs

into

dilemma.

and
of

a c c ord i ng l y,

Cl

e ncount e rs

to

require

complic ation.

For

apparen t trouble where clash of

Thu s it may be argued th a t it is permiss ible to increase the
oc curs

X

ord er

to

apartmen t bui l dings 3 4 •
nuclec1r

ethi s,

d l l emmas a r e duly all owed for, Cl appears li a ble to

t o avoid a greater evil.

pilot who increase s the pr obabilit y
c r ashes,

in

dct:crrcn ce ,

make

that

t he

Cons i der for example the

passeng er

plane

he

ic

flying

sure that the troubled aircraf t does not hit cit y

Suc h a defeatin g cond i tion do e s not apply in the case of
ihe r e

(though

the r e

explains ) wro ngness of a pr a ct ic e is not

ls

a

of fs e t

clash
or

of

principl e s, as §6

removed

by

its

role

in

avoiding greate r e vil.
I L can be a r gued that it is:
argumen t

from

t he

pr e vious

a r gumen t. de s erves lit t le
perhaps

f rom

more

such is pa rt of

succe s s
credence

t he

de terrence .
th a n

the

of

the

popular

However this inductiv e

racing

world

As Barnett argues,

driver's

argumen t,

'the

happy

acciden t

has surv iv ed the first thirty-f ive years of th e nuclear era is

unimp r e s si ve e v i d e nce that we can avoid nuclea r war
34.

point

a s imilar time base, that because he hasn't had a fa tal crash yet

(des pite some close calla ) , he won't,
th a t

of

the

in

the

coming

era,

This dilemma exampl e was s uppli ed by D.
Johnston .
There are more
dif f i c ul t putative coun t e rexampl es.
For example , in inciting people to
c ivil disobedi ence, the ri s k of stat e violence in r etaliat i on is increase d.
Thus, t o ta ke C,
Pigden's example , 1.n encourag ing disobed ience, Gandhi
i nc r ea s ed t he proba bility of wrongdo ing by the British Raj.
But surely
Ga ndhi, un l i ke th e Raj, did not act wrongly? It can be claimed that Gandhi
d i d no t d irect ly incre a s e the probabi l i ty of viol ence .
But spelling out
what 'dir ec tly' means
in terms of short causal chains over which
r espo nsi bil i ty ca n be distribu ted - i s not only problem atic but leads on to
ot her connect ing princ i ples.

·2

(p. 100) .

lie offers fami.liar reasons suc h as the changing power

incrt.' ,ise

111

Russian

strengt h,

the

ri se

r e 1aU. ons,

th e

of other nu c lear powcr·s, etc .

(cf.

simllarly Cox ).
There ar e, a ccordingly, powerful reasons for concluding that
Dl.

De errencc will not continu e to work,

and. more lmportant for the present argumenl, that
D2 .

De t e rrence does increase the proba bi lity of LSN war.

The themes are of course i.nter related, and t he re as ons for t hem (which are again

persuasive bu t in: oncl usive) can be t a ken together :
some respects) weaker D2 ·- the probability facto r.
proliferati on,

the

emergence

bu t the focus is on the ( in
An initial

of lesser nuc lear powers.

reason

concerns

As a result there are

many more ways of starting a nuclear conflagrat.i on, and so enhanced prospect
Some nnnlyula co ns id e r that

lt. -i~i

us e of nuclear weapons by

confrontation

a

11

lesser

very Jf ke ly route to I.SN war l · th

stat e .

Moreover

scarcitJ

;::i nd

o f chea per suppli es, etc ,

weapo n

systems,

more

or

Lcrror

s ltua ttons,

deterrence

power

lnvolv e s 36 ,

being mainta.ined :

costs

Wi t h so many more

Arms races, and interwoven

balanc e

of

have an exc eed ingly bad 1,istorical track record.

lncr cas lng as tl1c race p roce eds .
of

resource

A second group of reasons concerns the

Ther e is substantial inductive evi dence that

pres en t

for

wi&lt;iel y d lstributed, the probabili.ty of war

through accide nt o r e rr o r is inc reased.
powrr

opportunities

growing

nuclear arms race which deterr e nc e, as practised, is ti ed to.
wec1pons

.lnltlnl

to lead on to war are increasing, with increasing world political

Jnstnbillty , relat ing to thlrd world economic de cline,
and

the

of

lead

escalating

eventually

to

arms
war ,

races,
with

such

as

probabili.ty

Next, deterrence dep ends on a certai n

balance

if that balance is unduly disturbed, as can happen

during escalation, deterrence may well fail.
A related reason for

35.

that

deterrence

practice

increases

It can be the or etically a r gued t hat the fewer the nations
weap ons, t.he l ess the chance of nuclear. war: cf.

n 1clcar
p .. 2JO n.

36.

supposi ng

th e

armed with
Lackey, MM,

The standard ar gument for deterrence as significantly decreasing the
proboblli y of wa r, would be decidedly better if the arms race were
nbandoned, a nd weapons held at the much smaller levels required just for
dcle rrenc e.
Of c our se s uch a probability-well assumption is only one of
scvera l_ thi. ngs required if det erre nce i.s to be just:!.fled.

probabili ty of war conce rn s the continuin g shifts in

poli c y,

US

especiall y

th e

rcncwc&lt;l quest for superio rity wh i ch is in creasing the inc en tiv e of both sides
to

rcsorL to nuclcJr war, the USSR t o avoid being

advantage

of

ov erwhelme d,

USA

the

to

take

superiori ty ac hi eved . 37 Rece nt dangerous shifts in US poli cy

the

tow;Jrds war fighting a r e .in part induce d by a much inc re ased accuracy of nuclear

missiles, which both weakens the case for MAD deterrenc e (sinc e mi l itary tar-gets
con be selected for strike and ci ties to some extent r emoved as

hostages ),

thereby

war.

also

weakens

the

case

against

resort

to

nucle a r

detrrrenc c requires a certain (admitted l y r a ther minimal, ye t
of

mutual

understan ding,

leaders, and even some
nuclear.

sha r ed

principle s ,

cooperati on

supe r-states.

and

soundness

transmi ss i on

Finally,

impor tant)

level

judgement

among

of

of

and

informati on

between

It is not just that t he increasin g numbers of operator s

in n position to J.aunch nuclear weapons must remain of " sound mind" and not, for

instance,

follow

through on delusions of one sort or another.

deterrenc e depends upon judgeme nts
seriously

mistaken:

'each

is

regarding

the

other

It is al so tha t

side ,

which

slde ' s

threat

is to the other' (P L, p.313) .

we

think' • 38

But

about

what

the

o t her

considera ble , and perhaps catastrop hic , margin of
evidence,

that

on e

perceptio n of what is
possible

resul t

As

s ide

side

thinks

e rror.

Not

thinks ,

there
only

not

can be
is

a

there

sid e (the USA) has misjudged the other side's (the USSR's)
rational,

as

regards

limited

nuclear

war,

of a first strike countered by massive retaliatio n;

must now be severe doubts
cffectlvc ly.

"conv inc ing "

There is a grain of truth in

the c1a"im that 'deterren ce is primarily about what t he other
what

be

a t the mercy of t he o the r's percept io n of wha t

strategy is "r.atio al", what kind of damage .is " un nccept able", how
one

may

as

to

whether

rationa l

principle s

are

with

the

but there
operating

to the last consider, to take just one example, the erroneous

37.

The point is discus sed in Dahlitz, e.g. p.213, where the US quest for
super iority is doct1me nted. The v.lci ssi tudes of US "d efenc e" policy - not
to say its shiftines s and occas ional incoheren ce (as in strategic forward
defence)
have confused many of lts supporter s even . Perhaps there is
some advantage in the ver y incomplet e and limited exposure of USSR war and
imperial policies :
we don't see, wit h alarm, their incohe renc e and
i.rrntiona llty .

J8.

Pym, quot,.• d .Ln Thompson , p .19. Yet a fundamen tal problem Russi a and the
West fac e, Lt is sometimes claimed, is not merely that they do not
understan d one another but that 'ther, is a lack of a wish to understan d'.
This casts into douht the psycholog ical basis of nuclear deterrenc e.

24

idea (alread y allu&lt;led to , as he l d in hi.gh pl a ces of powe r in USA
and in UK) that

LSN war cnn be sur viv ed i n r ud ime ntary s hel ters , and also won.
The suppor ter of det er rence
connec ting

rrlnci ple s

ri val case.

such

J1as

not

onl y

to

defeat

a rgumen ts

Cl, but, more difficu lt, to fie ld a convin cing

as

For the onus of pr oof lies in showing that the costly

~:.:..!.~_rr.cncc Ls justifi ed_.

t hr o ugh

practic e

of

Bu t for from th e fair ly decisiv (~ case that i s requi r ed

( Lo contras t with t he argume nt through Cl),

only

a

feeble

case

through

the

questio na b le obv ers e of Cl,

Cl i.

If Xis wr ong then it is right to reduce the probab ility of X,

nppears open .
•

For it has to be shown that

deterre nce ( s ubstan tially) r e duc e s the proba bility of LSN war ,

and st ri ct lt (this indica tes part of the trouble with Clt) that
deterre nce does this bett e r (more morally ) than availab le options
.

o

The latter uniquen ess condit. ion ce rtainly fails, so it r,.,ill
be argu e d.

reasons already gi ven, does the probab ility claim.
up i-hc v ery

cond 1 t:1.ons

probab ility

of

suc h

for
a

an

LSN

war,

it

So ,

for

When nuclear deterr e nce set s

can

ha rdly

have

reduced

th e

war , e speci a lly over the situati on a mere 25 years ag o

when such an LS N wa r was not technic ally possib le.
More genera lly , i n showlng that nuclear deterre nc e ls justifi
e d, it i s
c..! l1 0l l f',h

refute the theme Lhat deterr e nce is wrong.

LO

out that deterre nce is permis sible, or alrigh t.

altcrn1 1LJvc

pe rmissi ble

courses

of

a c tion

condit:f . on ha s to be est a bli.shed ;

to be no t merely

alrigh t ,

bu t

;H:cc·p ' ah l&lt;' cvidt!n tin l ato nd nrdA,

r ig ht.

But

I t is not enough to make

For t he re certain ly seem to
withou t

deterr ence , wh ic h appear more morally satisfa ctory.
uniciue ne s s

includi ng

fright

To surpass t hese option s, a

nuclea r deterre nc e has to be shown
es tablish ing

such

a

39.

LSN

war s ,

withou t

.(cf.

Jl

11

claim,

to

fear

or

is vf.nunl ly tmposa iblc. 39

OED)

40

•

For

most

people,

portray ing the horror of LSN wa rs would serve adequa tely enough
from

be

the costs or problem s of

Deterre nce cons ists in preven ting someth ing (often some wrong ) by
t hr ea t s

not

the

enormo us

expense ,

t rouble

vivid scenari os
to

deter

t hem

and wastage of

An analogo us point will ap pea r whe n i.t is asked whethe r deterre
nce is the
way o ut oft.he nuclear fix, the thin g to persist with in the circum
stances .
Given that there are appare ntly super ior, le ss dangero us procedu
res , the

an s wl!r hn-, to be, No.

- - - - - - -- - - -- - - - - -

p r epar i ng to e ngag e i n th em.
det t·r rl'ncc

And

deterren ce

i.n a ny cas e de pends upon) is of

by

such

means

ourse not immoral .

(whi ch

miJit4ry

(Sc.h e ll was not

immora l in publ ish ing hi s gra phic descri p tions of the nuclear destruc tion of New
Yo rk .)

But t hou gh de te rrence per se is permi ssible, nuclea~ deterren ce, that is

deterren ce by complete prepa ration for the object to be preven te d , is no t , where
this

o bj e ct,

a

LSN

war., itself is no t

permiss ible.

The argumen t for this is

thro ug h t he pr lnc J ple

C2 .

l f X is wrong then c omplete prepara tion for (carryin g out) Xis wrong.

Hence

since

p re para t i on,

LS N wars
nuc l ear

are

wrong

and

nuclear

deterren ce

deterren ce of LSN wars is wrong .

claimed th a t prepa ring for Xis just as bad as doing X:
wr ong a n d Z ( mue h) worse t1wn
i
Y•

wi11at

W.'.1 S

wrong.

complete

It is not however being
Y and

Z may

both

be

41
i s wrong i s b y no means un if orm l y ev1.1.
"

Tn 19115 Lhcre would ha ve been littl e doubt that
L SN wa r

implies

complete

prepara tion

for

Among the three types of crime s pecif led in Article 6 of the

Cha rt e r f or th e I nternati onal Military Tribuna ls

(which

tr ied

the

major

war

c r iminals a t Nurcm burg) we r e
Cr1- mes a ga ins t peace: namely planning , .:e_repar ation, initiati on or
waging o f a wa r of aggr e ssion, or a war in violatio n of internat iona l
tr eat:!.es , ag reements or a s surance s, or particip ation in a common plan
or cons pi ra c y for the accompl ishment of any of the followin g ( cited in
Ku pe r , p.2 1; ita lic s added).

But af t e r ma ny yea rs of nuclear deterren ce, the
become

J ncreasi ngly

liable

to

question .

wrongne ss

implied

in

C2

has

However the doubts mainly come from

40.

De t er r e nc e a lso commonly includes elements of mendaci ty,
deceptio n,
mi si nforma t ion, that is elements of what a re, for the roost part, morally
unde sirable traits.

Li l .

Nor a re
ordered
be cause
wrong,
equally

degr e es of wrongne ss required :
wrongs can simply be
as
reg a rds relative worsene ss. The point requires some
it has been quite erroneo usly assumed t hat if y and z
cat egorica lly or absolute ly , then they mus t be equally
evil. Thus, e.g. William s:

.

partiall y
labourin g
are both
wrong or

.

there is no moral differen ce between running a deterren t st r ategy
on the one hand, and intentio nally - indeed wantonly - start i ng a
nuclear war on the other; so that the first is as totally evil
a s the second.
This is because both are held to be absolute ly
forbidde n.
Not a t a ll. The argume n ts from "Y and Z are both absolute ly forbidde n" to
"S o Y i s a s totally evil as Z"
and
to "Therefo re Y and Z do not differ
mor all y " a r e both ent:i.rely without validity . Compare : 2 is a number, and
3 lg a numbe r;
s o 2 is the same number as 3, or does not differ
numeri c , lly from 3!

26
a~sum ing t!w l comp l e t e prepara t.i o n i nc }udc i:; l ss t: lwn Lt nee ds to or do e s.

Complete prepa ration for something, s uch as
sever~]

other

fea tures.

LSN

war ,

already

writes

in

In particular, i t presup po ses the preparation is no t

ha1 (·-hea rt ed hnt is serious, is not merely for show and is not simply

pret e nce.

Obser e tha t mere pretence, or ot her more psychologic a l ploys, cannot substi tut e
for comp l ete prepa r a tion in nuclea r deterrence.
too

sophistica t ed

for

bluff

alone

to

Military

succeed:

t here

preparatJon for wa r accompanyin g the t h rea t s involved in
t he

ot her

hand ,

has

to

is

now

be serious

deterr ence .

But,

on

c omplet e prepara tion does not imply that what i s prepared for

wi l l be attempted other than condi tona lly:
imply attemp t ed X.

c omplete preparatio n for X does

not

It does however 1.nvolve a conditional undertaki ng to proc eed

with wha l is prcpa·ed
whell1er

intelligenc e

for

under

c ertain

conditio ns.

Comple te

preparation ,

for a we dding or murder or wha tevcr, wo uld be po int les s otherwise, so a

(proclaimed ) comm itment to proceed under given circumstanc es c an

be

taken

of

connecting

for

granted .

Principle C2
principles .

is

part

way

not

the

line

in

a

series

pr inciple of the same sort that is hig he r in the series is that

A

con necting X with a tt empted X:
perh,ps

down

if Xis wrong then attempted Xis wrong

as bad ) , whether X succeeds or not .

But the se ries ends ;

off well before th e l ower limits of i nte ns ionalit y, contrary to

the

(thoug h
it cuts

claims

of

various religious pos i tio ns.

For example, it does not foll ow that if Xis wrong

then

X

the

co n temp l ati on

con sidcra t Jon

of

of

is

wrong

carrying out Xis wrong.

or

that

non-action- oriented

The point ap plies equally to sexual

fant asie s, power fan tasies, and nuclear nightmares .
no Lhing

mere

In

particular,

there

is

wrong with contemplatin g nuclear war, or reflecting upon it, as we are:

nuclear wars, even lf their horrors don't be ar thinki.ng on, a re not unthinkable ,
and in some senses are all too thinka ble.
Indeed one of the reas on s why the connecting principles appeal is that each
common ly

involves

lt connects with.

decidedl y increased pro ab ility of the wrongdoing or outcome
Accompanyin g the increased probability are

certain

r eprehensibl e atti tud e s tied t o the ac tion t he evil outcome involves;
nol

I ho:a·

of

mere

pas s ! vc

.o nt emµ l at f on

I,,
1

'.

Howev er

oll

the

sets

of

these are
connectl.ng

n
prL nc lple s

invoked

except Cl ho l d, where the y do, ~, a n when the proba bi lity of

wrongdo i ng ev e ntuating is not inc r eased.
c ho:;c n

One rea son for th1s is that the

means

o r epre hensible end s may be ineffica cious, for instance intendin g to do

s omeo ne harm using witchcr aft .

The inc r eased prohabi llty

of

an

evil

out come

o l.mply makcB things worse .

Nu clear deter r ence involves not only war pre parat ion, but
thi s

accompa nied

by

threats

and

a threaten ing posture .

pot e ntial e nemy, has to be sui tably frighten ed or moved,

announce ment

For some pa rty , th e

if

deterr e nce

s ucce ed :

the threat must be recognis ed as s uch and be cr edible .

n uc 1 L' i1 r

deterren ce yie l ds a further conne cting princip le:

CJ.

of

is

to

This aspect of

if Xis wrong the n serious threat ening of X und er gi ven conditio ns is also

wr o ng ;

or , in br ief, If Xis wrong then conditio nal thre a tening of Xis wro ng .

The r ema in i ng connecti ng conditio ns invoked all take this general form
CG .

If Xis wrong so is a cond itional

r eq uires

some

further

ex planati on.

the fo rm, ~ ( X if C), wl1ere
of' • 4 3

thre ate ning

~

Apar t

intensio n

to

A condit'o na l

do

intentio ns

e . g.

themselv es,

1

the

t ha t ) .
C

to

(or

in pr opos iti onal ra ther than event style:

the

most

cond i tion a l lnte1slo ns are conditio nal obligati ons where~ is the
oblj gati on

form

a

are

not

impossi ble

claim

in

whnt

or even remote or imp r obable:

(spe c ifica lly those involvin g
cornmitn e nt)

for

follows
certain

is

tha t

s ort s

there
of

discusse d
an

it is obligato ry
conditio ns

the conditi ons

typicall y conc e rn those specif ying a rtuclear st rike by a potentia l
fund ame ntal

cred1ble

functor:

To r emove complica tion it can b e ass umed hencefo rth that the

involv ed

whic h

intensio n is a judgemen t of

is some intensio nal functor,
f rom

X

enemy .

The

are intensio nal funct ors

threaten ing ,

intendin g ,

and

whic h CG holds , and that these versions suffice to demonst rate

the

immoral ity

42 .

There is plenty of scope for f ur ther
elabora tion
here.
Passiv e
s pectntor shJp of evil e vent s where one is in an appropr iate pos i tion to
make a differen ce i s quite another thing, from contemp lation of other
worlds where e vil oc curs .

43.

The condi tionnl i.nt nsion, ~ ( X if C), whic h is an intensio n , should not be
confused wit h the provisio nal form, 1f C then ~x. which is not . The
Ame rfcnns nre t hr eatening the Russians with retaliat ory action If tl1ey
strike :
Lt is not that: if the Russians strike the American s will threaten
them with reta l ia t ory action . Such confusi on has arisen because of the
problems of formalis ing conditio nal obligati on given usual defectiv e
theories of condi ti onality.

of

nuclear

deterren ce.

Natural ly

again

there

are

many

28

no11-;-1ction ·-oriented functors for whi ch ve r s ions
c.ont. :•mplat J.on,

t'1l nld.ng,

dreaming, etc.

of

e.g .

fail,

those

of

The.r e is also a n interesting group of

more borderline functors, those of hoping ( for) ,

expecting,

awaiting

and

the

like, for which CG is only dub:i.ously correct:.
Connecting pri nciple C3 evolved from the simp ler pri~ciple, if X is
then

threatcn.ing

X 1s also wrong, or, as f ormulated by Ramsay:

is wrong to threaten .•• ' 44 The r e ason is that

to do
into

prac tic e

(e.g.

if

wrong

'What is wrong

putting

something

committ ing rape) is wrong then so also is what goes into

tlin•at&lt;'nl ne t o pu t that lnto practice , in pn rti c ul ar the declflred intent to
that

into

pract i ce.

beginning as fo] lows:

The

point

ca n

if worlds where

alternative ly
X

happens

be

are

put

argued semanti cal ly,

exclude d

then

so

are

adjacent wo rlds where Xis poised to happen.
The comp li cat lon of the simple form is required for two reasons.

nuclear

war

obta i n.

However t he required c onditional form can be derived

form,

is

through

only c onditionall y threatened , i.e .

the

f ollowing

wh ic h is pe rf ectly general , X if

argument:-

c.

should certain cond itions

particular,

(of

§§3-4)

LSN

oppo si. tion has struck, or not , and so wrong when it
wrong,

44.

so

a lso

is

simple

if it weren't it wouldn't

(The converse route fails

arg uments

the

Observe, furthermore that if something Xis

have b en wrong in the first place.
ear lier

from

su bstitute for X in the simple form,

wrong, it is a l so wrong under restrictive co nditions;

by

Firstly ,

threatening X if C,

war
has.

of

course.)

In

is wrong whether the
Hence,

where

X

is

More generally, to e sta blish CG it is

Ramsay's formula tion of simplified CJ is considered in Wal zer, p.272.
It
i s this principle especially that forces Ramsay, a Protestant theologian
who is a nuclear hawk , int o the awkward position he ends in, whi c h as
Walzer explains , really leaves no room to move.
For in virtue of
slmp li.f led CJ H must he allowed that the threatened wars are permissible
to carry out. Ramsay tries to limit these to military exchanges. But to
be effective as a deterrent, Lhe exchange permitted must both threaten and
also,
i.n view of CJ,
not threaten nonmi.lit ary targets, collateral
oon-cornbata nt populations . It appears that Ramsay's position, if worked
out, wou1d be inconsi.sten t.
S!mpllf1cd pri nclple CJ 1.£ nlso invok&lt;'d by the US Catholic Bishops:
se
PL, p.316.
They put the point both in terms of threat and of declared
"i.ntent to use nuclenr we apons, which they pronounce morally wrong.

Ho wever s implifi ed CJ is rejected by Hare and Joynt (pp.106-7), who want to
nssess Lhe moral stntus of u threat by way of expected utility. This is
open to Rll the objec tions to expected utility as a test of morality
mentione d below.

29

enough to e sta blish the s i mpl e r

If Xis wron g s o i s a n int e nsion t o do X.

CG'.

The s e cond com plic ation in C3, modifying the threat to
ca us es

more

t roubl e .

a

serious

threat,

Some modi f ica tion a ppears required, because it is often

contend e d tha t empt y t hrea t s or bluff a r e wa rranted on occasion even whe r e
is

t l1r e o.tene d

what

l
.
i s wrong , to prevent t,1c
occ urrence o f som et h.1 ng worse .11 s A"n d 1.n

f ac t one wny o f tr ying to vi ndica te de te rrence , a s morally permissible , has been
by pre se nti ng de t er rence as lnvo lv ing thr eats which do not involve any i nt en tion

at all to pr oceed t o action on
plaus ible
Lhrc a t s .

removes

i t

the

support

bas i s

for

of

threats.

s i mpl i f ied CJ.

Insofar

A seri ous th r eat th e n, in the slJ ghtly t echnic a l.

sense

co nditi on s,

is

con s i de r a

accide nt .

intended,

For the challenge

grossly

immo r al

unconvincing,
case

wh e r e

conduct

under

certain

not

and calls for moral double-think.
ci rcum st ances

th e

result

from

improbable

To bring this

an

intricat e

Eithe r the threat is followed through, automatically (as ordered, by

Doomsday Mac h in e c ircui try, etc.) or w1th further choice, or - somehow Eit her

not .

is

in ef fect tha t it is perfectly morally permissible to issue serious

thr ea t s to under t a ke

out

is

Principle CJ is not

ope n to the same c ha l lenges as sJmplified a nd unqualified CJ.

says

this

Hence the shift to serious

one tha t i s no t a pre t ence, empty or a blu ff , but credible.

which

as

it

is

way the out c ome is morally wrong, in the first case obviously , in

the s e c ond cas e be cause the intermedia te reconsideration makes it plain that the
thr eat
nor

ought not to have been issued at a ll, be ing justifiable on neither mo r al

more

.. pra ctic al "

rep r es e n t atives

grounds.

Further more,

while

states

thei r

and

ma y accept moral double at t itudes, such as morally assenting to

immor a l threa t s, les s corrupt agents cannot:

it

moral

principled agents they ar e or take

natu r es ,

to

t he

kinds

of

th emse l ves to be ( a s Benn exp lains).
i nsignif i c ant

mora lly

would

run

For su c h agents , who may

counter

to

comprise

their

a

not

proportion _ of the electorate of a nuclear state, principles such

a s CJ are no t in doubt.
The a r gum e nt agai nst nu c le a r deterr e nce using C3 is as follows:- Either th e

--- ---- ---- - - -- - - For a di sc us s ion of threats whe r e the threatener has no intention of
ca r r ying ou t t he threat, or inc e ntive to do so, see Schelling, p.JSff . The
quest ion of t he mo r ality of th e s e threa ts, where the item threatened is
i.m,-,, or a l , ca n be left ope n.

30
t.hrcnt involved

then

is

it

Ln deterren ce is ser .!. 1);..i1.. or l t is m 1 t,

inadequ ate. s o deterren ce is no

Lhen by CJ deterren ce
depcn&lt;l

is

wrong .

The

maintain ed.

sub-argu ment

on se ri ous threats is a practica l one:

Lf

it

s

no t

seri ous

Bu t if i t j s ser io us

that

nu c l ea r

dete r re nce

name l y , that if the t h rea t s were

not serio us , but merely gave the lmpressi o n that they would be fo l lowed thro
ugh ,
then

the

op posit ion

would flnd out, in one way or a nother.

could not be entlorseJ i.n an open or democra tic polit i ca l
wi LhouL

A policy of bluff

system ,

f or

examp l e,

coining some discussi on, and so giving the game away to the oppos iti o n .

Even i n close d non-demo cratic systems
maintain ing

such

a

po licy

weapons , espec ially
informa lion

would

clown

during
l i kel y

times
escape

the
of

there

would

be

ma jor

di f fic u l t ies

i.n

chains of c ommand i nv olved wit h nuc l ear
change

through

in

gov e rn ing

el i t es ,

a nd

the

op pos itio n i ntellige nce.

But then ,

since t he bluff could be called, deterren ce wou ld no t ha ve su c ceede d .

Ther e a re

as

we l l ot her argumen t s t hat the thr ats invo l ved mu st he s e r io u s.

On e is t hat

nucl e ar d terrcnce already faces a cred i bility probl em , namely tha t do ubts
a bo ut
the

r ationa lity

of

carry i ng out t he big nuclea r t hre a t weak e n th e c r e di bil ity

essentia l. to its effec t iven ess .

To be effec tive then i t mu s t

be

s e r i ous

( c f.

Benn).
Meeting obj ec tions t o pri ncip l e C3 leads on t o two fur t he r ve r sions of
one

centred on intent io n , one on commitm ent.

CG,

Princ ip l e CJ is int1ma t e ly linke d

with , and it some times co nside r ed bu t a variant upon , t he pr i ncipl e
C4 .

If Xis wrong then t o conditio nally intend to do X [kn owing it is wrong ] is

n!so wr0ng.
The' prJrcJpl cs arc intimate ly a ssoci at ed because a th ea t is, ac c ordi ng t o
die tionarie s,
etc . ' .
of

'a

d claratio r

of

intent

to 1nfU.c t puni shment, l oss , injury,

It i s their intercon nect i o n which lies a t the bo t t om of

deter rence,

which

in tend ing to go to war .
princip l e ,

th a t

turn

0 11

C4

is

s ome

pa r a doxes

the prob l em of c red ibly t hrea tening war wi thout

Princ i ple

C4

is

j us t i f i e d

th rough

th e

s i mplified

inte ndi ng to do wrong j_s wr ong, a nd s o al s o i s i nte ndl ng to do

wrong unl es s favoura b le circums tanc es f o r one' s
p inc.iple

some

an

ex tr emel y

position

prevail.

Si mplif i ed

wi del y assumed mora l thesis, 46 perhap s for the

excellen t reason that it holds a nalytica lly.

Its ela bo ra t io n C4 can be us e d

to

Jl
agains t nuclear deterre nce , ea follows :

argue

siQ ~a pfoce eding to LSN war when

the Qnemy duly misbeha ve s is wrong (by §§J-4) , by C4. intendi ng
to go to LSN wa r
when

the enemy duly misbeh aves is also wrong .

Nuclea r deterre nce involve s such

an intenti on, all the availab le evidenc e shows.

He nc e

nuclear

deter rence

is

wrong.
But like virtua lly every
utilita rian

princip les

utiJita rian grounds .

deontic

t hems e lv es ,

princip le ,
princ i ples

For it is not difficu lt to

except

thos e

flowing

from

CJ and C4 c a n be challe ng ed on
outline

str a tegic

situati ons

wher e mnxlrnum ex pected utility result s from a poli cy of nuclear
det e rr ence.

But

on il s own this conces sion casts but little doub t upon

C4.

For

it

likewis e

fs

not

princip les

C3

difficu lt t o ou tli ne situati ons where the hanging oE

innoce nt people , or other injusti ces , are sa nctio ne d or enjoine d
by
maximum

expe cted

a nd

utility .

pu rsuit

Those who appeal to utilita rian assump tions try t o

avoid suc h more obvious di fficult ies with .elianc e upon utilita rianism
,
scrappi ng

the

sp ots

not

by

doctrin e, bu t by hedging app licatio ns of their princip les around

with quall ficatio ns , whic h, they hope , will
trou bl e

of

wit h

utilit a riani sm.

enable

So

.i. t

them

to

evade

the

worst

is with Kavka, whose work ni ce l y

illustr ates that whatev er (little ) deterre nce has in its

mo r al

f avour

depend s

upon uti.lita rian ass umption s .
Kavka 'bcgin[ s ] by no t ing that any reas ona ble system of
fwbst,r ntial

1itil.ita ri a n

e l ements '

(PD,

p.287).

consequ e n tia l

elemen ts

systems

incl ud e

must

infiltr ate,

an

with
the

' ass umption

if

Eve n

observ atio n were correc t - it is nox, dep e nding f or one

e thic s

thing

this
upon

must

hav e

astonis hing
confla ting

utilita rian - it would not follow that reasona bl e
particu lar
that

assump tion

produce s

normat ive assump tio n involv e d is that t he

a ct

Kavka

thereup on

t ries

the paradox es of · deterre nce'.
wi t h

maximum

expecte d

to
The

utility

'( the most useful ac t) should be performe d whe never a very great
deal of utility

- -

46.

·•---- ---- -

Ka vka , who labels simpli fie d C4 the Wr ongf ul Inte ntions Princip
le (PD ,
p.289 ), attri butes th e princip le to Abela rd, Aquina s, Butler,
Bentham ,
Kan t, Sldgwi. ck, Kenny and Narveso n. Ka vka also gi ves reasons as
to why the
pr i nciple ap pe ars 's o obviou sly tr ue'. Kenny and others apply C4
to argue,
like the US Cathol ic Bishop s , that ' nuclea r deterre nce is immora
l' (cf .
Kavb p.29 1 ).
It is the clas h of C4 with certain utJ li tarian princip les
(espec iall y the
maximi sation pr inc iple of p. 28 7) that directl y genera tes Kavka
's f irst
paradox of dete rrenc e and l ies behind his other "parado xes'' : see
PD.

.

, •"

.
12

i.s

s t. a ke ' ( p .Z87).

:;t

obj ec tions

as

This as s um p t io n is ope n to es s e n tia lly the same ba t c h

ut il i taria nism

i self:

it is mainl y a mat t er o f i ncre a sing or

vary! ,1g the s t okes i nvol ved s uf ficient l y in a y co unte r examp l e .
usud l

stratc ~y

of

of

Kavka tries t he

weakening a nd fudging the nor mative a s s umption to a voi d the

~o r sl pro bl e ms of distri butive i n justice , and t he like , t hat max i mising

u t i lit y

can mora l ly e njo i u.

But the c ru cial defect in Ka vka ' s argume n t l ies

fo l Low

fr om

t he

normative

( p . 28 7) • 11 7

what

ov erridde n

by

C4

s u ppo sed

u t il i t a rian

to

a ssumptio ns '

Though Kavka tends t o a pply t he fudg ed normat iv e as sumption s in thi s

way, as If it domina ted C/4 ( see e s pe c ia lly p , 29 0), wh a t

and

is

assump t i on howeve r fudged, namely that ' t his mea ns

o t he r mo r al ass ump t io ns a r e

t h at .•.

in

produce ,

situa t i on s ,

are

whe n
moral

c ombi ned
dilemmas .

in

si tu a t i ons

These

are

not

s uc h

th e

f udg ed

as sump ti on

as

special

de t e rr e nt

c a ses

where

one

decnti c

pr inc ipl e , tl1a t yie l ded by ut i l i t a r ian i sm , ove rrid e s o t hers, but wher e t he r e ar e
c ompe ting, ev en c nt ra d ic tory de ont ic pr inc i p l e s , such a s tha t it
int e nd

right

to

to pro c eed to LS N war whe n t he e nemy mi sbe ha ves (on specious u til i tarian

gr ound s ) and. also wrong to i n te nd to do s o ( by C4) .
wr ong :

that judg ement is not ov e rr i den.

Nuc lear de t e rr e nce

is

also

t he

case

is

t hat

in

r emai ns

Nor do es it in any way foll ow that C4

i s in 1eed of qu a lifica ti on as a r es ult (Ka vka' s a ssump t ion,
what

is

th e~e

s pe cial

p.290) .

situations,

Howeve r ,
t her e

ar e

count e r vall i ng u t ili t arian cons i dera tions s ugge sti ng different imperatives .

For

.ln

t he s e

is

wrong .

s pe c i a l ci rcumst a nce s a greater uti l:lty can be realised by doing what
Howe ver

it

is

ha rdly

ne ws,

but

a

standing

objection,

that

ut ili t a ri a nism some time s en joins wl1at is wron g .
Spec ial
s pons on s hip

de t e rre nt
may

appea r

s itua t i.on a,

where

under

ntl lit a ri a n

t o get a foot i n t he moral door, ar e very speci a l.

char a c ter is ed by Ka vka , the y a r e s uch that t he
47 .

deterrence

de t e r r e nce

is

very

likely

As
to

Lacke y ' s utiljt a rian app ro ach r e s t s on o similar fallacy, that u ti litari a n
cons iderations predom~n a te wher e s t a k es are larg e enough: see hi s argument
f or the ;i pp ro nch in MM p. 192 .
Wha · hap p n s i s not that importa n t c ons quenc es ov e rrid e moral principles,
but tha t Applica t ion of one pr inc iple wit h important consequence s conflic t s
with t hat of ano t he r pr inci pl e wi t h less s i gni f i cant consequence s, and in
the we igh-·up of what t o do in t he pro blemat ic circumstanc es the principl e
with impor ta nt con s eq uence pr evai l s .

sucr&lt;"£:d , and nothing else .i s likely

tp

lodc ed in a deep pr.obability-well.

This is ve ry far removed from the real world

su.:, ceed (see p . .2~16), i.e.

si.tuat.J.on whe re nuc lear deterrence appears to be increasing the

deterrence

probabiU.ty

is

of

LSN wRr, and where other procedures such as graduated nuclear disarmament are at
least as J.ikely to succeed as deterrence .
that

&lt;l1~ont &lt;:

principles

sllbject

Even if it were

mistakenly

to real-life d .1 .lcmmas should be qualified to

avoid di.l mmas, there is little point in qualifying working
such

RS

supposed

de ontic

principles

C4, given the remoteness of the special deterrent situati ons.

Instead of pul ling nuclear deterrence down though the immoral inte nt:lons it
involves, it can be criticized more broadly throug h the commitments it

equi. r es,

by wa y of the following principle:

CS.

If Xis wrong then a conditional commltment to carry out Xis

The reason is that the commitment is a commitment

circumstances;

and

that

commitment

is

to

act

itself wrong .

lso wrong.

wrongly

in

cer-tain

Nuclear deterrence is

however a poli cy which commits states to war under certain conditions .

And

as

wi th

conditional

intention,

so with conditional commitment, there is no doubt

th a t

su perstates

and

controlling

commitmen t

and

their

intention

to

use

representatives

nuclear weapons.

did

not

occur)

is

enough

to

establish

the

relevant

The dangerous strategy of

launc h-on-warning (which could , for instanc e , result J n a
thut

have

response

to

attacks

the point, for which there is

otherwise quite s ufficient factual evidence.
Now the connecting principles
suffice

logically ,

but

are

nucl ar

deterrence,

for

weighty

principle

would

detachment

from

the

by complete preparat i on fo r and

Deterrence of this type is

wrong.

also reveals why the suggestion, that the morality of the whole deterrence

trip depended on war itself never occurring, was so
parad ox ical:
det e rrence.
ir self

By

case .

i nstance

conditi.onal comm.ltment to LSN war, is wrong.
This

sound

wh n all are liable to be disputed, several defensible

ones, ideally in concert, make for a
principles

one

applied:

it

ou t

the

connections

between

and

not

be

engaged

in

(unl ess

i ts

ha s

appeared

nuclear war and nuclear

Nuclear deterrence should not be practised given that

should

chang ed, e.g .

left

bizarre

nuclear

war

direct ion can be drastically

at .least limited, per impossibile in the case of nucl ea r warfare,

to purely mi l i t ary targe ts).
Til e a rguments t hrou gh conn e cting pr i nc i. ple s, can be reinforced by different

sort s

of

ar gument s agai ns t the mo ral c orre c t ne s s of nuclear deterrenc e .

a n 1 a r g uments from lim i ted c~nv erge nc e of et h i cal t heori e s

I

There

wh i ch start from the

commonplace ob se r va ti o n that
~

All the ethi c al a t"gum ents in

favou r

of

nuclear

deterrence

are

broadl y

ut ilitar i an.
In f nct roost of the arguments i.n favour of de t e rrence, including many

t hat

inf iltra t ed

hav e

the

e thi.c a l

l i t erature ,

ar e

those

of

ge ner., l ly drawn f rom game t heory, and primar :tly intere sted in the
one

playe r,

t h r&gt;

USA.

Utilitar ia nism ,

t hough

s till

looking

of

those

expedie ncy -·
advantage

of

basically

at

~dva n tages , i n t e r es t s and ( t ypi ca lly ind i vidual) utilities, has to take

a

partisan

pain of

posi t io n,

a nd

consider

[ or[eiti ng i ts claim t o mor a lity
sup po r t t d

by

o t he r

na tional i ties

othe rwi s e .

The

as

well,

commonplace

on

less

observation

is

the fa c t that such qual i fied moral support as deter rence obtains,

dflrive s from ut il i tarianism.

118

Th e re a r e two d ir e c tions on to a gene ra l cla1m ag a i.nst

de terrence,

either

by wa y of t h e pro- ut il itar i an theme

Uti l ita r ianism properly a pplied also comes out against deterrence
or, 1n o r e s t rongly, by way of the a nti- utilt t arion t heme ,
Utilita r la nism doe s not furnish satisfactory moral arg uments.
The n , by t h e ;rnti. -utilitarian theme, there are no satisfactory

in

f av our

d ir ec tion:

48 .

of de terrence.

moral

arguments

Na turally, it would be easy to strengthen the second

a ft e r all it is widely

thought

that

u tilitarianism

is

a

false,

Thu s t he hed g ed utilitarian defences of Kavka and of Hare and J oynt, and
a l s o within th e broadly utilitarian r ange , of Gautier . Showing that cogent
de f ence s of nuclear deterrence have to take a util i tarian r ou te would he a
much t oug her ent e rprise.
Though it is a reasonable conjecture that the
e n te r pr i se c ould be carried through, much would depend on what was
· cc oun t e d cogent. For ce rtainly biz ar re principles, e.g. obverses of the
conne ct ing pr incip l es, · can be i ntroduc ed, which afford deontological routes
t.o deterre nce .
An,l, rl e spi t r some back sliding by bi s hop s , all other ethical positions can
be m., d c to "' penk again s t deterrence and i. t s cont.l.nuntio n . • A deontological
~RRC ngnln At dctc rr c nc · , pr ima rily
he way
of
&lt;lcontic
connecting
pr i ncip l e s, has been a rgued i n some detail.
In the light of these
prlnciplcs , Lt i s not difficul t to s e e how c a ses from other ethical
positi ons would go.
After a ll C4 ha s been defended from a wide range of
stanc es , e.g . contra c t ua l, natural law, utilitarian even.

seriousl y as tray, or even shabby ethic~ ] pg&amp;ition.
pol it i ca l

s yst em

whic h

depends

in

some

uL l l lt:arJan a rgum e nts for its policieo.

It hardly does

measure

then

for

a

upon consensus , to rely on

Yet with nuclear de.terrenc e

just

thnt

appe;1rs to be happe ning, with readily ove rturned arguments at that.

For whether even utilitari.a nism supports deterrenc e depends ess entia lly on:
how

it

ls

applied;

with

which

maximisa tion recipes; along with what other

r estrictiv e assum pti ons (such as those of a deep probabili ty-well);
genc&gt;rous

arc

utll i.ty·

assignmen ts

or

upon

With

different

(and · a rguably

superior)

va rying the guestimat ion methods, very differen t results

emerge, oppo sing deterrenc e and favouring unilatera l nuclear disarmame nt. 49
basic

reas on for this is straightfo rward (and like that ending §4).

LSN war has a n extremely large negative utility.
deterrenc e
out to

whi.c h increases th

other

recipes

of

feasible
a

how

for such things as preservat l on of national

sovereign ty , nationa l security, etc.
assumptio ns ,

and on

Any

policy

such

The

It is that
as

nuclear

probabili ty of this, or even risks it , must los e

alternati ves,

conseque ntialist

type

whatever
are

initially

applied

(e.g.

plausible

decision

Minimax, Dominance ,

Di.s as ter Avoidance , Expected Value) .
The anti-ut ilitarian theme can be def ended either by a full-scal e criticism
o[

ut j lltaria nlsm,

beginning for instance with its well-know n justifica tion of

l ocalised In justic e s , SO or else
11t i l i tarla ni sm

when

applied

One obvi.ous dcflc iency is this:

by
to

addressin g

s ome

of

the

inadequac ies

of

issues like that at hand, nuclear deterrenc e.
on standard util itarianism , what to do , whether

to proceed with deterrenc e, depends on the probabili ty of its success and on the
improbabi l ity of other options working.
deep,

uti ~itarlanis m

If the deterrenc e

probabili ty-well

is

morally requires deterrenc e, otherwise not. 51 But what is

morally required, or wrong, does not fluctuate with what outcomes are

pro babl e.

49.

Th e ins ab ility of utilitari anism is illustrate d by the
discussio n
inv olving KovkR, Lackey and Hardln, continued in Philosoph y and Public
Affairs 12(3), 1983, where, on the basis of utilita r ianism, diametric ally
opposed conclusio ns are reached.
(Hardin 's approach tends however to
expedienc y reasoning of the strategic type.)

50.

Such wider critic isms of utilitaria nism, in all its forms, as an ethical
theory are too well-know n to repeat.
Some of the main defects are
considere d in another article in this series, 'An expensive repair kit for
utilit arl.an ism'.
The point that util:Ltari anism gi ves no firm place to
stand comes from L, Mirlin.

36
wheLh&lt;'r deterrence i..s moraJ.ly wrong or not, i. s

likPly

to

work

or not.

indepe nde nt

deterrence

are

decidedly

essentially

nowhere

i.s

Moral

princi p~s

not

are

through expected Vf.llues, whether utilities or o th e rwis e - though how

ba d :rnme outcome is ma y be .

depend

.Lt

If nuclear deterrence is wrong wher e it increases the

probablllty of war, the n ls it wrong, simpllclter .
det:crmlne&lt;l

whcrhc r

of

upon

firm to stand.

Wor s e, si nce the expected utilities in the case
uncertain,
these

a nd

of

the results util i ta r ianism delivers

uncert ainty

measures&gt;

util itari anism off ers

In con t rast wi t h the soli.d deo nti c ground of principle ,

utilitariani sm provide s only shifting s and.
The objections made apply esp eciall y aga ins t act uti l ita r ianism.
(orm

shows

at

special

int e rests,

such

as

conditions
security

(the
of

estimation rules are pulled in).

probability- well

state ,

have

hi gh

1s

deep ,

utilities,

nat io n- s tat e
and

spe cial

It does not yie ld a deterrence polici;

ind eed

hnrdly yields policies. tall (other than act utilitariani sm it s elf ).

11nd certain othe r diff i ulties may be avoided by considering instead a

o[

act

most that nuclear deter re nce is "wrong" a c c ordi ng to its l ig ht s

under very

il

The

acts. 52 But the method lacks sta bi lity;

These

seque nce

di f fe r en t prescription s will res ult

dependi11g upon how the sequence is se l ected, what is inc luded and what left
(as

also

associa ted p obabilit i es depend crit ically on the sequence selected).

No unequivocal rec ipe is delivered.
selected

out

to

To

see

this,

suppose

the

sequence

is

include worst cases , for instance cases where deterrence fails a nd

war breaks out.

In this event it can hardl y be argued that

deterrence

is

t he

pol lcy that maximizes u til it y ov er the sequence.
Along wit h the argument s, there are
dissatisfac tion with nuc lear deterrence.

other

concom.itant

conventiona l wa rs .

f or

Firstly, the peace it has provided

011l y nuclear pc~ce, or rather lack of nuclear war , as the re
smaller-s cale

reasons

is

no

deep
is

s hort age of

And the "peace " provided is a t best a tenuous

pe3ce, which Is not stable , ~ut liable to upset at

any

stage

by

a

r ange

of

51..

Though this is to oversimplif y, the po int s made ar e not affected by the
simplificat ion .
In any case the simpl ifi ed picture reflects well enoug h
the difference s between Kavka and Lacke y that matter in their debat e
(ref rred to in footnote 49 ).

52.

Whether thjs is rule util itarianism , or still act util i tariani sm
the sequence can be construed as one long ac t, may be left open.

becaus e

- - - -- - -- - - - - - ·

-

37
fn,t_0 rs, lncl 11d1ng er rot· , both human and
t ec lrn1 .:fl.1,
j)C:lc (_~ ,
p 0:i

It thofl not

offer

genu i ne

of the sort re riuir e d fo r a stabl e intec nat.lo
nal 1. 1. fe, but only o fragi l e

·e o f a sort" (PL , p.316 ).

Secon dly, there

enorm ous

is

cost,

mora l
-~!_p_po r_t_~.r~~ _: ___ cost of de.ter renc_ ':_, be cause expe
nditu re on it exclu des othe r urgen t
moral prio ritie s. The US Bisho ps put th is fami
liar poin t, in a surpr ising ly
Marx i st

way,

in

terms

of

destr uctiv e capac i ty and what

'the
ls

contr a dic tion
ne e ded

f or

betwe en

what

cons truct iv

the

is

spent

for

devel opme nt'

( PL,

p . 316) .

§6.

Prac tical , prude ntial and more mora l arg umen ts
from

natio nal

dange rs

nuclr•ar build -up of the supe rstat es , a nd the gene
sis of nucle ar dilem mas.

to

Whil e

there are argum ents to the immo ra lity of nucle
ar war prepa ra ti on, there are also
counr c ·-arg ument s,
that have prove d rema rkabl y persu asive (espe
ciall y to
Amer I c;wi, ), to the mora l

just:!.fiab ili ty

of

nucle ar

war

pr e para tion

in

the

_p_!.c s':~- circu mstan c es.

The unde rlyin g style of argum ent is simpl y an
elabo ratio n, or state -upl ift,
of Liw1- for the esca lnti on of weapo ns at the
local leve l, for acqu iring a gun or

f o r s to c king- tip the neig hbour hood armou ry - and
every bit
a r gu1r.e nt

from

local dang ers.

dom inati on ;

a nd

dubio us

fir st

of

all

seco nd of nucle ar destr uctio 11 .

atom ic

s urren der

and

so

avoid the destr uct io n' (Wal zer, p.273 ).

prepa ratio n is suppo sed to guard again st more
than these ;
third

eleme nt ,

name ly,

loss

of

basic

rig hts

there

with these .

black mail

of

forei gn

appea seme nt

In fact nucle ar
is

ways

a

cruc ial

of

life

This furth er set of elem ents is linke d to the
dange r of

forei gn domi natio n - which is reall y a separ at
e eleme nt from risk of
Thoug h

and

(free dom, equa lity, etc .) and

fund amen tal value s (upho lding of truth , human
dign ity, etc .) and
int eg rat ed

that

The two go toget her,

sinc e lf we dtcl not f ea r the black mail , we migh
t adop t a polic y
or

as

It is that nucle ar prepa ratJo n, 'so we have be
en

tol d , gua r ds again st the doub le dang er:
forei gn

as

black mail.

dom inntl on -need not imply the loss of most basic
value s it does

imply the loss of a t le a st of one , self- de te rmin
ation , freed om to choos e vario us
natio nal objec tives ; conv ersel y loss or erosi
on or infri ngeme n t of basic value s
can occur witho ut fo re ign demi. natio n, for insta
nce, as is comm onpla ce in the

"[ r

•e " world, by internal change of go,wnmtent or irnvij,fnroenta l approach, through

the iiicrc&gt;nsed security and contro l a

nti clcnr

prepnratlon

incr easi ngly

nuclear
risks,

state

demands,

extensive

etc.

But

what

nuclear destruction, also

involves loss of basic rights and values, through destruction

ti, _ material

of

53
of the cherJshed life-style.
So nuclear preparation is hardly n c l earcut

bnse

me ans of guaranteeJng basic values. 51•

fn other respe cts too t he argument from loss of
lncku

cogency

an d

rings

ho 1 low,

It

is

basic

values

and

ri ghts

hnrd to avoid th' f •cling r:hnt tl1c:

oft-appealed-to basic values often function as something of a front, like
ci tati.o n

of

religious

values at politica l ceremonies;

clean cover for economic consideration of one sort
from

demand s

of

the

military-indus trial

of

private

wealth

and

vnl \les

appealed

to

category:

in

and

anot he r,

them

having

However

arising

to

do

with

th e

an argument isn't, or

associations.

And

the

rights

and

But not all the values commonly appealed to fall into

particular nationalistic ones do not.

And one of the main

a l leged values of deterrence, the resistance to and containment
or

many

are, most:ly, of the utmost importance, indeed fundamental,

and worth much sacrifice .

this

of

power.

oughtn 't to be, defeated by lts unsavoury

that t he argument 1.s a

omplex , many concerned with foreign

domJnatiun of other lesser states, and many

conccut ·at:1.on

pious

of

"communism"

of "socialism ", can hardly be accounted fundamental, any more than retention

of cnpi talism.
communi.sm

has

What has
been

happened

here

confused

with

of

course

(the

t o tal i tarianism, which does remove certain more
freedoms

(of

opinion ,

association,

is

reality
basic

information,

that

( the

of)

state

values,

etc.,

ideal

socialist

namely

etc.),

of)

and

certain
so does

derivative~ threaten basic values.
One critical q uest i on, then, is whether extens ive nuclear
LSN

wa r,

and

indeed

for

rational way of preservtng

nuclear
those

holocaust,

fundamenmtal

preparation

for

is a good or effective or even
values,

which

we

have

left.

53.

The converse obviously does not hold.
Basic values and
cherished
life-style can be lost without nuclear destruction, or nuclear preparation,
as when a more powerfuJ state imposes its values and way of life.

54 .

The argument from freedom , advanced by Jaspers and repeatedly rolled out by
state representatives , is further conside red early in Appendix 1.

.... ,

'lQ
J,

Simi la r ci. ue s tions
dominntion

and

arJs e

as

regard s

blackmail.

argumeq;; H from

er, e

Justification

danger

which

is

itself

open

questioned (i n §8 ), both from the

to

ser i ous

point

foreign

of the methods of extensi ve nuclear

preparation depends essent i ally on an arrangement of hostil e
structure

of

of

question,

v iew

of

nation
and

basic

states,

a

i s subsequently

valu s,

such

as

freedom, and oth r wise.
But whether ul tima tely jusU(ied or

dangers

are

no t,

t hese

from

natlonal

those that have been taken to morally underwrite extensive nuclear

prcpnration, and
jus tific, tlon.

have
They

been
have

par t of many people ' s

accepted
in

moral

by

policy

outlook.

particular , that ex tens i ve nucle ar
however ,

the

makers

as

affording

moral

fact be e n wide ly accepte d, and undoubt e dly form
Wi thi n

frnmework the moral justification holds good .

others,

ar gumen t s

arguments

not

a

c onv entio nal

Northern

It i s within such a fram ewo rk, in

preparatio n
do

such

engenders

establis h

a

moral

fix.

For

the morality of extensive

nuclear preparat ion, but only make a prudential case for such preparation.
people
not

also

face a nucl e ar dilemma, but, though evaluative in character, it ls

specif ically moral one.

,1

impressed

by

And

for

ma ny

other s

again,

who

are

who

not

so

or as familiar wi th Soviet and American culture and ways of life,

and thci.r r espec tive r ights and freedoms, there is no serious dilemma.
peop)c

Such

live

beyond

For such

the "beneficial" reach of t he supers t ates , prudenti al

counter-arguments from national dang ers carry little weight, and the moral

case

against deterrence is not offset but stands unchallenged .
Thls is the ge nesis of the argument fr om isolated
people

who

live

in

people.

Consi de r

some

a comparatively remote a rea, whose freedoms are not (yet)

under threat from superpower expansionism, but whose lifestyle is put at risk by
nucl~ar

d ter r c nce

(a s under pr inciple Cl).

For such isolated people, who may

ha ve little interes t i n the preservation of nuc lear states , there is no
nucl ea r

diJ emma ,

and

nuclear

lo cations may have problems
problems
people.

as

deterrence
to

natio nal

is wro ng.
dangers,

genuine

People in less fo r tu na te
but

in

meeting

these

they are not entitled to impo se grave risks on the uninvolved isolated
In doing so

i mmorally;

and

f or

through
similar

nuclea r
reasons

deterrence , superstates
the

are

proceeding

conventi onal No rthern framework is

j_mpug rwd.

conclusion can be al ter n ' tlvely -c t&gt;rl c hc&lt;l

Tht'. same

argument::

put

a

reflective

i s olat e d pe rson, and check
S! 11 ci&gt;

Amer ican

the

or-

resulting

by

a

substitution

Russi.an 1n the position of such an
asse ssment

of

nuclear

deterrence.

IL wor Jd be th e snm c as that of n reflecti ve isolated person, stripped o f

m1p, rs lntc bins, moral ly opposed to de terr ence and not rnot·all.y

transfixed,

t h &lt;~

c onventional framework fails t o sati sfy requirement s of morality.
The outcome of the arguments fr om dang e rs is, the~ ver y different depending
whc her

on

the

arguments

are

appU.ed

as

rega rds a superstate or not.

The

superstate theme which emerges is, in brief,
SST.
Because o f multiple connected dang e rs from other states which have
nuclear weapons, a state - any state that is too large to rely upon other states
- is obllged to invest in at least matching nuclear weapons.
Henc e, by detachment, a super- nation-stat e, such as USA, ought to have something
Jn

orde r

t hP

meet

of

the nuclear armoury that it has.

Or, weakening the theme to

ol.Jjecli on s concerning excess, "overkU.l" capacity, it

retain

i1

t

l east

solid

a

ou~

core of the nu c 1ear devices it has.

(moretlly]

to

For su bs equent

argumc~nt it can be left open whether the oblig-'¾tion involved is a moral one, for
inst a nce

be cause

of

the

character

the

of

pro r·c·c tcd, or only (as nrg ued a bove) one of
g rou nds

to

those

di. sa rmame nL

supporting

ag ainst

a

the

dangerous

SS

reason 55•

prudent:ial

the me

nuclea r

Northern values supposedly being
On

similar

it can be argued that unilateral

opponent

would

be

prudentiall y

Jrralto nal.
It will be fr ely admitted that what is prudentiall y or morally requir ed is
a

s11 hopLimal

st rategy ,

li.ke the famili.a r strategies of the prisoners ' dilemma

si tu a tions and of certain related competitive games .
that

a

su peri or

would

be

cooperative

For

expen sive ,

re source s,

dr ai ning

of

such

t he details are wel l- enoug h kno~1.

55.

admitted

arrangement s.

Cooperation

and

be better not merely in removing the nuclear dilemma, but in a

ra nge of other r espects .

future

be

strategy for nuclear adversaries , if sufficient trust and the

lik . could be achif?Ved , would
agreeme nt

So it should

arrangement s

would

be

much

less

risky ,

destructive of the environment , a nd so on;
However for the present and the

foreseeable

the prospe cts of cooperation a ppear - so we are repeatedly told by state

It can stil l, a nd presumably does, amount to more than mere local
expedi e ncy, s ince the 'freedom of Europe' is part of what is at issue.

rcprcscnlat lve s , who are (not always ~ ltt t~gly ) helpin~
unfortunate ly

rather

remote:

only

the

ca make

their

polici es

sure insurance is ex t e nsiv e

nu c l ear preparntion and full preparednes s t o 3pply nuclear force.
At least this is so where one is a superstate :
proceed,

largely

unabated .

nuclear

preparation

Where one is not a superstate , but a lesser state

one must, the r e presentativ es continue, _t::_':l..l_ on a larger ally who has a

one's

a rsen a l,

umbrella.

nu c l ear

pre paration ,

th e lA ck of trust d l splaye d, ,md

for

huddl es

conf l.dencc

in

!ts

and

which

under

co ntrast s

ncouragcd elsewhe r e .

st·at (• , one whic h r.clics for i ts nuclear
grrH1nd

one

anoth e r's

But he r e a level of tr ust and coope ration is_ called for, by

dep0 nd ent states, which is far from foolproof,
with

nu clear

in s uranc e (which is pres umably not fre e ) is obtained indirectly

thr oug h some supcrstate 's
nuclear

COVt!r

super-· ally

Does a "d epe nd ent"

on a s 1pc r -a lly,
rather

tha n

strangely

have

that

exchange

on its territory?

mu ch

Jt s ally's opponen t ?

Confidence, for instanc e , that its ally will not r e nder i t a ta rget or
nuclear

must

stag e

a

Given the pr ocliv i ty of states , especia ll y

l arg0 states, to res ort to expediency, and give n the recen t histo ric al record of
superstates and t heir leaders , too much fait h would be mi spl ace d .
Thus, whatever th e l imited force of t he argume nt f or the superstat e
it

&lt;loes

theme ,

not extend t o the analogous them e for a dependent state, which d if fers

f rom SST nnd end s as follows:

DST.

Because ... , a st a t e without adeq uate (or any) nuclear weapons is obliged
to r e ly upo n a s u pe rstat e ally , and within that arrangement , to accommodate t he
facilities and nuclear in stallations of the protecting ally .

ln pa r t for reaso ns already given, principle DST is not very plausible (a nd
same

goes for mo re obvious variants upon it ).

Nor do the arguments of f ered for

SST t ranspose parti cularly well to direct arguments
striking l y

illu str ated

by

the

case

the

for

DST. 56

This

is

more

of more remot e nuclear dependent states.

Consider the a rgument from basic values, for instance , from the angle of nuclear
dependent Australia.

Basic values ln Australia are not threatened by, o r put in

j eopardy through, the ac io ns or plans

of

the

Sovi et

Union.

Nor

ar e

they

thr eatened by the other superstate, t he USA, the only country with ' the physical
56.

As ls widely known, inadmissi ble and usual l y much overrated considerat ions
o f expediency frequently enter into reaso ns why states allow foreign
nuc lea r facilit i e s upon th e ir territories , e. g.
eco nomic consideratio ns
such as trade or local revenue and short- term jobs.

ca1 1acity to launc h
mot j .ve Lo

&lt;.111y

&lt;l o

look convincing .

carries

full scale invasion of Aust r alia ', but

R

wc .i ght.

reasons

In

fact,

the
with

a rgumen t

from

of

For there

arg ument

t he

only

is

qucstLonable

non-n l lf~twd prnc.ticcs.

of

58

domina tion

In this way

too)

the

from dang er of nuclear destruction could be nullified .

such

supe r state

foreign

li t tl e care, the pr e s e nt level of

a

economic and political dom i nati on could be much reduc e d.
fore(•

lack(ing]

so , , so far . 5 7 CJ.ear ly the argumen t from basic values does nol
For similar

1 it t le

'clearly

danger

because

nuclear

of

umbrella,

superstate
dang er

facilities

and

th e

tha t would be removed wi th

With 1 ess remot e dependent Europc 1rn states these

sorts

a rguments from nationa l dangers are only marginally more convincing , and may

b e defeated along analogous lines .

The differe nces in the situations of st ate s, and
peoples,

break

theme

the

of

a

of

monolithic West.

differently

situated

This is a theme especially

favoured by US and the Wes t European rep resentati ves, who present the West,
its

freedom,

as t hr eatened by Soviet domin atio n.

und i.ffrrentiatcd unit.
dep1!nd0nL

i;tntes

with

But

this

l eadi ng

idea,
NATO

desig ne d

powers ,

and

In this the West is a single
in

and

part

to

align

lesser

to justify pu tting them at

nuclear rl sk is as muc h a my th as th e idea of the Golde n West.

The West is

not

so monolithic, it ls not so comprehensive, some of it is not so free , much of it

(i ncluding the Ant ipodes) is not thr eate ned by Soviet domination.
Principle DST - li kewise what it dep ends upon , SST - is

now

coming

unde r

attack by Eu ropean disarmament groups , who c hallenge the core assumptions of the.
und er lying retaliatory model that
0

Safety lies in weapons ,
More weapons i mply more. security59 ,

Cerlainly, for mo:ce :f.s ol ated states, such as New Zealand,

safety

from

nuclear.

a t ack l i es not in wea pons bu t in excluding nuclear facilities (including visit s

from nuclear submar ines ) .

Europe ans are ar guing in

present

of

syslem

is

more

a

similar

wa y,

that

the

a ris k, indeed l ia bility, than a protection (e.g.

57.

For t he quote d c laim, and some of th e
Au stralia ' s Se curi ty , p .94 .

58 .

The Jssuc is furt her pursued in Ap pendix 2.

59 .

Sec, for exam ple, t he las t article in Thom pson.

argument

for

it,

s ee

Threats

to

Thompson, p.251);

envi s -1ged

and thnt: w-ithou!:

Lhcut.r e

for

a

h\icJ. ,;,)ll''

instal1.st:!on1&gt;i Europe cannot be

limited nucle r wnr , in the way .l

thf'

is now seen by US

( ut not Soviet) strategists.
Once the weapons assumptions

are

qu es tioned,

other

assumptions

of

the

retaliatory model a nd its variants come up for examination, namely
ci

Whether the proper response to danger is armament, in particular

o

Whe th er tle proper response is through nuclear armament,

as

opposed ,

say, to other military responses, such as convent.ional arms, or,
takin g off from the previ ous point,
~

Whcthrr military approaches and procedures (through
ar e

proper

methods,

armaments ,

etc.)

or should be such dominant methods, of conflict

resoLuti.on at the int er national level.
It ls plausibly arg ued, against military procedures, that at no

ordinary

level

do we sens5bly s et about meeting danger or settling disputes by acquiring lethal
weapons and thr eatening to use them - except perhaps on an out-dated, and
r e ally

warranted,

frontier

ethics.

This leads into the issue of alternative

defence systems, a vital matter beginning to obtain the contemporary 60
and

explana tion

it

deserves,

questioning of the framework

of

but

never

one

that

already

nation-states.

While

emphasis

anticipates subsequent
the

state

system

is

inrac · , force ls far from exceptional and military procedures are to be expe cted
and are l LkcJ y ine vitnhl c.
nation-state

system ':

For 'forc e has

[a]

permanent

plac,~

in

the

thus Ramsay (on p.xv), who uses this as part of his very

orthodox case for nuclear war arrangements.
§7.

Th

resulting nuclear dilemmas for aligned st;:ites

Ass~mbli.ng
r eferred

th~
to

as

themes
the

so

far

nuclear

de v e lope d
fix:-

States

war-deterrence, because (as argued in §J-§5 )
to engage jn war.-·deterrence , at l east

60.

yields

the

both

and

their

supporters.

deontic dilemma. often

ought

not

to

engage

in

it is immoral, and also ought

for prudential reasons (as

Alternative defence systems were considered long ago in
Mohists.
For contemporary work on alter native systems , see
su rvey in Sharp. There is in fact a considerable literature
and social defence arrangemen ts, and a growing literature on
i . e . convercd.on t o such arr angement s .

argu ed

using

China by the
especially the
on non-violent
transarmament,

·,,,,._

44
SST and DST).
tl w

Th i s dilemma i.s no idle construction
of

virtues

parac.onsisteot

logic),

but

( c onc octed

61

prod uced

by

war itself 62 , or

at

war

and

its

version

of

the

deon tic

least war which spr.·eads beyond purely

mjlitary la r gc ts, as larger wars in evi tably
e . g.

nuclear

, a, wel l as bei ng virtu a lly ublqultous i.n nuclear war discu ssions.

ThP nuclear fi.x 1s in part simply a mor e intense
di 1 emma

demonstrate

a serious real-life dilemma, t he

ouLJ.i n s of which are r e peatedly encountered i .n text s on

asper.ts

to

do

(since

ra il t ra nsport , typically rely on ci.vilian ones) .

military

arrangeme nt s,

The ma in dil emma arises

from a combination of t he retaliat ory model with t he feat ures of

war.

War

is

requlr 0cl for defence of th e state and valu es it upholds (or pretend s to uphold);

but war also invo lves imm oral ac ts and cv.tl co nseque nc es .
war

can

undPr

also

ce rtain

justified.

be

se e n

as a t temp ting a rec onciliation by tryi ng t o show that

ctrcumstanees

Thus

' some

these

reall y

ju tifications
0

evi l

consequences

Regis

of

war '

(Walls ,

p.260).

accept ab l e than falla c ious ,symptotic

are

morally

of war aim to show that a ctio ns deemed

normally forbi dd en by moral ma nd ates are now pe rmissible
the

The doctrine of " ju st

But

this

argume nts

when

perfo rmed

under

is no better or mor e morally
for

uti l itorianism

as

bein g

corre c L \~hen the s takes are larg e .

W;n· and preparedness for
61 .

wa r

als o

gene rate

s ubsidiary

di.lemmas

f or

Thus Green, along with many others, ' find[s ] nucle a r deterrence
the
best of pra c tical policies available to us now •.. give n the realities of
world politics ' bu t ' s till demur[ s ) because of mo ral qualms' (p . xii).
Green
also r e presents both Morgent hau a nd Halle as having 'rather
agonisingly presented a • • . case for a deterrenc e strategy, even whil e
asserting that the stra.tegy is morally indefensible according to the
traditional et hical codes' (p.2 52 ). Walze r ends in a similar dil emma (he
is committed to a str onge r a nd less qualif i ed form of it tha n he set s
down):
though it [deterrence ] is a bad way, there may well be no
othe r tha t is practi cal in a world of sove reign and suspicious state s'
(p.274) - an indictment of the state system that Walzer does not pur sue.
Similar ly th e US Catho lic Bishops
d :llemma;
they s peak of ' th e
dilemma of how to prev ent the use
Fa s kius nn&lt;l Dockrill and i n Benn
terms of moral dilemmas.

present the situation i n terms of a mora l
political paradox of de terrence •.. the
of nuclear weapons • .. ' (PL, p.3 13).
In
too the nuclear situation is pre s ent ed in

Th e nuclear dilemma is of course not a dilemma for everyone, for those who
think they have seen the clear admis sib i lity of deterrence, or differently
for those who have seen through the argumen ts fr om nati onal dang e rs.
But
it i.s a dilemma for th ose locked into the conventional f r amework.
62.

Situatior.s in war are als o a major so urce of moral dilemmas:
see Routley
and Plumwo od where several exampl es are gi ven. A general logic a l account
of and theo r y of moral di.lemmas is elaborated therein.

. ...
inst;ince, a sevc t·e tensio n be tween freedom and
difficult

prohlcms

au t ho f· t c y:

'one

of

th e

~0s t

o[ war involv es defending a free society witho u t destroying

the values that g ive it meaning and vali dity' (PL,

p.324).

The

problems

are

greatly enhanced by modern nuclear arra ng emen ts.
The nuclear fix not onl y i nt ensifies a nd complicates other d-Lle rnm:-is induc ed

by

t he

co ntemporary s ov ere i gn s t at~ 63 , in particula r the dee p tension c betwee n

national security and the ope r at ion o f libera l-democrati c arrangement s (sucl1 a .,
"
lnd.lvidual

li.herty , popular control of institution s, etc) .

othe&gt;r more persona l subsidiary d i l emmas ,
( poll U ca l)

obl lgations

to

s for

example

(the

question

the

extent

of

one' s

a nuclea r stat e, and ro le-induced d Uemmas such as

one's conf licting obligatio ns as a docto r or a nuclear
res c•archer

It also accentuates

of

politic a l

obligation s

armame nt s
and

processor

or

eva sion

is

their

considered f urther in Appendix 2).
At the more personal level, tha t of individual and group ac tion, the re
several

ques Ions

to

'Wh, t. should my sta t e

be disen tangled - questions di ffere nt from the key issu e
be

doing

and

influence, d epending on who one is.
I do?

1

one

Jives,

-

do?',

on

whi c h

one

may

exert

influences, i.e.

in

what

l it tle

There is not only the question 'What shou ld

a question whi c h will have a quite different force de pending
a nd

ar e

on

whe re

sort of stat e, where one wo rks, what one contr ols or

on who on e ls and one ' s role s - but also the

questions

' What

sort of person do I wan t to be ?', 'What am I prepared to answer for morally?'. 64
Answe rs to thes e latter char a cter questions will feed back to influence those t o
act ion-or ien t ed

questions .

Each

of thos e questions c an , in gi ven situations,

induce subsidiary dilemmas .
The essential fea t ure of a deontic dil emma is that both A and the
of

A

are

wrong

(or

di ffe rently,

pursu ing a nuclear def ence policy.

obliga tory),

negation

for some suitable A, such as

The place and essential role of deontic

and

63.

The nuclear dilemma is not alo ne re sponsibl e fo r these other dilemmas.
T.arg -sca l e nuclear power generation, a nd other types of warfare and
security ar rangements, also contribute. But a conflict of freedom and
autho rity is already an outcome of the la rge central state.

64.

For gro up formula t i on of t he que stio ns rep l ace 'I' by 'my group', etc. The
l mpo rtnn ce of distilling ouL th e se qu•s t ions, and the moral und es ir a bility
of r!Pt0rrr,n~0 fn terms of whnt: Lt docs to p oplc morally, are brought out
Ln Benn , where however the issues a r e made t o l ook somewhat more separate
than they are .

moral d il emmas ure not
l i t.t&gt;r;,Lure

f, !.,

•

widely

or

well

und er stood,

p...." t'ticular]y
__

e 1-1
~ 1i

in

ca .1

Thi s l s par t ly be c a us e c urre ntly domin a nt e thic a l positlons lik e

utilitarlnnism "annot at al l e asil y accommod a t e moral dilemmas or the data which
giv•s

to

rise

them

but

the n such positions do not r eally offer reporti ve

acco11nU; of wr on~ an d obli ga_~_:!:_on anyw.-1 y.

d i lemma doe

Cont r ary t o utilitarian per ce pt:Lons

a

not neces s arily have any mo ral s olution , though there may be better

a nd worse ways

By

01t .

wh c h

assessments,

contr a st

f orm

the

with

basis

s uc h

e thical

theories ,

preanalytical

oE se n s itive theories, do recognise mor a l

dil~mmaa and reflect t he i r f e a tur e s.
Reactions an
f rom

the

res ponse s t hat a re c ha r ac t e ristic of deonti.c dilemmas
fix.

nuclear

The r e 1&lt;• an un s t end iness, an uncertainty a s to whnt to

&lt;lo , whJ.ch wny tu pr.occed , whl c h pr ind pl •n i n wa ter e d- down for m to

temporary

Thus ,

crutch .

for

as

world' GG , that

b st"

j

ethical

RU;l1 ,)ps wt-o

way

a

of

neve r

exerci s ing

"mora lly

ou r

s J. n a morally-str a pped wor ld .
fu nctor

s peak

moral

A similar

th e

'strictly

mor;il

Dete r r ence ha s a strlc tly temporary role
but

de t e er e nc: e

th e

c i rc um s t a nce s.
de ter r .nc e,

is

be

in a fallen

to

" second

a

acceptability '

object

mus t

cert ainly

one

str ictly

and

wrong,

is

of

from th e

conditional

be to move beyond det er r ence, 'towards a

optlon

as

to

of

what

the
to

nucl ear
do

in

Thus Wal z er, for example, s t r ugg les t o the conclusion
though

a

"morally

try to escape 'the paradox of deterrence', i.e.

world free o f the threat of deterrence' (PL, p.317), out
And

can

shift

'moral

c ond i tional '

while

a ccepta bi U.ty ,

good",

responsibility

d~t c rrcnce
fix.

·s

(as from good to a c ceptable) is made by the US Catholic

of

we

gra s p

examp l e , th e Bishop of London contends t hat the

possession of nuclear wea pons 'whil e
acceptable''

emerge

neverthel e ss

the

policy

to

fix.

awkward
that

war

in

the

pursu e

circumstances ( p .274) . 6 7 Howe ver as more than a n immediate stepping stone

to

a

65.

There are exce pt i ons of course, e .g . i n the Catholic educated such as
Sar t re;
a nd Na ge l's f i nal example i s very instructive. For a fuller
t h e or y of mo r a l dil emma s s ee howe ve r Routl e y and Plumwood.

66.

Repo r ted in The Ec onoml s t; re pr i nted i n
1983, We ekend Magazin e p.2.

6 7.

As a response to a moral dil e mma , Walz er ' s approach is perfectly in order
logtcal ly. Tho se who, l i k e Be n n , ' f lnd i t ne ither coherent nor cceptable'
hnvl! no t gras ped t he logic of mo r al di l emma s .

The

Australian,

February

12-13

!i

'.rnp erior

pol Ley ~

nsscrabled

(in

sufficien tly

it

is

§5-§6),

a

dt! cidetlly

reasons

of

·1

}-toor

the

opti_ n,

sort

reasons

i'o r

that

are

decisive

already
for those,

outside the conventio nal Northern f r amework, who find

no

genuine

of

nuc le ar

nuclear dilemma.
To make matters worse the nuclear fix ls, furthermo re,
stal1.:s'

own mald.n&amp;_.

fix

a

It is not somethi ng they blundered into, by accident.

initial nuclear jnvolveme nt was deli berat e l y c hosen, primarily by the
Lhc

escaJAtio n

of

In these respects the

situation

is

like

peop.1 e who deliberat ely let themselve s be invo lved in two incompati ble

relations hips , and build up
though

and

U.:, A,

has by and large also be en deliberat ely chos e n, again mainly by

the USA and the USSR in in teractio n.
th:1 t

The

one

there by.

It

is

build-up.

The fact i

programme is t o be in addition to existing
( which

are

to

Sovi et

that the USA initiated nuclear armament, and has

frequentl y l ed escalatio n, and apparentl y still does.

esources

myth,

a

some currency, that adoption of nuclear weaponry, an d nuclear

in North Amerlca occurred on a defensive basj_s in response

bui ld·-up,

nucl~a ·

with

onflJctin g obligatio ns

generally

agr eed

The recent (1980)

United
to

States'

strategic

be already in excess of

Russia ' s , and which always have been so ) (Thompson , p.21) .
The present dilemma , that many people fe e l acute ly,

state

policy,

allies, and
Naturally

not
the

USSR policies.
indicates

especiall y

that

merely
route

by
a

taken

advanced

response

to

capita list
t he

nations,

Soviets

(or

of

USA and its NATO
state

socialism ).

would not have been feasible without compleme nting

And independe nt evidence,
t l1 ere

is then a direct outcome

suc h

as

Soviet-Si no

confronta tion,

is a strong internal military dynamic in state socialist

n.:.iti.ons .

There is a t wo-way co nn ecti on between world political arrangeme nts
nation-st.' .ltes

and

the

nuclear

f ix .

arrangeme nts are an evident source of the
nuclear

situation

is

increa singly

present wo rld polJU.cal structure .
is

widely

promulgat ed

.'.lrrangcm ents :

it .is'

seen

On

the

dil emma

as

one

hand,

with

t he

these
result

through
political
that

the

i nd icat ing the inadequac y of the

Indeed it is no longer a radical

theme

but

that: the source of the nucl ear problem comes from state
n world of sovereign states . • .

which

brought

the

wo.ld

to

the prese n t dangerous situation' ( PL, p,JlJ).

nucJ.e11r fix tends to lo':.~ political arrangements into

On th e other hand, th e

the

statist

form,

into

arrangemen ts of an increas ing ly authoritarian and centralist cast.

stutlst

espoused purpose of nuclear weapons may be to kee p the
and

security,

to

defend

national

inter est s ,

reasons such as perpetuating the system
advantageous

of

confrontation,

st ate

to

(!),

provid e

but underneath there ore other

sovereign

st a tes

and

frame work

the

rlnd

peace

The

military-indus t rial in ter ests, dependent state explo itation, and

polit i cally
favoured

of

inequa l ity

it

supports .
The ~merg ing t heme is t he n that the ve ry nuc l ea r s i tuatio n arising from th e
statist

arrangements

a nd

interr e lations

( conomic

ideologies , etc.) tends to , and is used to, lock
a rr nngcme nl.s

of

s overeign

where

the

pa ttern

world

states And zones of inter e st .

t heme is a pi ecemea l pr a cti cal one .
side

the

rivalries,
into

conflict i ng
the

present

The argument to th1. s

Consider first, the matter from the

Soviet

of nati ona l control and progressive military-economic

reorientation common to all nuclear states is clearer .
The threat from the West, whether it exi.sts or not (and in Soviet
perception it certainly does) , has become a necessary legitimatio n for
the power of the ruling elites , an excuse for their many ec onomic a nd
social fa i lures , and an argument to isolate and silence critics within
their own bo rders. In the West we have ••. care fully con trolled
and se l ec tive release of 'offi c ial information ' (Thompson, p.20 ) .
"We" in the West, e specially the Americans, also
integrated

with

state

appara tus,

have,

in

forms

increasingly

the military-industrial complex, which is a

major. benefi c iary a nd promoter of the nu c l eR r. arms race . 68
Secondly, there i s evidence of entrenchmen t of the arrangements,
by

th ing s

S llCh

as

the

SALT negotiation s ;

shown

there are f i xed s uperpower s an d a

(growing) nucle ar club of nations all governed by a
rule , partly held in place by deterrence .

as

flimsy

negotiated

set

Connected with this , there are cases

rev ea ling the fixing of zones of interest, such as the Afghanistan example.
Soviet
US i s

68 .

of

The

invasion is not regarded as threatening US "vital interests", and so th e
not

over.duly

worried

about

Afghanistan

and

its

people.

What

was

The role of the military-industrial complex in present US escalation is
sketched i.n Cox. Marxists, with their dogma of economic determinism , would
assign even more weight to this point.
As some of them would free ly
concede, a similar complex has figured prominently in USSR escalation.

diff~rent, what it was worried a bout a nd made ~uc]d a r threat~
adj~c ~nt

~estcrn

oil

supp li es :

concerning,

were

these lay within the US zone of interest (cf .

th e d Lscuss ion in Sche ll, p.212).

§8 .

Ways out of nuclear dilemmas:

results.

in itia l political fall-out from the ethical

Virtual ly all the ways are wa ys of limitat:i.on , and they all invol ve in

one way or another limitations on nuclear arms or the way they are deployed, and
limJt~tions

on

the

thu s inevitable.
and

more

or

power s of states.

Limitations on national sovere~.EX _~re

The limitations may be reache d by agreement

and

negotiation ,

less voluntarily agre ed to 69 , or they may be imposed, or possibly

worst of all, they may eme rg e from an ini.t i. al war.

As with other fixes produced by
there

are

suggested

ways

the

structural

ar rangements

of

states,

ou t which do not interfere with these ac-rangemen ts,

inter.stR-te approache s, and there a r.e ways which do seriously alter the struct ure

nnd

power

·elations

extrastate approaches .

of

state s

(and,

in the limit, remove t hem altogether) ,

All the familiar , allegedly "practical" and "realistic" ,

attempt~ to resolve the nuclear problem, for instance disarmament by mutual arms
limitations , etc . , are interstate ;
sovereign

state .

The

s ame

goes

(graduated) unilate ral disarmament .
about the nation- state;

they do not tamper with that sacred cow, the

for

les s

"realistic"

But in fact there is

proposals,
nothing

or

empi rical

fact ,

is it part icula r ly a stable one.

nor,

and

its

replacement by alternat.ive arrangement s.

as

a

We are certainly

free - Jn more libera l states, it should be eve rywhere - to theorise a s
demise

sacred

it is not a particularl y well justified political form;

it js 1ot even a very long-standin g form of political arrangement ;
matter

very

such as

to

its

And nuclear dilemmas

s houl d have e nc ouraged such reflection.

69.

In principle it would be relatively easy for sta tes to agree to settlement
of their disputes by less damaging a nd expensive contests than military
ones, e.g. by contests of selected rep re sentatives, and not just through
fiB l1Llng ln some form, but by contests of footballers , singers, da ncers,
lawyers , or etc . In prac ti c e, however, such more civilized alternative s
are never much consldered in thes e days of superstates . Animals, by
conLrast, are smart enough to settle dis pute s by means much more like
these .
Even the a nci en t Greeks - though they had a clear appreciatio n of
limits, which has been lost by post-Enligh tenment leaders
regarded the
institution of war as fi nal ( al l egedly inevitable ) means of arbitration
between city-st a t es , not seeing
its
social,
structurally -emergent,
characte r.

50

approaches take one of

Extrnstr1te

ittlernat ional
of slate s.
r.ol

two

rou tes,

way

~Ile

to

l~,

ge nuine

power, or the way down, throt1gh fractio nation or deunionisat lon 7 0

The ways up and down are by no means one and the same;

,10ccss;1rily incompatibl e .

but they are

Some of the impo rt ant machinery, for a way up to

world governmen t, is alre ady there in the

international

law-courts.

Wer e

the

courts ns signed suf fi cien t authorit y and po we r, the remedy , namely through legal
acl ion, that· medie val
principle

theo ri. t s

saw

to

all

disputes,

could

in

be rxtended to in t ers ta te disput es , and th e just war between states S

and T supersed ed by the just ~ase of S versLs T.
given

intrastate

s n fflcienl

least jilitial]y)

But if

the

law

courts

were

power then their a uthority and efficacy would likely rely (a t
upon

war deterrence ,

though

not by military means.

perhaps

Law courts, as usually conceived, are not

effective without police and jails or

their

and

equiva l ent

supcr-statist

back-up

eq uivalent

for
of

economic

other

penalties;

and

the

either wi l l involve the capacity to inflict quite

substi'.tntial amounts of damage on "delinquents" -· which, bec ause delinquents will
typicnlJy

be

organisations,

will also involve damage to innocent, and perhaps

dissent 'ng , participants in those organisations, as well as to other
In

pa rt i es.

repC'ilt

uninvolved

short t such an approach does not resolve the problem but tends to

rt .

Tl1 • Way Up is one more stnt i s t, legali stic , authoritarian way of trying
ec:t

t. n

gri.ps

with

the

nuclear

though mostly 1n passing to be

to

problem, and accordi ngly is often men tioned,

dismi ss ed 71 ,

in

orthodox

strategic

texts

on

-·--------- - - - -- -70.

Am e ricans, for example, tend to forget that their state (like the US SR) is
a union, of fairly recen t orig in, and that a differ e ntly-oriented State of
the Union message could well consi der dissolution of the
uni on.
Regional
movements in USA unfortunately lack much popular s upport at present. By
contras t, the re are signif i cant se para ti on movemen ts , some deserving aid
and e ncouragement, which affect most other nuclear states, especially USSR ,
UK and France . The USSR already has tr oub le in holding its (supposedly
voluntarily integrated) satellite em pire together;
and the one recent
attempted add ition right on its frontier is proving extremely recalcitrant.
Nor s ho uld powerful political unions under centralised state apparatus be
f no t c rcd c l ocwhc r e .
The some appli es to state empire expansion, ns
.illustrated in contemporary Indonesia. Mos t important, the reunification
of
Germany
should be resi sted;
instead a more rational regional
deuni fication than the p resent East-·West division of post-war Germany
sho uld be oought , al ong wlth removal of nuclear weapons from the border
regio n, and so on.

71 .

Thus for example, Ka hn, where such a "solution" is quickly dismissed as,
impractical , etc.
Hardly ne ces sary to s a y the Way Up has won most favour
wllh the 1 ga l f r a ternity , and from more Authoritaria n organi s ations.

5l

thermonuclear war .

By contrast, the Way Down, thoug h like

the

new, is sca rcely mentioned in the orthodox discussions;

means

an appcara nc Q (a comeback) in some more radi ca l discussions,

combined

with the Way Up (in "world ord e r" mode.ls:

unl i ke t he Way Down, i.s
considered

however

beginning

to

be

cf.

Way

and

is

more

sometimes
The Way Up,

sympatheti cally

by those who take a moral rather than strategic viewpoint.

a r e newed emphasis on world order, in rea c hing

inte rna tiona l

system';

and

'the

'towards

a

no

but lt is making

Galtung).

much

by

Up

mora lly

There is
integrated

missing element of world order today is the

absence of a properly constitu ted political authority' (PL, p . 320).

A main argume nt for the Way Up is

just

a

repetition

of

that

which

is

commonly supposed to underpin sta.tist arrangements in the first place, namely an
argument fr om ( gene rous) variations upon the Prisoners'
Tragedy

of t he Commons.

traditionally,

ecological order.
not

herdsmen

as

best

solutions

regards

to

problems

as

the

of

organisation,

public order and, more rec ently, as to

So with the "tragedy of nation-states") where the players are

but

nation·-states ,

and one of the prospects is destruction of a

r,ood parl of th e commons by rwclear wa r, the solution is now

sort

such

It is that authorlty and coerc ion - in the form of the

state - a r e r equired to ensure
espe cially,

Dilemma,

of superstnt e.

said

to

be

some

Of course, this begins to undermine an earlier application

of the "traged y" argument, since states will lose their sovereignty and some

of

thcjr

be

order-imposing

corr espo, dingly weakened.
ar gum ent s

are

role,

and

But all

political
this

is

obligation
to

There a re, then, many problems

through

these

A

further

theoretical

with
h:1.tch

the
is

Way
that

Up,

a

both

"tragedy"

theoretical

and

the Way Up merely repeats
arrangements.

It

is

contingency, of there being no rival intelligent civilisations

nearby, that the probl ems of interstate relations are not repeated
72 .

will

72.

stalist arrangements at a level up, by way of superstate
only

that

states

good ones in the first place, when in fact they are not, but are

only sound under quite restrictive assumptions.

prac t ical.

assume

to

See further loutley and Routley
especially Griffin.

and

material

referred

to

a

level

therein,

up
and

The rea reas ons for th e state are of course very different from the
thf!oretic::il c:ov er such argume nts af ord. Among other things, the state
enables and guarant ees the accumulntlon of power, privilege and capital.

again .

The maj or pra ctical hi tch is that there h

no prospect at all of getting

su ·ha "solution " t o work in tim e t o Aerve 5.ts intended purpose.
Tn rc:,1.li l y , we ar e no ne arer a world gove rnment than we were a century
ago ,
In fact, it is even arguable t hat since World War II we

have moved furthe r a way from a world government than we were before
Wo rld
War
TI.
The disint e gration of empires has mul tiplied
soverei g ntles . I t ia true that we hav e s omething called t he United
Nations, but eve n the United Nations has decline d in power as it has
grown in memb e rship. By the beg i nni ng of the 1970' s the United
Nations ha d bec ome, in some ways, a l e ss powerful and e ven less
influen tial organisati o n than it wa s a t the end of the 1950's (Hazrui,
pp.2-3 ).
The reaso n s for thj s Mazr ui goes on to o u t line .
future

For

t he

foreseeable

nuclea r

ideologica l d i ff e r e n ces be t we e n s tates , including especia l ly differenc e s

as to how politica l arr angeme nts shoul d be e ff e cted, exclude any prospect of
opcrnt l vc

world governmen t or a worl d legal s ystem capable of resolving nuclear

hostlllt i es .
extre~ely

I n some ways, this is just as well.

monol ithic,

woul d

World

gov ernme n t

would

cer t ainly ,

whatever

it s

( g ray?)

politic al

colour,

{~xplo l tatJ v e eco nomic sys tem whi ch would do i mmens e

impose

damage

on

to

It

undesira b le

l eve l

Ideological,
r equ1 site

the world an

many

remaining

of

inde e d

u nity

political

and

parad 'gmatic ,

cannot

be

and,

e c o nomi c

sepa r atio n

expect e d

in

some

crucial

respects,

unity.
of

Moreover ,

give n

Northern

main

within nuclea r dea dlines.

swee ping

more

sovereig nty , c o ul d
blockages

and

agr ~ements,

be

negotiated?

dea dl ocks

i1

the

involving

genuine

There

an

way

is

When not even

endless

of

of

that
state

series

of s uch state reconciliation.

a pp lies to int e rst a te arrang eme nts, whi .h ma y make limited us e

the

of

The s ame
Way

Up

nego tia tions or other conc i liation pr ocedu r es within a fram ewo rk arranged
•

-

through the Unit ed Nations);

73.

it

limitations

almost

the

cultures,

nuc l ear weapon s li mitations can be worked out, how much less l ikely is

(e .g .

would

systems. 7 3

The Way Up thu s presupposes an unlike ly

much

be

f ost e r e conomism, would ent r ench bureaucracy with

all l t s damaging f ea tur e s, a nd could e asil y tend to totalitarianism.

·1
n .:ltur.:iL

an

7 11

Fo r a mor e de tailed (bu t decidedly mediocre) critique of the idea of a
world
gov e rnment,
see Galtung.
Naturall y the objections to world
gov •rnmcnt , 11nd dlffl c ult lca in the woy of oht in i ng 1t, do not extend to
mo r e f l ex ible world arrangements, such a world federation ofcultu res (cf .
Ma zrui ).
Such a plura l lstic ana rchlstic Way Up can
be
genuinely
s yn thesized with the Way Down.

jJ

There is
arrnrgemant s

regrettably
and

als o

conventions

much
are

e~ tdert ce

frequ ently

concerning war and human rights 75), a nd are
scntJments
signed
does

slide

smoothly

that
not

not

1nce rnational

observed (especially those

worth

into despicable dee d s .

bode

well

ever be rcc1chcd.
ln

&lt;'nnv,•11t f&lt; n

any

great

deal:

openly

violated.

I ndeed there:.&gt; already appears to he at least one
fon·C!,

of

lofty

It

for nuclear arms limitations , s hould suffl c i en t ag reemen t

wl 1I C'h

tn

nl1

the

following

intEirna t i ona l

i1P mtljor 11u clc•nr sL 1t:es ore slgnnt:o r l.en,

w!1fc:h w11uld rule ·11t LSN war and nuclc11r cl ic• rcnc

includes

a

Even agreements states have

are oft e n enough disre ga rd ed, sklrted ar ound, or
not

tr ea tie s ,

1

,

t h ton genocide.

Genoc i de

ac.ts commit ted, in time of peace or war, with

inl ~nt to destroy in whole or part a natural, e thical, racinl or rel igio us group

as such:

ki.11:lng members of the group, causi.ng serious bodily or me ntal harm to

the members of the group , d e llbcrately inflicting condittons of life
to

bring about physical

destruction

i.n who l e or i n pa rt.

f ollowing associated a ct s are also punishabl e :
dJrcct

and

public

shall

Beside genoc ide th e

c onspira cy to

commit

be

Persons committing genocide o r any of

punl.shed ,

whether

they

are

the

othe r

act s

responsible rul er s, priva te

individuals or public officials. 76 It is not diffi cult to argue
nucl~ar

genocide,

inc itement to commit ge no ci de , attempts to comm.it ge nocid e ,

complf.ci.ty i.n genoci de.
mentioned

ca lculat ed

that

a

larg er

st rike (such as det e r rence policy requires as a ba ck-up respon se ) would

almost cer t ainl y consti tute an act of genocide, through what
minority

groups.

conspir acy

repr:esentati .v

'S

does

to

some

But then, by virtue of connecting principles like CS, nuclear

deterrence stands indicted
pa r ticular

it

of the

and

as

involving

i.ncitement .

nuclea r

s t a tes

acts

ass oci a ted

with

genocide,

in

Some wel.i - known political and military
would

thus

ap pear

to

be

li.able

to

indictment . and punishment und er internation al law .
7L1.

Even Dahl itz, who gi.ves a detailed and s ympathetic accoun t of nuclear arms
control at t empts and lost opportuniti es, is by no means confident th a t
suitable arrangement s onn now be achieved (se e pp.
210- 13).
Reasons
include technologic al advance s now taki.ng place, and the renewed America n
drlvc f or strategic super ior ity .

75.

See Brownlie, Kuper, and Amnesty Int e rnat ional reports.
in t his paragraph were sugg est ed by c. Pigden.

76.

The accow1t of genocide given is taken directly f rom the
Genocide Convention, whic h is reproduced i n Kuper, p . 210ff .

Most of the points
text

of

the

The nuclear fi.x cmergi.ng fr om nat.io ,,-stnte arran!_1, 111 ~nz:s - c ombin ed wi th the
appare11t

I mpot ence

interstate relations to alleviate the situati on , indeed

of

with the apparent ability only to push the world further into the situation
ne:.rer

to

nuclear

the

" brink"

is

now

taken

to

ind ica te

contemporary angle) the inad equacy of natio n-state po litica l
tias

gi v en

new

impetus

sovereignty

the best-seller

and

to co nsiderat ion of other extrastate r es olut ions .

The

According

to

can

reorganise

the

radical

namely

n iclear

in

Sc.hell ' s

1

unsatis factoriness

situat .l on

The

should

the foundations of politic c l thought'

pollllcal

t.iicy opvrate •. ,

the

indicates

inst itutions

Fate

lead

political

of

to

req u i red

a

t he

Earth .

' ful l-sca le

to

make

't he

co n sonant with t he g lobal reality in which

and in ' work [ lng] out the practicnl s teps by which mankind ...
its

political

li fe' (p.219).

However Schell himself tri e s to

avoid the se ' awesome urgen t tasks, which , imposed on us by

the

of

the present system of nati on stat e s has even reach ed

stands,

Schell

reexaminatio n o f

world ' c

and

book

a new

a rrangements,

thesis that the nuc l ear problem

national

( f r om

and

work of our age'

else overimpressed

by

political t he oris ts.

the

7

Z

history,

c onstitute

So, no t feeling th e pressures of history or

real ities

of

(unstable)

nation-states ,

do

most

But there i s no good r eason to av oid the task of politic al

rea ssessmen t, made so much more urgent by the nuclea r situation.
There i.s li.tt l e doub t bu t t ha t we live ( too
11nthinklngly)

with

an

an tiquated

s ystem

many

present

state

arrangements,

representative
century

communications

•ery

different

condition;

in

a

77.

when
and

the mai n outlines of the mod ern totalitari a n state

and its mauifold defic i en cies recogni sed, even ea rl ier.

of

( a llegedly

17th

we re

willing ly ,

The feat ures

go vernme nt: , were largel y fashi oned in t he
especially ,

us

even

of poli t ical a rrangements which t he

nuclear impasse , among others, calls in to q 1est ion .
best

of

even

dem ocratic)

techno log y,
more
were

t he

and

primit i v e
d iscerned,

In the br iefs prese nt ed

A similar theme , similarly qu estioning 'such sacred tradi tions as a bs olut e
national so ve reignty', was p r essed by Bradley, a significant US g enera l
( sec Co x , p. 225).
Sch 11. (like Bradley) does not mak e it entirely clear whether he is
thi nking of the Way Up or t h e Way Down, but the names he drops suggest the
Way Up. So does the mai n t hrus t of what he says, e.g. ' Thus the pe ril of
extinction is the price that the world pays not f or "safet y" or "survival "
bu t for ito [sic !] insistence on co ntinui ng to divide itse l f up into
sovereign nations'
(p.210), as if the natural or original st ate were an
undivided one ? On Schell's position , see further Append ix 1.

for political a r rangements such as repr~nontat ive government, the excessive siz
an,! compl ex ity of modern states was not envisaged .

But such systems con tinue to

opcrn Lc , i ns ufflciently questloned, though tl1el r justificato ry bas es
und c r mi ne&lt;l.

prese nt

Nuclear

problems

rep r esentative

have

political

emphasized

have

been

several other defici encies in

arrangement s.

In

particular,

they

have

rcv cn l ed how governments can thwart popular opinion, and act against the evident

will of t he people on an issue , for instance in installing US missiles
Euro pe a n

countri es.

cen tury

ca s e for r e pr e sentative proced ires is dissolved.

issues,

~

i s sues.

The

least, be reduced.
reduced

excessive

power

back

at

dev e lopme nts ,

pro cedures,

But the route down through

issue-regul ated

large

i mposes

and

complex

other

modern

requirement s.

states
What

lnl t .t1-1.l

s maller

a s iL ls

to

inf or med

citizens

gro uping

than

approx i mate
of

a

g lant

satisfa ctory

good will.

As

the re .1 r c se riou s dcfic encies .f.n

the

l.nf ormation

by
are

stn tes,

government

recent

tec hnologic al

called for a re smaller
Firstly,

in

present

information

and

democratic

progressive

procedure,

of

control,

nation-stat es,

channels, and so f o r.th.
ncc e ptable

the

from

These

upon

nuclear problems have again made patent,

even

·release
the

and

distributio n

distortion
r estrictive

of

most liberal of them (and

Aga in, especi a lly with new and less

systems , there is little excuse for thls.

information ,

upward

depends

But there ar e

e vi dently vest ed i.nterests whi c h stand to benefit from the limited

pub} l t:1 y

and

Secondly , democracy, insofar

political

rela t ed clcfi c i ncies as regards educati.on).

flow

major

li ke many other social arrangement s, appear to function better with

lnt egraLJon of groups by principles of federation.

a nd

on

of governments would, to that ex tent at

grou p.i.ng s , information flo w, communicati on and education.

cx pe n,, ive

lea st

governmenta l power to more participato ry democratic forms, a rout e mad e

poss ibl e ev en in

mu ch

elected

wny that is thoroughly ambiguous on most issues ) are not given an almost

f r ee hand on eve ry issue, but are required to answer
polic:y

th e

It is past time

for mor e is sue-control led d mocratic procedures , where governments once
(i n

some

Now that modern communicati ons a nd info r mati on-processin g

make i t fe a si bl e to dete rmine the mi.x of public positions on major
19tl1

in

of

data

featu res

in
have

a vailab ility

major communicati on
helped

in

making

present delib e rat e ly fostered pattern of nation-stat e

56
co11frontatl on, and in establishin g the prisoner's
nuclear

superstates

are

often

seen

to

be

gJlemma

type

situation

th e

locked into (on which see, e.g.,

llardin1.
A central a rgument, arising from the nuclear fix, for

political

questi oning

current

arrangement s and seriously considering their adjustment (in theory at

le~sl), takes the following shape:•

Political arrangement s shoul d answer ba c k to certain

j,rnt iff.-.d

111

te1·ms

of

dolng

ut

.eas t

where

and

are

so. 78 The s&lt;.i r e quir ements lnclude ,mch things ns

en;,blJ ng good and meaningful and moral l lve s for those

arrangement s,

requirement s

(as

certainly

in

who

operate

under

the

muc h of the West) the basic

mat e rial condit i ons for such lives are met .
•

l\ccaus c of the nuclear [ix, nation-stat ~ arrangement s have

these

requirement s.

For

guarnntce the prospect of
arrangement s.

nation-stat es,
good

meaningful

lives

those

to

under

their

yet ther e ls a non-negligi ble probability that

person's morality is jeopardised if the person is obliged

a

meet

at least in the North, can no longer

such 1.lv •s may terminate, leas tl11rn fulfilled, 1.n this way.

support

to

A life's meaningfuln ess ls certainly diminished if it ends before

its 1,rimc inn nuclear d i~aster ;

m.-iny

and

ceased

s tate

to

Furthermore a

acquiesc e

in

or

engaged in nucl ear war preparation or nuclear deterrence (cf.

Benn) .
Th_erefore, nation-stat e arrangement s have
should

be

amended .

have

their

justificatio n,

and

Variations on this type of argument apply to many (though

not all) natlon-stat es:
natio n- s t ate

f orfeited

it ls not only because of the

forfeited

their

mandate.

nuclear

Political

fix

that

some

obligations to such

states a r e corr espo ndingly dissolv ed .
There is enough evidence that power- brokers who control
stght

of,

or

worse

have

lost

don't care about, t11e point of political arrangement s, of

wha t justifies or is supposed to justify their sta tes.
78.

states

This

applies

both

to

How they answer back admits of expansion in various ways, depending on the
irn lerlyi.ng politica l
theory.
Rawls, for example, puts it in familiar
contract ual form: that the political order is 'a cooperative venture for
mutual adva ntage' (p.4). Mao puts i.t in a standard democratic way: 'since
Lhe purpose of all political processes is nothing but to serve the people
and the i r interests, it is the people who should control in a meaningful
way, the gove rnment' (see Soo, p. 68).

r;7
rnnre powerful s tates nnd to lesser states, both

c lai m

popular

Ln

and

mandate

ag;iinsL the wllL of the pcopl(! ,
power~.

put

a

value

hi3 lier

where,

nlrea y

illustrated

milita ry situa ti ons:
viol.1ted

the

'IH' t:.1k er s

on

some

have

more often , they act without it or

as

The sit1.1at-ton has been reached

sove reignty

nation al

survival. ' (Scliel1's conclu sion, p . 210;
is

-✓ hl.'lfe

where

than

'nuc l ear:

they do on human

for copio us evidence see

Kupe r).

Thi s

by I srael, Vietnam and many other states in nonnuclear

the

principles

of

just

warfare

repeated ly, as hav e ma ny other pr i nciples.

much of whn t c l .:i im they lv1d to externa l

have

been

blatantJ.y

Such states have forfeited

respect or internal political obedienc e;

so, on other grounds, have many other state s .
It could just be, of course, as is oft en
a lt er nat ives,
that have

been

re s arc hlng

glimpsed,

though

of world go vernment).

dismissed,

for

s tirc withou

very

no possibly better alterna tives .
but

little

As

to

whether

all

has

such

are

no

been

expended

on

opportunity

do

to

work,

a nd

not

Appea r

to

give

we

alternative s

w~y

Down.

There

working tow ar d s the wea kening
es pec .i.ally

can

be

the

may
and

ha ve

been

given

know very little a bou t how humans

suff icicnt

org anisi ng and trying out alternative
accessi ble

alter natives

instance as lacking feasibil ty , it is diff i cult to be enti r ely

operate under su bstantially different arrangement s.

But,

t ime

arrangemen t s,

to
even

once

again,

proc eed
thos e

nuclear

very far on
of

the

mor e

be time to pr oceed a l i ttle way ho wever , in
breakdown

of

t he

large r

s uperunion s , which are the immedia te problem.

ln valid to simp ly conclud e that alternative poli t ica l a nd
while

t here

But alternat i ves the r e are,

effor t

toking the risk of being dogmati c;

little

d e ad ii ne[,

tha t

t1e r a nge of alte r na t ives or their features (except pe r haps for th e

0

op Li. on

or

insinuated ,

nuclear

st a tes,

Thus i t woul d be

s oc i a l

arrangemen t s,

theoretic a lly feasible and certainly a l onge r- te rm goa l , do not present ly

off er a part of t he practical response to the nuclear fi x.

But there is no need to insist upon a s1 nglc-trac~ Way Out of
dll emrna

to

th t:

exclusion of all olh .rs:

quite the contra r y .

t he

nuclear

We can no t only

afford to be fa:!.rly catholic about " second best " ap proache s and embra ce wha teve r
seems to be working or looks like helpinJi • wUhin re c ogn i sed e thi c al ( and o t her )
con st rain ts ;

Indeed, given the urge ncy,

the

direness

of

t he

si tuat i on ,

we

58
:,hou1d

~s

be

fairly catholic and not lnflexibly co~mitt ed to narrow methods, such

boRged

rlown

( a nd

v ery

on

a rms

limitations

ner,ot inti o n s

m"thod::i

should

si~nifica nt

be

undemocratic

perservered

concessions

unrepr•sentativ e)

between main nuclear states.

wi.th,

from

cert ai nly

tJ nd

and

the

attemp t s

superstates,

made

to

e.g .

No-first···use declarat.lon, a ban on weapons in space, etc.

But even s uch

a

wring

further

jointly

signed

The direction of most

hope for progress has however come into view, a direction that is not especially

new .

The politica l means of the Way Out are what they have
la rg e r

eve r y

liberal

or

huma nitarian

been

on

issue that has matte r ed:

from ou tside

state governmental apparatus by organised pressure fr om within or
nnd

it '

by

furnishing

self ·- organising

characte r is tically Bottom-Up
famiL l ar

cons i de rations

are

methods

an

alternatives

practically

wi t hout

which

never

virtually

upon

bypass

it ,

Top-Down.

Such

but part of the more general , and very effective,

case agai nst relia nce upon states for a range of things they are now supposed to
supply,

but

whic h

effectively and [or

can

almost

t hat

invariably

mnttcr

le ss

be

obta i ned, where required, more

e x pensive ly

without

them

(and

their

monopo1 i.es) •
In the case of security it i s states , with very few exceptions,
impo sed ,

or

acqulc s ced

and nuclear weapons .
frequently

from

time

being ,

movement

have

in, milit a ry solutions involving nuclear installations

The opposition to th e

local

a nd

neighbourhood

esca lating
grou ps,

nuclear

fix

has

come

some of them now feder a ted

:1cr,;11s nntions ( " o the dir c cLion :!.a not rcnlly interstate).

!we n rrnc:ccr-rn fu1

that

These

groups

have

in blo cki ng some nuclear ln s tal lat.tons and establishing, for the

some

a ga inst

nuclear-free
nu c le a r

neighbourhoods .

equipment

The

patchwo r k

grass-roo ts

is strongest in Europe, which is - as the

mov emen t realised , and what gave it impetus - a leading thea tr e, on US strategic
thinking,

for

a

limited

nuclear

war

not

touching

ext r eme ly doubtful th a t i~1crea i ng NATO and American
Europe

will

E11 ropc wil l

these

mnke

it

a

saf er

place :

American shores.

nuclear

r emoved

installations

in

on the contrary it seems probable that

bec nme much eafcr lf t he anti-nuclear movements

installations

It is

succeed

a nd Europe r e ndered nuclear-free.

g ro ss ly lmmoral condu c t will ther e by also be conside1.·ably reduced.

Ln

having

The chances of

mrnt of the spectre of Soviet dc)tnl.11t\don, mil..ib:Jt:t, ideological and

Exc:c•p l

in

the

case

of

Eu ope,

where th e inexcusable suppression of Eastern

Eu ru pe a ll too ev iden tly persis ts, this is a n obvious fabrication .
8Cr i ou s ly

And even ir Western Europe the spec tre is

failing

partly

g iant

fashioned

military-in dustrial allianc e.
inc r easJ. ngly

dominated

and

largely

domi na t ed

financially

ideo l ogically.

much

propped

exaggerat ed.

no t

nnd

c1d c quatcJJ

and

ec onomically

some

of

and,

in

some mea sure,

Indeed much of the "free"

world

countered

as

mil.itary

by

The

means .

i .,"

in

basic

any

mode of

mUitary .

But

mil itary, and associated poli tl c al, domtnatlon of We ste rn Europe by

the Sovi e ts is a

problem,

t here

are

several

ways

other

predomi na ntly American nuclear weapons to mi tigate it.
on] y local def e nc e arrangement s - whethe r top·-down
alternative

is

it domina ted economicall y , by the US A.

doml na ti on to whic h nuclea r weapons are con s ide r e d relevant
in sofa r

a

up by the NATO powers '

i s not ge ncraJ. ly considered so much of a problem (as it ts 79 ), and
ls

anyon'

Since the l ast World War, Western Europ e ha s be e n

polHlcally and ideologica lly , by the USA ,

c a1;e

Does

expect the united Soviets to absorb China, let alone take over Canad a

or Brasil say?

Th Rt

other?

social

methods

but

also

some

and

much

r eliance

on

These should include not

state-suppl ied
social

decentralis ation , regionalisa tion and devolution of
orga nlsat{ons,

than

me thods,

or

r estructurin g, such as

power

to

dispersed

local

mo r e cooperation and interchange with the Soviets and

East e rn Europe.
Part of the point of
whether

external

or

r es tructuring

internal,

so

is

especiall y

situa tions, is to
st a t e-contrived
79.

break

make

any

military

takeover,

much more difficult and pointless, and the

rest o r ation of loca l control easier . 80 Part of
int e rch1nge,

to

the

point

of

cooperation

and

at the level of more ordinary people, in more ordinary
down

conditions

of

hostility

and

distrust

and

to

s abotage

the

West-East confrontati ons, and thereby to remove

For many pe opl es of the world , and in it s impact on the natural world,
advanced corporate capitalism is an oppress ive and damaging doctrine. But,
in contrast wit h a ustere Marxism-·Len i.nism whic h would i mprove the lot of
some of Lhe oppressed world while even worsening the impact on the natural
world, corpora t e capitalism admits a certain pluralism, and recognises many
mo r e individual ri gh t s and libertie s. Ce rtainly Marxism-Len inism which
appears to degene rat e in practice to an authoritari an and totalitarian
position is a less welcome alternative . It is fortunate, then. that we need
be saddled wi t h neither: there are s u per ior options.

60
ot.hC'r

motl ves

fo r,

and

Western

popul ar

suppor t

Eu r ope ,

for

f or,

long

j.

much

Uitary
too

adventures

partial

to

and

military

advt'nturcs, sho uld now be hel ping i t se lf rath e r: than relying on a leaky Amer.lean
nucl e ar

umbrella

for its defe nce .

Moreover it ough t to be, at the ve ry least,

1ncomfortable about the risls of c a tastrophi ca lly damaging
t he

world

in

the

i nterests

of

its own security .

extensive

parts

of

Nor should other "nuclear

depende nt" states be prepared to ac qui esce in this not uncharacteristic European
impositlon.

There

wo rl&lt;l, wha t

LS N war

is

no
risks,

enormous
for

virtue

Western

in sacrificing othe r parts of t he
Europe,

rn i. li t r1ry-base d dom ina tio n to other parts of the worl d.

which

has

long

exporte d

There ar e better. options

than clublou s and ris ky nuclea r shields for Europe.
-·-·- -----

--·- . ·--

80.

Thus , for exampl e, t o the exte nt that lo cal defence groups a re integrated
under more centralised direction, it would be a built-in principle th at
s urre nder of the central directing sect i on absolved the federated groups
fr om following suit or following further dir ec tions. That is, through
devolution of power, surrender becomes structurally impossible (though
individuals or baste groups may surrender). Moreover, the central section
wnuld ho ld only limited informa t ion about the federated
uni ts
it
in tegra t e d.
The locally organised groups themselves, which would mer ge
wilh local po pulati ons, would be train e d in tact ics of passiv e resist ance,
sabotage, (nonviolent) guerilla warfare, et c.
The net effect (as c.
Pigden, who made most of these points , argues) would be to make the cost of
militar y conq uest, occupations and exploit a tion prohibitively high.
One reason why t he Japanese Army High Conunand decided aga inst invasion of
Au s LraHa i n March 1942 was th e cha r acte r of Australi.ans and the fact th a t
th ey 'wo uld resist to the end' ( Threa t s to Australia's Secu rity, p . 62).
Ycl
th
1 9 112 (wa r
r edu ced ) Aust ralian populatton was substantI.nlly
untrained a nd unorganised for loc ally-based defenc e . With such a defence
r estruc t uring, Aus tralia wou· d not only much reduce its vulnerab ility to
military adventures, but remove standard reaso ns for succumbing to threat s
of outside military domination, blackmail, and the like.

81 .

In par ti cular , with sufficient cooperation
and
trust,
competitive
prisoner's dilemma situations, which depend on the prisoners being kept
separa te, are removed. So too a main mode l
supporting deterrenc e policy
would be undercut.
And the arguments from national dangers would b e
further co rroded.
In the same direc t io n, i t is import a nt to extend cooperation between USA
and USSR down below t he l e vel of state trade deals, e.g. in grai n and gas,
to communicati on and coope r ation between people. For such commercial deal s
there is suff ici e n t tr us t, even in periods of intensive confrontation: why
should it not be so also a t more significa nt people-to-people levels? Many
f ur ther Ror ts of lnt c r rclo tionshfp ore fe slble, nnd jnexpenaive by
m:llltary st a ndards, e . g . sister cities, common clubs, worker exchanges,
gi.( t
pro Jee ts .
If, for ins tnnce , 100 1 000 o r mo r e ord lnnry Americans wer e
l i ving, working or holiday i ng in USSR ( and vice versa), Americans would
feel less enthusiasm for hurling nuclea r missiles into Russ ia (or vic e
versa ) . Only quite inadequate efforts have been made to build up mutual
respect and trust; or the con tr ary , a l ot of resources have been expended
to enco urage pr ecisely th e opposite a tt itudes, e.g.
as part of the
strnteg y of the "cold war".

~

6J

What th e anti-nucle a r movement s must press
b,oa rl out1 i.nc;

fof

::tccordingly

i.ic&gt;

perceptive

t r ansarmamen t,

to

i.e.

conversion

outer

edges

of

graduat e d

the

movements,

alternative social defence arrangements).

Bu t t h e ar gume n t a lso makes it clearer how f a r this should go,
t hrough

in

i n pa rt it i s what they hav e_ been pushing for, nuclear reduction

an d rlisarmamen t ( a nd, on the more

wa y

clear

namely

all

the

disarmament 82 to total nuclear disarmament,

unilateral

c e rt a inl y to lo cal disarmame nt across progr e ssively larger parts of the planet's
s ur t~cc ,

inc luding

especially

Europe.

For

once

the

state is demoted , its

i mpo r t ance a nd t he necessity of its maintena nce properly downgraded and reliance
on

dec i s i on- making

its

diminished

de ci s ion-making - once all that is
happe n ) ,

one

in
duly

favour

of

allowed

more localised cont r ol and

for

(it

does

not

need

to

major component in the nucle a r fix is removed, namely the problem

o f red 11ction or even loss of state sove reignty .

Ma'ntenance of that sovereign ty

has been ass i gned a mistake n importance, which in turn acco un ts for the mistaken
we ig ht ass i gned to the arguments from national dangers.

What is

important

and

wo rt h pres e r vi ng is not the sovereign state, but certain ways of life within the
stn r- c .

The na ti o n- state and dangers to it, and accompanying

features

s uch

as

mis p.l aced natl.onal J.sm, are the weakest links i.n the nuclear fix situation .
On ce th e demise of the soverei.gn nation-state is allowed f or, the arguments
fr om

nat iona l

conce rni ng
part i cul a r.

dangers

.lndividual

also
and

grou p

rights

and

In

their

freedoms,

by

t he

that

nation- s tate .

matter

The

are

to

arguments

liberties

in

for

t hem,

as

sma ller

or

exclusivel y

nation-state is neith r sufficient for
are

disappearing,

nor

community arrangements can ensure them.

But

a r guments f r om lnd i vidual and group dangers remain , do they not?
ri sks

are

civil

necessarily

th em , since i n inc r eas ingly many states the s e liberties
nec e ss ary

pl ace

None of these require national sovereignty or even a national life.

None o f ti e rights and freedoms
g ua r a n te ed

disintegrate.

in div id11a ls 11nd groups r e maln:

To

be

sure,

th a t has always been so, 83 and ls not

---~------ ----82.

The In i ti a l but impor ta nt st e ps are at zero cost as regards deterrence.
Wer e det e r re nce re a lJ.y the pol icy there would be little case for more than
a f r a c t io n of pr ese11t nuclear arsennJ.s.
The ste ps to disarmament ;ire
well-known , e.g.
the scrapping of obs olete weapons, and an end t o
modernisati on, the removal of nuclea . weapons in crucial theatres such as
Euro pe, et c .

62

hci n1~ clwnged but only woH,f!ncd in thi. s age of

moslly

to

wont

be

sure

t hat

nucle

or

arc

othe r

outsiders.

People

t hclr li v es will contlnue to run their course,

i.denlly i n a flourishing fash ion , a nd wi ll not be
Russ nns

natlon- states.

t

controlle d

by

Amiirican s

or

Nucl e ar arrangeme nts which threaten t he ir lives

not a rational rout e to these ends .

In t he weigh-u p t hat should occur in char t.tri g a way
dilemmas

the

as

nuclear

out

of

such

deo ntic

fix and its subsid i ary dilemmas, there ar e then much

more i mport a n t elements than featut·es of the nat :ion-st:ate, namely E~-~ of
things

those

the st at e is s uppos ed to safeguard, such as individual and local we lfare

and a ut onomy;
wc,1pons.

but those th i ngs are bett e r ensured by

The

main reasons are fam il iar :

threaten Lhe lo ss of basic values,

such

the

removal

nuclear

of

in particular, nuclear circumstanc es
as

welfare

and

autonomy,

for

many

cr•ntures and reg ions, and the potential los s is in general much great er than in
a nuclear-frcP si tuation ( even should another

with

nuclear

weapons ).

ideological

party

the

o pportunity

armed

There are also well -kn own supplementa ry reasons;

example, the production of nuclear weapons reduces both local
of

remain

welfare

for

(because

costs of wea pons manu fa cture) and autonomy (bec ause of th e

accompanyin g sec urity measures).
Thus

the

appropriate ly
de vi ces

and

nuclea r

fix

limiting
weapo ns

is

resolv ed ,

theoretical ly

it

can

deploy,

and

how ),

and

rate,

by

by

allowing

for

the

But, although that is a reasonable

Way Out , at little c ost in the circums tances , it will be
s ince

any

sovereignty of the st ate (especially as to what nuclear

con sidera bl e reduc tion of st a t e sovereignty .

pra ctice ,

at

strongly

resisted

in

those who hold power hold it , in one way or another, unde r th e

au s pices of the state.

This is a main reason why people must organise

and

act

aga i nsl the state .
Again the resolution also lo ok s practicnl enough, since
sovereignt y

reduction

in

ne ed apply es s e nt ially only to the the production and deployment of

nuclear weapons .
83.

the

Ind eed

it

could

in

principle

be

obtained

by

negotiated

It will rema in so und er any satisfactor y political arrangement s.
Until
human s ocial arrangement s change substantial ly , there is no substitute for
on-golng vigi lance to ensure or maintain political liberty.

agreement ( at the top l e ve l s of s tat e) .

to

far

with

the

superstates , the li mitations of s tate- powe r will likely ha ve to proceed further:
for nuclear weapo nr y doc s no t stand in sp l endid isolation.
i.nto

both

milita ry

s yst ems - and

( c ivil)

Rather

it

is

industrial production of the states

So, uns u r pr i s ingly, practica l- look ing resolu t ions are being

concerned.

ti ed

solidly

resisted by super states.
Accordingly more popul a r (bottom up) act ion aga ins t nuclear-involved state s
and

espec i ally

against

the supe rstate s , af t e r all the stat e s causing the mo s t

serious dilemmas, wil l have to be t aken much furth e r.
variety

of

organ is ed

forms.

These in clud e a refusal to contribute to nuclear

war preparatio n , e ithe r d i rectly or
wld •l y,

from

such

s t e ps

ns

Once again it will take a

The

indir ect l y.

the

forms

of

action

range

block adin g o f shipme nts of ur a nium, and the

rc f1 1!:lal of suppJ 1, Qa a nd se rv i c es to sa i1or n o n nuc le ar ships and subma r i ne s,

t he

to

withho lding or r ed i rect i on of t axes des t i ned for nuclear security purposes.

They inc l ud e as we ll the whole

r a ng e

nuclea r

facilities

i nstal l a tions

and

of

nonviolent
(methods

protest
which

method s

against

do

exclude

not

i ncapaci t a t i on a nd decommissioning of equipment l and which do include new

model

.
8'~
resistance and de f e nce organisations).

It is important to realise that petitioning of
powe r

state

representat i ves

and

ho l d e rs, f or instance through letter campaigns, demonstrations and direct

ap pea l, t s far f rom a complete strategy , a nd may be ine ffecti ve or ignored,
th e r esul t s disco u r aging.

and

This is one reason why popular action should be based

on a mor e com prehensive politi c al

strategy,

which

also

involves

withdrawing

s up po rt f r om prevailing state arrangements, and working out and partic ipati ng in
alter nati v e a r r a ng emen ts, especially

alternative

defence

forms.

85

Sufficient

d etn' l s as t o what to do ar e already known, enough to make an immediate start.

84.

For some imp r e ssion of the rang e of me thods, see aga i n Sharp.

85.

For muc h mor e on all these points, s e e e .g.
fu rt her Appe ndix 2.

Martin .

As to what to do, see

64

APPENDI X l. ON THE FATE

or

MANKIND AND THE EARTH,

according to Sch e ll, and to Anders.

A
ncrtes
of
nucl cn r
prophet s
lw a
pr odu c ed
a
EJ e r:les
of
ph ilosophj cal ly-·o riented works on nucl e ar war and the all e ged impl i.c c tions of
l1 uman ex t inct io n . 1 The series is important for its dee pe r penetration into the
nuclear d ilemma , down to metaphysical leve ls; i n this the series contrasts ith
the transie nt s u pe rficialities of much o f the political commentary.
The most
wi de l y c i rc ul ated and influential text of the series is undoubtedly that of the
s l ightest of t he ''prophets", Schell' s The Fate of the Ear th.
This skillful
piec e o f medi a -philo so phy uncannily redeploys some of the appar e ntly deep
phenomcno]ogi cal themes of Anders . So, conveniently, main assumptions of Schell
and And ers ca n often be considered together. To critic i se their a ssumptions is
not of co u r s e t o belittle their wo rk. In pa rticular , Schell's little book, for
a ll i.ts politic al shortcomings, is having a significant a nd much needed ef f ect
j n sh i ft i.ng att: lt udes towards nuclear arrangements.
It is especially valuable
f or
i ts vivid and horrifying scenarios of the aftermath of nuclear attack.
Unfor t 1111,i t ely it: a lso exhibits, both phi losopld.cally and fac tually, sever e
defects .

Somr of it 1s simp ly ga rbage:

to selec t one example ,

consider

the

claim

that
' witho u t . . . a world-wide program of action for preserving th e
[ human] spec i.es
nothing else t hat we undertake together can make
any pr a c t tea l or. moral sense
(p.1 73, rearranged ).
Th is s1ou l d cer t a inly be rejected phi losophica lly ; for ther e is no separate
moral issue of s uch overwhelming importance that a ll other lssues become mor ally
ne 11 t r al. Mo r a l issue s remain moral issues: they don 't cease to be so when
compar ed wi t h more important moral issues ( as Schell effective ly acknowledge s
el s ewhe r e, p . 130 ) . And the claim should a l so be junked on more f actual grounds.
Humans fo rm a highl y resilient sped.es, like r abbit s i n Australia a survivor
spec i es, unl i kely t o be exterminated unde r
presently
a rrang ed
nuclear
ho l oca usts .
l.

The di.st i ng ui shing term i s from Foley's Nuclear Prophets, wher e many of th e
l eadi ng prophets are assessed. One well-known pro ph et not so consider e d
there i s Jas pers , presumably because hJs ma in work (which might equally
we ll ha ve been translated as The Fa te of Mankind) comes out in entirely th e
wrong direction.
For it gives heavy philosophi c al attire
to
the
be tt e r -d e ad -than-red abomination,
A ma ln argument agai nst Jaspers so presented i s simple. Howeve r bad being
r d mig h t be come ( at present it is debatably worse than living under some
of Lh e tot a l i tarian regimes th e free We st props u p), it still gives human s
a fu rth e r chance for good lives , since r e gimes fall or can be topp led: bu t
t o t al a nnihil a tion removes that all-important oppor t unity .
But J as pe r s does not pr e sent his po s ition so simply . Rather his con t e nti on
i s t hat there a re circum st a nc e s whe re a nd princ ip les for which a person or
group of per sons ought .to s acri f ic e even their lives . Freedom is such:
a
l i f e worth living i s a fr e e life. But the latter pint can be granted
w!. 1:liout conceding tha t s a c rlf1cc is a possible means to it ,
While the
sai:rifice of one or a f e w l i ve s may be a possible ( if dub i ously effec tiv e)
w~y t o fr • . l ivc D for oth e r s , c er t a inl y the sacrifi c e of all l ives is not a
poss i ble rout e to fr e e llve s for a l l, s ince no human l i.ves r ·emain. To thi s
rx Le nt Sche ll l s ri g h t (on p . 131) i n a ccusing Jasper s of an ea ch to all
f al l Rcy.
J aspe r 1 s i dea that "the f r ee life that they try to save by all
po s s ibl e mea ns is mor e th a n me r e lif e or lives'' breaks down when applied to
al l participating pe ople. None c a n ga in free live s by extinction of all:
t hat is not a possibl e route to l ife e ve1.

was selected howev e .· b1?ca,.1se it 1eads i0to, lndeed presupposes,
two of the major defec tive assumptiono in the work ot Mchell and And ers:
Sl.
Nuclear w,n· will ellroinate life, humnn li.fe r1t least, on
arth (the
2x~_~nc:Uon assumption); and
S2.
111 the absence of humans, very many notions, not only
those of morality
a nd value, but t hose of time and space for example, make no sense ; or, to put
it into a more sympathetic philosophical form, these notions depend for their
s nse on a n act ua l human context ( the ext ravagant a nthropocentric assumptlon).
It is appli cations of S2 which giv Anders' and Schell 's work 2 some of its
apparent phllosophical depth, and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement
through the paradoxica l propositions generated. B11t the frequ ent applications
of S2 depend esse ntially on Sl. For without total extinction there will he
humans abo ut, to make past and future, good and evil, go on making sense!
Th ·-- exDmp l e

Granled the factual assumpti on Sl is by no means ruled out as a real
po ssibilit y; granted the technological means are now available to make it true,
to render Homo sapiens extinct; 3 granted the prospect of nuclear war does
t hreaten leacfing centres of Western c .i vilizat ion witb obliteration. Even so Sl
appea r s unlikely in the light of present - admittedly inadequate - information.
Even in Ca nada, which lies on the pol ar route of Soviet missiles, human li fe
should be able to continue in certain northern areas (according to Canadian
medi cal studies) . Sche l l's argument to Sl is extremely flimsy. It depends, for
example, on an unjustified extrapolation from the Northern to the Southern
Hem i s ph ere , but for the most part it does that very North American thing , of
con tracting the world to North Arner.lea .
(All that matters, all worthwhile
civili zati on, i.s in USA, or at least, to be more char.itable, in North Ameri cA
and Europe, which will also be wiped out, i.e. its human population will be
eliminated in the nuclear holocaust.) Some of the data Schell relies upon , for
example the effect of nuclear explosions on the ozone layer, is significant l y
out of &lt;late. Other effects than ozone destruction apparently transfer even less
we ll f rom Nortl1 to South. A factually superior study of nuclear disaster than
Schel l's,
by Preddey and others, indicates that parts of the Southern
Hemisp here , New Zealand and southern latitudes of Africa a nd Latin America could
escape relatively unscathed from even most massive northern exchanges. 4
Roth Anders a nd Schell remark on the "impossibility of unlearning" th e
mean s of manufacturing nuclear bombs. It would seem that extinction, which they
both foresee as at least a live possibilit y, would furnish a good medium for
unl e 3rning nuclear technolog y (something very like this emerges from van
Daniken's theor y of an earlier "high" technology). In v i rtue of S2, they would
however 0xc lud e such a possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly
2.

For a deta iled comparison of Schell and Anders' remarkably similar versions
o( S2 , se Foley JS.

3.

Thus the Las t Man argument, important in environmental ethics, is no longer
merely hypothetical, awaiting the remote death of the Sun, but assumes new
ur gt'ncy. It is this sort of argumen t: that connects environmental et hic s
and nucl ear ethics, at a deeper metaphysical level. The Bomb and Bulld oz er
are out of the s ame technological Pandora's box .
Nuclear technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pando ra's box.
Biological and chemical mea ns are perhaps even more
effective, and ce rtain l y can be more selective in what gets extinguished.

4.

Howev er, new modellifig~ and estimates, none so far very reliable, keep
appearing, and amending the picture. On the basis of one recent scenario,
generated by a computer modelling of a 5000 megaton nuclear exchange, th e
immuni.ty of the Southern Hemisphere to the dire consequences of a northern
LSN war has been questioned . In particular, Sagan, no doubt overreaching
the evidence , has 'warn[ed] that the nuclear blasts would create enormous
diff e rences in temperature between south and north, shifting normal wind
pa tt e rns and carrying smoke and radioactivity south' (Newsweek, November 7
1983, p .56). Some sections of the environmental and peace movements have a
vested interest in exaggerating the probable effects of nuclear holocaust
for life on earth, much as many stotesmen have an interest in minimizing
t'r""l .

66
th n t lhc notion no long er rnnde sense.
But what tlh•y s(H'm t.o want to s uggest
wi. Lh th e impo ssi bility-of-unle a rning mes sage is th "' inevitability of the
de velopment and event ual use of the technology - as if having learnt th e means
ull else was dete rmi ned , and manufac tur e and use ceased to be a matter of
c hoi ce. Certainly such vie ws have been flo ated 5• But: they are no t t e na bl e .
Ther e are man y examples of
technological advances that have not been t ak en
adva nt r1gc of, and there are even cases of tec hnological developme nts that have
be en mRnufact u rcd but not marke ted or used. The re is not something ve ry special
a bo ut n11 c l ear appa ratus that puts it beyond the scope of such· generalis;&lt;1 tio ns .

Both Schell a nd Anders do claim tha t the re are very special things about
nu clear wea pon s , in particular that they do not allow "expe riments ". Even if
thi s were tru e - i. t is certainly not of smal ler weapons
i t would not tell
aga .inr,t the pr e v.lous argument: against the ine vitability of nuclear weapons. And
in fac t Anders and (e ven) Schell hedge thejr claims a bout testing , and
the
limits to nuclear sc..ient if i c work ,
to large-scale weapons and independent
experiments which do not interfere w.ith tl1 e observers and those outside the
" J.abnrn t.ories".
Again they have latched ont o major po i nts: in parti c ular, we
hnv e at present no way of testing the c umul a tive effe cts of large nuclea r
weapons in concer t, e . g .
for more holistic effe cts such as fireballs or
firestorms , e le ct romagnet ic puls e or ozone destruct ion. Sho r t of an LSN war,
and l ike ly eno ugh with it, these crucial effects must rema in largely untested
and lypothelical in chara ct er.
The penetrat.ion of human chauvini sm , a s in S2 , is not something peculiar to
Sch e ll, but is a product of Western ph ilosop hy, European philoso phy especially.
This cl,auvinism is unfortuna tely alive and sti ll well, Anders' ve rsi on of S2
being ju s t on e striking illustration ( c:f . AA p . 252ff . ) . It ha s a lso deeply
penetra ted Anglo- Amer i can phi.losophy, and has recently been extended
by
Wittgenslein ' s wo rk , where even the necessary t ruths of mathematics are taken to
be a pro duct of I um:rn co nv enti ons , and would va nish w.lth bumnnsl
Such ar e
all eged imp lications of ex tinction ;
but the fact is that the truths of
arithm PLlc a r e in no way dependent on the existence of humans or humano ids or of
gods or g iraffes .
In Sche ll, human c hauvinis m is dished up in a particularly
powerfu l and obnoxious Kant ian form.
Th oug ht s and proposit ion s, time and
tens e s, history and memories , values and morality, al l depend on the life- giving
pres e nce nf human being s - past or fu ture or me rely potential humans are not
e nough , persons t hat are not humans are cer t ai nly not enough. Thus, a ccording
to Sc hell (p.1 40 , e .g. ), ' ... t he thought "Humanity is now extinct" i s an
impo ssi ble one for a rati onal person, because as soon as it is, we are not. In
imagining a ny ot her event , we l ook ahead to a moment that is still within the
strea m of huma n t.ime,
The thought is howeve r perfectly possible for
huma ns; we can have it right now. Though we no doubt have it falsely, a later
ratl onal creature may well be able to hav e it tr uly. Schell erroneously denies
that: t here is no "later" ' . . . outside th e human tens es of past, pres en t, and
futur e
(p . 14 0) 6 •
Human ext inc t ion eliminates ' the creature that divide s
time into past, presen t and f uture ' : so anni h ilati on canno t 'come t o pass'
(p. lli3) .
But it: is simply false that the tenses are human;
the tens e s depend
on a local time ordering (per ce ptible to many creature s ot her than humans, but
no t depending at all on that perceptibilit y f or its via bil ity) relating other
time s to the present , to now (a l so a huma n-independent location, evident t o
other cr eatures, an d borne witness to by suc h sequences as the passing seasons).
And nnn ih llntion may als o too easily come to pa ss , for ma ny humans in the Nort h
at l e ast, as it came to pa ss in recent ge ologic al times that human s began to
exist upon earth. Bef ore t hat ther e was a time befor
there were any human
beings.

- •••-- - - H•--- -

--- - - - - -

S.

Not merely by technologica l determinists of marxist persuasion. Hackworth,
a form e r US general , a r gues by straight induction, that if the US mili ta ry
ha s a wea pon it will u se it.

6.

Th e ap palling theme that humans c reat e past, present and future
repeated e l s ewhere , e . g . p .1 73.

(etc.)

is

Anders ' arg um ent for the demise of time, that 'what has been will no .Longer
even what has been', is also explicitl y and narrowly verificat ioni.st: 'for
wrwl wo u ld t he d iffer e nce be betwe en what. ha s only been and what has never been,
if the r e J s no one t o r emember the things that have been' (AA p.245). Ther e
would st l ll remai n ma ny sorts of differenc e; for one, the history record ed i n
mm1y
other org anisms would be differe n t.
Temporal themes do not la c k
' legl lma y be ca use not regist e red [or
verified]
by
anyone';
truth,
signl Eica nc e , sti l l less meaning, are not matters of human verificat ion.
be

Here , a s e ls e where, the human cha uv i nism is mixed with other distortin g
metapl1ysi ca l assumptio ns of our Western he ritage , in particula r, verificati onism
and on t ol og ical assumptio ns (to the effect that there are severe difficult ies in
talki ng ab out what does not exist).
Thus, for example, Schell takes over
dub I.o ns metaphys ic s from Freud, according to whom "it is indeed impossibl e to
i magi ne our own death; and whenever we a ttempt to do so, we can perceive that
we are i n f a ct s till present as spectator s" (p.138). The second clause goes a
good dJ e l a ncc t owards refutjng the first. In fact there is no g r eet dlfficult y
in descri bing coun terfactua l s ituations which undermJne both Freud's claims.
The same go e s for Schell ' s extension s of human chauvinism into one of i t s main
tr a&lt;l 1 ti o nal str ong holds, value theory:
the simple and basic fact [si c!]
th at befor e t here can be good or evil, service or harm, lamenting or rejoici.ng
there must be li f e' , human life ( p. 171) .
These are no facts, but deeply
entrenche d
philo sophical
dogmas whi c h have been exposed and criticise d
elsewhere 7.
Natura l ly s ome t hi ng s will disappear with the extinctio n of humans:
trivial l y t here wi l l be no mor e humans (unless humans re-evolve or are
rec eated ) , and t hus no mor e human ins ti tutions, human activitie s, huma n
emo ti on s , and so forth. But it is a lready going too far to suggest, as Anders
does, that t he r e will a c cord i ngly be 'no thought, no love, no struggle, no pain,
no hope , no comf ort, no sa crifice, no imag e, no song ... '. For there are, and
may eontlnue to exist, othe r creatures th a n humans with emotion, struggles ,
songs ,
Nor will the endJng of all such human Vf?ntures, if it comes to
p3ss, show that nl l past huma n ve ntu res have be en 'all in vain', meaningle ss ,
and already so Lo say dead. The decay of t he s olar system, or the heat-deat h of
the uni.ve r s,~ cv~n, wi l l no t s how t hat worthwhil e human activitie s were not
worthwhi. le. 8
Sev er.a l of tbe other notions and themes common to Schell and Anders derive
from t he i r shared assumptio ns Sl and S2. It is these that underlie the biblical
no t io n (in Re vela tions ) of a Second Death , redeploye d by both.
'The death of
mankind ', und e r Sl, is reckon d a ' second death', because by S2 end Sl remaining
lJ fe i.s r e nder ed mean.lngle ss and already ' seems to be dead' (AA p .244, S p.166)
a nd Ls already 'overhung with death' (S p.166). Thus, too, more trivially , a
per son f a ··es ' a s econd death ', not merely one's own but in addition that greater
de ath of the spe c ies and all future generatio ns (S p.166, p . 115). However even
if nu c l e ar ext inction came to pass, the stronger notion would not be vindicate d,
becau s e it de pe nds on the fallaciou s inference to the meaningle ssness of
prec edi ng lif e and on the
very
questiona ble
represent ation
of
this
mea ni ng l ess nes s as a sort of death. There is no Second Death: creatures die
just once , pe rh a ps all at about the same ti me . The idea of a Second Death lacks
even a s o li d met aphys i cal bas e .
From Sl , t og ether with the minor pr inciple that extinctio n being an
absolu t e does n ' t d i ff er in deg ree, come s the universa lity of peril them e that
' we are al l exposed to pe r il in t he same degree', which is according ly
'd isguised' a nd 'diff ic ul t to rec ogni s e', be cause there is no contrast (AE p.61+;
S p.15 0 ) . Thi s th eme fall s with Sl. In a ny event, not all peoples are equally
i mperilled by t he nuclea r situation , th e Indians of southern Patagonia being
7.

See , e .g ., ' ll uma n chauvi ni s m a nd env .l r onmental ethics', in Environm ental
Ph i l oso n~
(ed i ted D.
Mann.ison and other s )) Research School of Social
Sciences , Aue trallnn Na tio na l Univ er0 l t y 1 1980.

8.

Anders is here ( AA pp .244-5) r e l yi ng upon a ve rs i on of

the

argument

from

68
rnLher betlcr pJac d than the Germans of northern gu , e .
1 011
Nor are all pe opl e
C&lt;JuaJJy locked
in to the situation or inca pacitated by it; as exp l.aine d,
th e
po s ition is different in different countries a nd placeR.

Nor,

---

1

i ke wise , are all people equally res ponsible, an obnoxious theme,
(in co ntrast to Anders) r-c pc a tedly infiltrates . This is the Po go
theme, ,iccord ing to which
-S3.- · Responsibi lit y for t he pre sent nuclear si.tuation (fiasco, really)
distributes onto e verybody, it be longs to very human in the world . 9
B11t there is 3lso , mixed in, a weaker more plausible claim that gives lie to the
stronger one , namely that we have some responsi bil i ty (the Nazi situation is
compared). An es peci ally blatant example of the Pogo theme 10 runs as follows:
'
t he world's political leaders ... though they now menace the earth with
nucl cnr wcapo nG, do so only with our permis si on, and even at our bidding.
At
least, this is true for democracies ' (pp .229- 30) . The theme is elaborated
e l sewhere :
we are the authors of that extinc tion. (For the populati ons
of the super powe rs this is true in a positive sense, since we pay for extinction
and support the governments that pose th e t hrea t of it, while for the peoples of
t he non-nuc lear-armed world it is true only in the negative sense that they fail
to try to do anythi ng about the danger)' (p . 152) .
But this is more of an
argt1ment indicting r epresentati ve government, by revealing its insensitiv ity and
unr es pon s iveness to many of the populace they alleged ly govern, not to mention
those affec t ed by its activJties who are not represented at all (namely
ioreigne t-s ). But Schell convenient ly neglects all such points:
we are
pote n tial mass ki llers. The moral cost of nuclear a r maments is that it makes of
all of us underwri. ters of t he slaughter of hundreds of m.lllions ' ( p .152).
And
again '[ as] perpe trators
we co nvey t he steady message
that life not
only is not sacred but is worthless; that
it had bee n judg ed acceptable
fo r ever yone to be killed' (p.153) . Little of this is true . Those who campaign
against nucl ear a rrangements , vote against nu c lear- committed parties so far as
is possible , a nd the like, are certainly not the authors of potential
des t r uction, and responsibi lity .for the nuclear situation does not simply
dist r ibute onto them. Nor does responsibil ity - or the unlikely opinions as to
worth Schell tl l eg itima ely attributes to everyone - fall on those who have don e
less .
Responslbil ity for de cisi ons taken in "liberal democracies " even by
representat i ves (in the unlikely event of this happening in the case of anything
as important as defence) cannot be traced back to those represented , since among
wi ll c :1

Schell

--- ·------·---- - - -

9.

An inter•stJng converse of thls t heme is sometimes advanced , that no one is

responsi bl e , the whole thing is out of control. The technologit al vers i on
of this no-responsi bi l ity the me is dis cus sed s hort ly. More satisfactory is
the theme that nuclear arrangement s are ou t of political cont ro l , but fo r
re aso ns, in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclea r things goi ng,
whic h enable respons ibility to be distributed . The vested interests , wh i ch
bear considerabl e responsibil ity, include the mi li tary weapons i ndustry,
a nd r e sea r ch and a cademic commurd.t.ies , Under pressure s for re-election
especiall y, politicians give in to these powerf ul groups, so losing contro l
o f pol itic a l. processes. The argument fai l s at it s final stag e. For many
politicians either belong to or represent vested interests . Thus polit ic al
processes tend rather to reflect vested interests than to run ou t of
political control .
10.

Another example of spreading the responsibil ity runs as follows:
'The
self-extinc tion of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sa ne
or sens ible; neverthel ess, it is an ac t that, without qu ite admitting it
to ourselves, we pla.n in certain circumstanc e s to commit' (p . 186). Ev en
for most of the plnnners, ex tinction is presumably not part of "the plan",
but an 1ninte nd ed consequenc ; and most of us have little or no role in
the pl a nning, enough of us even campaig n agai nst the planning .
Fur ther
't he world
chose the course of attemp ting to refashion the system of
sovereignty to acconm1oda te nuclear weapons ' ( p . 194):
the world'?
This
connec ts
of
course with the ideological argument from defence of
fuodamental s, e .g.
for libe rty, for the (USA ) nation, and against
soc inli.sm.
In the'
.nurse of
th:fA
argument yet Rn o thm: fallR 1011s
assumption is rolled out: ' The means to the end are not limited , for the
end itself ~ets the limits in each case' (p,189 ) .

mnny otller th1.ngs, a representative .LH only
represf.ltiJ:ai:ive of a p· rty which
offers a complex and often ill-characteris ed package of policies, and a voter
may vote for ze ro or more policies of this package.
Only in the (uncommon)
event of a clear single issue referendum, which is adopted, can respo n s i bility,
st .Ill of a qualified sort, be sheeted home, to those who voted for it, not to
e ve ry one in the community. While S3 is false, there is an important refated
th eme that is much more plausible; namely that the present nucl ear situation
generates responsibilitie s for every social ly involved person (thi s theme is
discussed in Appendix 2).

When moreover the Pogo assumption is disentangled from accompanying theme s,
part of what r es ults is decidedly along the right lines; namely
S4.
The controllers (not to be confused, in Schell's fashion, with all of us]
have failed to change our pre-nuclear institutions. The sovereign system is out
f step with the nuclear age , the one-earth system, etc.
(the whole ea r th
theme ). Thoug h Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the
state and the frequently immoral purpo es for which the state is us ed,
unfortunat el y he often loses sight of this i mportant theme (indicated pp.187-8).
Yet S4 forms part of Schell's critique of the state which is, by and large,
scatter ed and fragmentary.
As observed (in §8) , Schell arrives at the
conclusion t hat the nation-state has outlasted its usefulness, and that new
pol iLlcal institutions more 'consonant with t he global reality' are required as
a matter of urgency.
But he evades what he admits is the major task, making out
viable alternative s.
At mos t he makes some passing gestures, some pointing
towards the Wa y Up.
So l utions to the nuclear dilemma come, if not easily, in a similar
simpllstlc way, from the Top Down; tho se who can must appeal to the Top (cf.
p.230). Schell places his hope in treaties for arms reduction and pmitat io ns
( such as SALT) and in worl d government ( as with the United Nations) . 1 Given the
r ec ord of these organisations and treaties, the negotiations a nd regulators, it
is by now a pathetic fai th. Nor is a serious need felt for further analysis of
the nuclear situation, to investigate the origins of nuclear technology, to
explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider effective changes to
military-indus trial organisation and ways of life .
But some of the requisite deeper analysis of the nuclear situation a nd ,
more generally, of t he roots of war can be found elsewhere. 12 The roots of the
nuclear fix are not confi ned to the ideologically-a ligned arrangements of
nation-slates , but penetrate also into key components of those states, their
mjlit.ary, their controlli.ng classes, and their supporting bureaucracies .
And
both within the arrangements of states, what accounts in part for th e
a rrangements, and in key components of the states , a con spicuous and crucial
feature
Ls
the drive for power and domination . 13 Thus the push for [nuclear]
supe r iority by the super-states, to be achie ved through military-orient ed
science and technology, which involves a nd enables domination, in seve r al
inter.related forms. The main power-base is the large nation-state, where enough
surplus product can be accumulated (from at home and from abroad, and bled from
nature) to proceed wlth military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found t he
h.lgh-te)~nology research and devel opment means to ever more expendable power and
energy.
In changin g t he structural arrangements to eliminate the prospect of
nucl e ar war, it is not ultimately enough just to downgrade the mai n power·-base,
the natlon-stat0.; it ls also Important to alter key component s of the state,
and, mor e swe epingly, to ·remove trouble-maki.ng patterns embedded in all these
social and political arrangements , namely pat tern s of domina tion, patterns
anife sted not only in state political organisation, but in white-coloured
relations,
ma le- female
re l ations,
human-animal
relations,
human-nature
relations; to remove, in short , chauvinistic relations . However not everything
11.

Sec p.225ff.

12.

In Anders and el-borated in Foley, and more straightforward ly, in Martin.
The inco1iplete list of items given ab ove, to be investigated in a deep er
analysis of the ruclear situation, paraphrases Foley JS p,164.

and especially p.227, bottom paragraph .

j

nee ds to be accompl ished at once;
and
the clus~~ - of damaging power and
do1nlnaL l on relatlons tied into war can be tackled separately. And there the
probl e ms can largely be narrowed to certain problems of states and certain key
components of sta tes.
[n ~1at analysis he does offer of the problem with states, Schell repeats
th&lt;• familiar false contrast of state cxpedie.ncy with morality, as a c ontra st
between "raison d'etat" and the Socratic-Ch ristian ethics.
The teaching that
'tl1e end justifies the means j_s the basi s on which governments , in all times,
ha ve li. ccnsed themselves to commit cr::imes of every sort' (p.134).
So 'stat es
may do virtually anything whatever in the name of [their] survival ' . Schel l
then argues however, that extinction nullifies end-means justificatio n by
destroying e very end; but again the argument is far from sound, a nd depends on
human chauvinism (as under S2) combined with ontological assumptions .
Even if
all humans were extinguishe d (as under Sl) ends could remain, for instance for
nonhumans such as animal s and extraterres trials , actual or not. The e nds-mea ns
argument can however be repaired to remove such objections : instead i t is

13.

These motivating drives form pa rt of a larger int egrated
packag e,
compris ing maximisatio n drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth,
('TI C" rgy, sp ecr,
sat:f.sfnctto n, . • . • for the
newer
Enlightenme nt (but
Faustian ) vlr tues.
Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for
excessiv e neatness nod implic1ty manifested ) to reduce th package to one
main component, prefer e nce-satisfa c tion for 1nstance, or ut .i lity. And the
type of drive ls justified (especially for those who have it, but worry
abo11t i t) not 01ly as virtuous, which it is not, but also as rational,
which agai.n it is not. Rationality , the deeply entrenched myth has it,
consists in maximisatio n, of the virtues .
Maxjmisatio n of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
theorems and associated paradoxes. The maximisatio n of power, as with the
Christian-I slamic God, encounters the paradox of omnipotence , the parallel
maximls ation
of knowledge
paradoxes of omniscience .
There are no
consistent objects which are omnipotent or omniscient.
The drive for
ma x i mum consistency , often taken to be the epit ome of rationality , also
l e nd s to inconsisten cy in the case of more important theor i es, s uch as
arithmetic and set theory (Godel's theorem and associated limitative
t heo rems).

IL, .

R &amp; D, though directed by military requirement s and the arms race, also
drives the a rms race. Its role .is partly disguJsed by the myth of neu tral
science.
There have been a tt empts, not only by those committed to technologic al
dcterminlsm , to involve technology more dee ply as the main, or single,
source of t he nucle a r fix . It is technology, th e mega- machine, running out
of control , that has brought us to this pred cament, the nuclear abyss.
Sometimes t his serves to exonerate states and thei.r key components and
those
who
control
them, for they are simply caught up by this
out-of-cont rol machine; but sometimes the s tate itself is se en as a
machine also running out of control. But technologic al determinism , like
other varieties of stronger (nonana lytic) determinism , is false .
Nuclear
technology was selected and proceeded with, after a well-known po l itical
dispu te involv:i.ng distingu1.sh ed scientists ; it was deliberated , fund ed and
promoted , while other alternative s were not.
Damag ing technologie s of th e nuclear age were not inevitable,
but
dellbcra el y chosen by certain components of the large nation-sta tes. And
murh as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be persisted
with.
The fashionable inevitability /determi.nis m themes admit not only of
refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting with often
recalcitran t
technologie s.
They also admit of being made t o look
r idic ulous. If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolut ion, then if
it fu nctions (as it p ·obably will , a matter also determined ), it will serve
as a human population control device, a matter also determined.
That is,
the Bomb has its fixed evolutionar y place in human population regulation.

7l

claimed tha t ext inction null i fies ends-me ans justlft&amp;A~ion by frustrating the
r a J iqntion of ev ery re levant end - me a ning by ' r e levant', in this context,
t hose end,, the rea li sa tion of which th e stat e appeals t o in justification of its
n uc l ear pol i cies . 15
An LSN-war, even without human extinction but with severe
c no1 1gh 1 sses , would undoubt e dly frustrat e the realisation of relevant state
ends.
So eve n f rom an ex pediency perspective, superstate policies are open to
severe c r i t icism , for exampl e a s motivationa lly irrational.
As to th~~ pa r. t of the st a te and (state) sovereignty tn war,
Schell leave s
us i n no do ub t . A s ov e r e ign state is virtually defin ed as one that enjoys the
right and powe r to go to wa r ln defenc e or pursuit of its intet"ests (p,187).
Wa r ari s es fro m how thi ngs are; from the a rrangement of politic a l affairs via
jealous na t i o n stat es (p.188). Ind e ed th e r e is a two-way linkage betwe e n having
s~:".'_E:_r~}:_f;;22.._~ a n d _ca pad 1:.7 t o wage war. On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell
c o11Lends , nec e ss a r y f o r people to org a ni se fo r war. On the other side, withou t
war it is impossibl e t o preserve s overeignty. Neither of these c ontentions i s
t r Rnsparen t l y c lea r a s the y stand. The f l rst is damaged by civil war and the
like, t h e s eco nd by t he per sistence of sma ll nonmilitary states. Now that the
mac r o-state s ystem is e ntrenched, it is however easy for conservatives (in
pci r ticu l ar ) t o a rgue from t he "'real:1.ti e s"' of international life, which include
sel f··i n terest , agg r ,~ss i on, f em.· , ha tred.
It is on this basis th a t peace
ar r angeme nts are r e adi ly d ismissed as un rea listic, utopian, even (amu s ingly) as
•xtrcmlsl (c f . p . 185).

Schell's f ur ther th eme that nuclear "wa r"' is not war threatens, however, to
undermine hi s ca s e a ga inst the s overeign state; for example, his ends-means
arg11m nt and t he a rgument based on its nucl e ar war-maki ng capacity. Fortunately
th e nol-wa r t heme needs much qualifi c ation, and starts out from an erroneous
c ha rac t e r i s ati on of wa r as 'a violent mea ns employed by a nation to achieve an
end'
( p .189 ):
but--this is neither ne c e s s a ry nor sufficient for war. What is
ri ght ( s o it i s a rgued in §1) is that nuclear wars are very different. from
ea r lie r c onvent i onal wars.
Schell goes on to claim that war requires an end
whic h nuc l ear "' va r" does not have. But nuc l ear attacks can certainly have ends
( ev en if LSN war s cannot be won in the older sense: but not all wars or games
a r e wo n).
It is a lso cla imed that war depends on weakness; on one side being
defeated on a de cision by arms. But in nuclear "war" thi.s doesn't happen, ' no
o ne's st r e ng t h fa ils until both sides have been annihilated' (p.190). But what
t hese sorts o f considerations contribute to showing is again not that nuclear
wa r s a r e not wa r s, but that they are not wars of certain s o rts, e.g., not just
wa r s (be cause they fall on such criteria a s reasonable prospect of successand
improveme n t ), not rational wars (in a good sense), and so on. That conve n tional
war s have pe rs isted into nuclear times does damage to Schell's argument that
nu r:10,1r we a po ns h av also ru i ned " c onventio nal"' wars, and his connected theme
t hat t he demise of war has left no me a ns to finally settle di.sputes between
na t lo ns, f or th e final court of appeal has been removed (pp.192- 193 ) . The theme
d epend s on the mistaken proposition concerning the demise of conventional war
a nd t he mi s t ak e n proposition that war of some sort has to be the final "court of
a ppea l'' betwe e n nations (for, as observed, there are other types of contests
tha t coul d s e rv e , and
there is also th e possibility of more cooperative
behaviour, e . g. joint refer e nda) . The theme also imports the social-Darwinia n
assum ption of Clausewicz (the "logic of wa r" theme criticised in §2) that war
has to pr oc eed to the t e c hnological li mit
as if war and violence were
thoroughly nat 1 r a l actlvitLes independ e nt of recognised social settings (for
winni ng, su r rende r, etc.) a nd rul e -less activities. On the contrary, wars are
pa r asitic on s oc i a l organisations such as sta t es and are governed by a range of
understandl ngs , conventions and rules .
The y are a social phenomenon, with a
rule structure, if no t a logic .
Huch ca pital has bee n ma de not me rely from "the logic of war" but from what
i s now cal l ed "'the logic of deterrenc e " a nd the "'logic of nuclear [strategic]
plann lng'". The me ssage that is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive
n uc l cnr 11rr.1 ngemc nt a t he wo d&lt;l l s now en ll ng 1. ed in a rc perfectly loglcnl, sotmd,
15.

Thi s re for mu lation was proposed by N. Griffin, who suggested that the main
qual ificat ion can be inferred from Sche ll's context.
- j

72
rcnGonab.le, rational.
However thJs represents li l i:. le more than a cheap
semn nti.cal trJ.ck .
Logic in no way justifies the present arrangement s, or
nnythiu g 1·ke them , or renders them reasonable. There is a logic of deci.sion
(as presented , e .g., in Jeffrey) which ca n be appUed in strat eg ic. planning;
but it does not yield s pecific results without desirabilit y measures being
assigned to alternative outcomes, that is without values being pumped in,
extraloglca lly.
There are various ways these va lue assignments may
be
determined, to meet moral requirement s or not;
but in nuclear s tr ~tegic
planning they have invariably been set tled on the bas iG of expediency. l&amp; In
fact,
'logic of' tends to be used very gener ously, as a word of general
commendatio n, to cover something like 'rational consideratio ns ente r ing into t he
policy or strategy of '. In these terms, S hell, who like o thers enjoys pl.e ying
with the term 'logic of', should write o f ' the il logi c of deterrence' , f or he
emµlic1size~~ (p.21.J) tlP disparity bct:wc11n the supposed rati.onali ty o f t:hret1t~nl.ng
11se of nuclear weapons and the irrational i ty ( even from a national i n te r e s i
viewpoint) of act ually using th m should the threat fail: 17 ~ the success of
deterrence doctrine depends on the c redibili ty of the threat
of
thi s
unjustifiab le and irrati onal use. I nd eed Schell wants to go sti l l further a nd
locate a contradict ion in deterrence (e. g . pp.201-2): but the argume nt depends
on an interesting conf uaion of cont:radictl on with cancell at ion , 18 along with the
Rss •mption that deterrence invo lves cancellatio n . Nucl ear deterrence ma y wel l
be irrational, i.t is immoral, but it is not inconsisten t .

16.

Selecting the 11sual came theory scttlng sees to th is almost automaticnl ly;
for it is then assumed that each player plays to ma ximiz e his or her own
ndvantagc. Thus too th e presumption Jn Walze r, p .277, that 'the logi c of
deterrence' is based on eye-for-eye and toot h- for-tooth as sumptions .

17.

Even the irrationali ty of the use hac been contested, e . g .
it
wishful]y
thought that America will rise l ike a phoe nix
radioactiv ~ ashes .

has be en
f rom th e

The r e is moreover a simple solution to Schell's problem of th e mis sing
mo..!_ivc for retaliating to a first strike (p.204), namely, not a r etributiv e
one, but a n ideological one:
eliminate t he prospe ct of the f uture
dominance of the riva i deo l ogy .
18.

An anal ogous confusion of negation with cancel lation or obliteratio n
appears in recent US " st a r war" thinking, where US missiles are supposed to
"'negate" incoming USSR missiles .
Moral paradoxes of deterrence take a diffe re nt dire ction;
although
involving negation t hey dep end upon perhaps questionabl e i nterconnexi ons of
intensional func t ors. One type of paradox (consider ed in §5) derives from
a policy of credibly threatening LSN war without however intending to
proc eed to LSN war, though credible th reats ( ap pear to) imply an intention
to proceed.
Another s tyle derives from acclaimed intention to reduce the
number of nuclear missiles when t he persis tent pract ice, which impl ies an
intention, is to increase th e number. This paradox is technically r emov ed
how satisfactor ily in another matter
by a dis ti nction between
longer- term ai.ms and :1.mmediate practic e , a time-ho noured method of removing

.PPENDIX 2. On the Matter of Collt&gt;,.•Uyr,, and Indiyi,hli1 1 Responsi bility
and on Regional ~~rategie ~
What one do e s depend s , naturally , on where one lives and what mea ns one
hns , AS we ll as on wha t one should do and what sort of person one seeks to be .
So too what s tr a t egy a stat e should adopt depends on where it is located and
what sort of power it is , on national as we ll as on moral co nsi de r ations . In
presen t circumsta nces states have an evident responsib il tty to work ouc th~lt•
pol te l. cs .
The r e nre however some pcrs uua iv • argum ents that this is where uLl
r espo ns i bi l i ty ends : t he se major re sponsibi lities accrue entirely to states,
a nd ther e is no individua l, or (smal le r scale) c oll ec tive, responsib ilit y to
work out a pol i cy or stance on such matters as nuclear ar rangement s and still
l ess to ac t, perh a ps against a state, on the basis of such a stance. While such
a no-respon sibi l ity or ~-out posit ion no doubt suits many people
many for
th emsel ve s, s ome (especial ly mor e a u thoritari an power-hol ders) on behalf of
othe s - it do e s involve i nadmissib ly opting out of moral responsib il itie s,
r e spon si bil it i e s ac quired by vir t ue of being a person wHhin the fr amework of
ce r tain soci al a r r angements .
Now the r e is no doubt that individua ls a nd groups can do t his, c an opt ou t.
They ca n neglect t he:tr moral re sponsibi liti e s; b ut they are not ju stified tn
doing so. Against th i s clai.m, whi ch is bas ed ultimatel y upo n each person's
being set i n a we b of respons i bj_lity-- induci.ng social r elat ions, whether they
like it or no t so long a s they choose to liv e with others, there are some neat
arguments which a ppear to pe r mi t , or even wa rrant, opting out. One influenti a l
argument take s t he following lin es:
1.
The (o r dina ry) ind i vidual, or group, ha s no poss ibil ity of making a
d i fference t o wha t happens. Theref ore
2.
Such ind ivid ua ls, or grou ps, have no obligatio n to try to make a
differenc e . Hence
3.
Suc h i ndivid uals, or groups, are not mor a lly responsib le , f or instance when
thint s go wr ong.
There are two mai n a ssumption s in this a rgument , both of which should be
resiste d: fir stly, in gett i ng from l to 2, a varia n t of the "ought implies can "
t heme 1 , and se condly, the ass1mptio n tha t individua ls can't make a differenc e .
While it is true tha t individua ls cannot accomplis h much on their own, together
th ey can. Wha t a n individua l can achieve depe nd s on what suff ic ien tly many
other i. nd lvidua ls do.
In highly competiti ve communi ties, full of hopeful
f r ee- riders, a pe rson may encounter a familiar impasse: that he or she acts in
ma nner
M (e.g.
morally, against nuclear arrangeme nt s , r a tio nally), at
con si de r a ble pe r s onal cost , with no gua ra ntee that othe rs wil l also ac t M-ly.
Suc h nn impasse no long e r faces so many in the West, at least as regards initi al
s t eps agai nst nuclear a rrangemen ts. The individua l can cooperate with others in
ways t hat do make a differenc e.
An i ndividual is not exonerate d from
r e s ponslb1.l ity by the argument .
While ind iv iduals can re s pond by joining organisat ions whose activitie s are
di rected a t mak i ng some differenc e , many individua ls a l so have the option of
more indi vldu All st i c action in such forms as boycotts , go slows, po l itical
di s obedi enc e.
An important form of individua l resistanc e, a lready adopted in
Canada and nor t h··we stern USA, is refusa l to pay income taxes directed towards
defenc e
or v·r ious pa r t s thereof ( e.g.
nuc lear weapons productio n and
de plo yment ), or a l ternat ively redirec t ion of such taxes , for instance to peace
fun ds,
Evi de n tl y, however) all these more indivi dualistic forms of political
act ivi ty wo r k mo re ef fe ct iv~ly if individua ls integrate their activitie s, since
th e i mpac t s aggregate ( a nd appear aft e r a certain stage to exponenti ate). As
we l l co l lective action he lps in distribut ing the impact of retributio n or
puni ti ve ac t io n by st a te aut horities.

1.

Any sat i s f a c t ory d _ontic th e ory which t akes mora l dilemmas with du e
se r io usn e ss is bound to r eject th i s theme. There are als o independe nt
g rounds for j e ttisoning this Kantian theme : see Routley a nd Plurowood.
- II

.,I&lt;,'

Th 0 re are, furthermo re, arguments of some weight that individua ls are under
Ro1ne
sort of moral obligati on to t a ke political ac t ion to disaffili ate
tlwm,, l' lves f rom wlrnt contribut es to the prospects of nuclear war. What type of
ac t ion Lhjs is depends on the sort of state one resides in, for instance,
whether i l is a nuclea r power, whether it provides nuclear bases or facilitie s,
etc., and o
such complicat ing issues as what kind of preventiv e action the
state iN l ikely to take in return. (Any state seriously practis ing deterrenc e
Js bound to take some action against effective protest, or ri sk losing
cred ibi l ity ; but there are limits to the amount of state coercion any one
individua l need bear.)
One a rgumen t - it is one of a type that can be varied from making nuclear
wea pon s to, fo
example, providing fac ili ties for them - proceeds from th e
wron g ness of nu c lear war to the pos'ition that it is not right to be making the
we~pons for such war.
The argument here appli.es connectin g principle s (like
those of §5), while appealing to such backgroun d informati on as that the
manuf act ure and de ployment of such weapons j_ncreases the risk of s uch war. But
j f it is not morally righ t to be making s uch weapons t hen those who live in a
state that is doing so ought to d isaffilia te themselve s from such defence
productio n, an1 disaffili ation includes not paying for such prodtictio n through
d e fence taxes .
The argument is not without substanti ve as sumption, but the
a s sumptions appear morally reasonabl e and defensi ble.
Another
effective
argument proceeds from the question of the type of moral person one wants to be :
Does one want to le, or effective ly to be seen as, the kind of person who goes
along with the nuclear destructi on of human populatio ns?
Or with making
c red i bl e a threat to do so, or th e like?
What follows applies primarily to
people wh o do not want to be, or be seen as, such people .
Arguments like hese not only put opt-outer s and do-nothin gers on the spot
insofar as they contribut e to national objective s; they also raise questions ,
perhaps eve n dil emmas, as to pol:L ti cal obligatio n fo r those who would take
act ion, ev en limited action such as redirectio n of taxes 3. For are there not
political obligatio ns to the state, such as paying due taxes and supportin g the
national defenc e effort?
It i.s usually assumed that there are. However, no
dile mma occurs under a theory which, properly, takes political obligatio ns to be
re gulated in some fashion by moral obligatio ns ;
for in this case moral
obli ga t i ons ov_rride political obligatio ns. In fact political obligatio ns are
alread y significa ntly limited by moral constrain ts. The nuclear situation does
not so muc h bring out new limits on political obligatio n, as em phasize the
respects in which those obligatio ns are already limited, and introduce further
moral considera tions against sponsorsh ip of national defence arrangeme nts.
\n obligatio n to try 4 to dissociat e oneself from preparati on for nuclear
war or from nuclear-d eterrence , for instance by not spending part of one' s
working life contribut ing indirectl y to it, does not commit one to more t ha n
this:
to an obligatio n, for example, to work for an alternativ e nat ional
defenc e policy which avoids nuclear elements. But no doubt this wou ld be a good
thing to try to contribut e towards. Once again, what one attempts depends on
wher e one lives, the level of one ' s commitme nts, e.g . to nonviolen ce, and so
forth. For not only are different types of policy reorienta tion appropria te for
different nations and regions, but there are more superfici al and deeper
rcori ntations that can be worked out and promoted, e . g. schemes that leave
2.

An argument of this type was deployed by Bishop Hunthauss en of
s upport of his refusal to pay defense taxes.

3.

This dilemma and op ti on is now removed in practice for most wage earners by
Pay As You Earn taxation schemes - schemes ap parently introduce d to give
t he state interest on gross earnings, bu t obviously very effective in
remov .i ng taxation power from most workers, and so in further transferr ing
ower from ind ividuals to the state.

4.

Given the power of institutio ns and the state one may be able to do little
more than .!:El_, without giving up one's work and thereby one's abili.ty to
contribut e to other deserving causes. For example, it may be v ir tua lly
mpossiblc for one to avoid contribut ing to a superannu ation fund which is

Seattle

in

"co nven ti on,'.11" warf a re a pparatus more
that ch:ing,.. tha t .

H

T

~~ s

intact,

and

deeper

(ecological )

sch emes

Th&lt;:! US Bisho p , f or examplet pr esent R rather shallow set of goals for a
su pe rp owe r s uc h as the USA, which includes such objectives as preventing the
d e velo pmP n t a nd deployment of destabilizin g nuclear weapons systems and 1o1orking
for better co nt r 1 of already operational systems (see PL, p.317). The nuclear
s i t ua t i on a ffords an import ant opportunity to press however for a much deeper
se t of cha nge s in the superstates .
For those whose very limited political
i nfluence is exe rted in cons i derably less powerful states, even the shallow
goa ]
ma y look quite different: there are no nuclear weapons (except perhaps
t ho se of a nother power stationed on local territory) to redeploy or to bett er
c ontr ol .
The vi ew from the very minor powers in the Antipodes i s furthermor e
diffe r e nt from that of the medium powers in Europe. There is some prospect ln
much of the Antipodes of avoid.i.ng the more immediate effects of an LSN war,
whi le t her e is Little such prospect in Europe (cf. Preddey and o thers).
There
i s ac cordingly some obligation - an obligation little considered and not grasped
by the powe r holders - on those in the Antipodes to make some effort to preserve
th e r e in the South elements of what is valuable in world civilizatio n. Local
a nd re g ional self-intere st would also suggest substantial steps
towards
s e l f-p r e s e r va tion that (foolishly) have not been initiated.
Wha t i s broadly required in the Antipodes is not difficult to discern once
th e gonls are gli.mpsed. Steps include wlthdrawal from the American alliance,
wh jch i s in an y case of questionabl e merit since its main advantages lie with
the US a nd J.t affords no guarantee of local defence; 5 c losur e of American bases
and wi t hd r awa l of Ame r ican a cess ri.ghts for. nuclear-car ryi ng equipment to
por ts , a ir bas e s and other facilities, espe cially so as to remove local nuclear
ta rget s; pursu i t of a mor e evenhanded policy of nonalignmen t (something quite
s mal l powe rs elsewher e have managed to achieve ).
That much is easy, in
pri nci pl e ; and justified. It is justified because local commitment to th e
Am e r ica n mi lit a ry operations in the r egion lacks a solid f oundation; it is
preml s s ed prim a rily on t e acceptance of deterrence, which, so it has been
a r r, ue &lt;l ( in §5ff.), lacks justificatj_ · n. That Australian commitment to joint
Aus t r al ian-US f acilities and to US military operations in the region is
e x pl i citly bas e d on acceptance of deterrence emerges from several recent
s t a t eme nt s of gov e rnm e nt policy. The jolnt fAcilities are 'part of a system of
d e t erre nc e ' • 6
More dif f icult to e nsure, at least without much preparation , is that
economi c and cultural collapse does not follow an LSN war in the North.
Se condly, then, the building of increased socio-ec onomic independenc e in th e
Antipod e s is r e quired. It is not enough to make the region a nuclear- free zone
not wo rth targeting militarily: the regio n must also have a sustainabl e life of
1.ts own. For a small region, thcit lo oks a very costly exercise unless combined
with other desirable objectives; for example, in Preddey and others it is
estimated that a substantial portion of GDP would have to be diverted to build
up New Zealand' s economic independenc e. 7 For a larger region whi ch included
Aus t ra l ia, the costs would be less. They would compare favourably with many
Northe rn military budgets, and l1ave the advantage that much of the expenditure
is genuinely productive. If furthermore - what seems unlikely - the structu r al
readjustmen t were combined with t he .independen tly desirable aims of moving th e
5.

Se e the dJ s cussion in Ball, chapter 13, especially pp.14O-1.
How slight
t he commitments are, under the ANZUS treaty in particular, has been
e mpha si ze d again in recent defence discussions between Australia and the
USA .
Of cour s e, the ANZUS Treaty is only one, and a comparative ly minor
one , of he many mi.litary treaties that should be terminated:
from a
Eu rop ean nnd world viewpoint the winding down of NATO and the Warsaw Pact
ar r a ngeme n t s , and the r moval of American and Russian forces from Europe
( a nd el s ewhere ), are very much more important.
A ful l e r d i scussion of Austr.alia's defence phil osophy
will appe nr in a subsequent publication in this series .

and

alternative s,

76

whole reg i on towa rd s a multi- c u ltural conserver societ y and perha ps even
dh,r ,, r t i ng
"d e fence " spend i ng to conne cted self-managem ent and soci al dt'!f ence
gon l s, the costs would be very considerabl y lessened . They only appear so g r eat
in th e s e tting of a consumer-s atellite soci ety. In any case, wher e lif e and
c ul tu r e themselv e s are conce rned , the cos t s do not appear excessive.

I n sum, Southern countries s ho uld be s e vering their milita ry linkages with
Northern
nuclear
powers 8 ,
a nd
s hould be preparing now, socia lly and
e conom i cally, for the time af t er the LSN war, the g reat No rth ern war.
Howev er
ther e are serious blockages in the way of such th ngs in the Ant ipodes) and
inde e d impeding an y substantial attempts to lessen the impact of LSN war.
Some
of the blockages derive agai n from the f act that present nuc l ear arrangement s
favour man y of the power holders and s u it strong cor porate interests which wield
poli t i c al powe r .
But the main blockages to mo r e popular action a r e sl og a nis ed
r.n the false dlchotomy: "either it won't hnppc.n or we ' re all dead a n}•wayj
so
why bot he r".
One reason for blocka ge is then the extinction assumption ( S l of
Appendi x 1), the unwarr · nted a doption of which is excessively nihil is tic .
A
mor e i mportan t reaso n is that most people, and most of the ir political
re pres entatives, do not bel ieve that majo r repercussio ns of LSN war are going t o
bcf;1l l
th e m.
These are e vents which , .l i. ke starvntion and tortur e , happen to
o th ~r ( r mot) pe o ple , not them.
It is no t tha t LSN war i s unthinkabl e :
rather i t is that i t seems
unb,~llev a hl e t ha t it should make any d ifference . Most people in t he Antipodes
~eal l y do not believe that thei r lives are likely to be shattered by nuclear.
war.
Wa king up and mo bi lis ing t hese peo ple is a major part of the problem in

6.

Se e th e letter by R.G. Hawke, Prime Min1.ster , replying to a symposium on
conseque nces of nuclear war, Canberra Times, Saturday July 23, l.9 83. The
point is also made by the Fore ig n Minister in his Evat t Memor ial Lecture ,
as
Hawke~ notes.
The point is softe ne d by r e pr ese nting the fac i li ties as
also having a role i n verificatio n, as well a s dete rr ence, 'that mak es arms
c o nt rol and reduction feasi ble': the known role of the facilities in war
fighting i s not alluded t o , and nor i s t he fact that any verificatio n role
can be alte rnat iv ely a ccomplished us i ng satellites. However the matter is
not in any do u bt:
'successive Australian governments . • . have taken the
vi e w that our primary conce rn should be to suppo rt the effectivene ss of th e
Uni ted States deterrent to war itself' (D.J. Killen, Minister for De fe nc e;
quoted in Threats to Aust ralia ' s Sc ur.lty, p.17).
Government representat ives (e. g . Hawke ) conc ed e that the joint facilities
put Austr a lia at nucl ea r risk.
' Howev e r it is t he judgement of t hi s
Government that the benef.its to Australia in terms of its immediate
int e rest and globa l st r a tegic consideratio n outweigh potential risks'. A
prope r de cision-t heoretic analysis would not sup port Hawke's claim:
since
Australia is known to be a nuclenr t arget because of American bas es (c f .
Ball, pp.130-8 ), the pot e n t ial risks given that an LSN war has
a
non-ne gligible probability far outweigh a ny i mme diate benefit s . Since
Australia has only a r egiona°i strategic role, the global st r ategic
consideratio ns are , as could be othe rwi s e i nferred, primarily those of the
ma in user of t he facilities , the USA. The Governme nt is prepare d to put
Australia , its peoples and e cosystems , a t what is decide dly serious risk
.for i.mmediate and Ame r ica n i.nt ere st s .
A
worthwhile
re presenta tive
government docs not hold its people s hostage for such re asons . Not only i s
tha t short-sighte d expediency decision maki ng: it seems virtually cer tain
t ha t the &lt;letai l s of the decision mak ing, were they ever. revealed, would not
justify the policy in the longer term even on the basis of expediency, bu t
wou l d turn on s uch things as present trade advanta ges and short-term
co mme r c ial considerati ons.

7.

As to the e c onomic and so cial problems Aus tralia would face in t he event of
a n LSN wa r, see Coombs fo r a preliminary as s es sment.

8.

Id e ally the removal of s igni f icant nuclear targets should t a ke pl c e nc ro as
the whole Sou thern Hemisphere , because this is the zone that is r e latively
insulated, a t mosph e rically, from the Northern Hemisphe r e.

77

achie ving requ isi te social and politi e Rl ~djustmen t.
-yen those who believe
tha t LSN war ls no t improbabl e (but may well not be totally destructi v e of life)
do little to reo r ganise their lives in a way that would reflect their
assessmen t: . 9

Richard Routle y*

9.

Aga in , for some of what to do, for some ways to reorg a nise, see e.g.
Mart in .
There is als o much in teJ.J.ec tual work to be undert ake n, for
example , searching out details of alternati ve arrangeme nts, and al so
dJ.scredit ing establis hment experts, especiall y economist s and poli.tical
scienti s ts , who intellect ually underwrit e present nucl e ar arrangeme nts .

*

The tex t has bee n much improved as a result of detailed commen t s by C.
Pigden , R.
Good in, N.
Gri ff in t B. Martin and L. Mirlin, and through
cor r espondenc e with G.
Fo ley.
J.
Norma n has helped in its final
organisat ion.
The initia l outlines of the pa pe r were worked out in
Victoria , Canada; and an early version was read a t Simon Fraser Universit y
in 1982 .

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( Nov .

18,

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                    <text>BRIEF CORRECTION VERSION

THE END OF THE WORLD
of the grandest philosophical problems are formulated In terms of the

Hany

way of the world, how the world Is, what there Is In the world - using, that vs,
an uncritical and pre-analytic notion of the world. Thus It Is with questcons as

to

the

nature

the world, the basic stuff and components of the world, the

of

arguments for realism, the Issue of universals and categories,
of

the

objectivity

and of ethics (e.g. whether values and directives are In the world);

values

thus It Is especially with the

foundations

semantics

of

supposedly

(meaning

being determined through what Is In or corresponds In the world); and so on. But
the

under

dissolves

notion

critical

Investigation, and therewith many grand

problems - often pressing on always on-going reductionist agendas such
of empiricism - are.

the

The

world

one

God,

as

that

If not resolved, at least relocated.

goes

the

the

way of the good life, the meaning of life, the Bomb,

one 1?^

...

theory,

(a)&lt;^

. For there are many worlds, a

whole lattice of worlds, bottoming on the null world Into which all the apparent

richness encountered Is

worlds

projected,

allegedly

ascending

through

the

austere

of the nominalism and empiricism, through the richer world of Platonism,

to the very rich worlds of romanticism and Hegelianism, as lllustrated:-

Lattlce of putatively actual worlds (p-actuaI worIds)

Rn example of an austere world Is Smart's world, the world Smart would

see

for

adequate

Individuals

science

composed

by

(which

Is

set-theoretic

all

that

upon

to

a world of certain

counts),

operations

Uke

them,

but

with

no

properties or relations (except set membership), no propositions, no beliefs, no

lntent(s )lons,
categories,

no

values,

consciousness,

nothing
Insofar

else.

unlikely

null

world

everything

else

-

values,

as It matters, reduces; the rest comprises

constructions, projections, and the like. Rs
apparently

For

where

well

everything

-1-

as

the

bottom

world,

the

Is somehow fabricated from

�nothing (even extreme Idealists
contractions

start

projections),

and

with

batch

some

Ideas

of

their

tor

Is a top world, but a trivial one which

there

Includes everything, all properties true and false and other, all

objects

both

as existing and not, etc.
Before details proceed very far, then, distinctions are usually Introduced,
belongs In a world, to Its domain or one of Its domains, and what

what

between

holds In It In one way or another

ordinance,
the

In

outlined

type

slgnlfleantly,

(truly,

Imperatively

or

by

This refinement leads to a more complex theory of worlds (of

etc.).

which Integrates the apparently separate worlds of

JB)

Wittgenstein’s Tractalus,

“the" world that comprises the domain of objects

with

“the" world as everything that Is the case, the totality of true propositions or
of facts. But the salient point Is that after this Integrating there remain many

worlds,
many not merely possible and Impossible worlds, but many candidates for
"the" actual world, wang actual worlds1. For
Instance, whatever physically
adequate worlds are contained In the selected actual world of a theory will also
be actual.

If Incomplete.

These

If that s what they are, do not prevent us

re levatIons,

distressing

speaking as we normally do, sensibly and significantly, of and about the

any

than

more

fact that there are several sorts and styles of meaningful

the

Ilves along with a variety of modern lifestyles that are
logical particles (Imp I les, not, every,

most

very

not

all

at

or

us from thinking and talking about the meaning of life. Like

stops

meaningful,

world,

...), the world Is a determinable,

with the worlds of the refined lattice Its determinates.
this

By

protested,
that's

ways

and

rendering

of

the world we

unique enough?!

we share’,

empiricists

philosophers,

pretty mad, and ready to

especially, are usually

objections

earlier,

stage,or

the

world

burst

In

and

realists

with a

unique. Surely,

suitably

though perhaps narrowing the class of determinates under

us,

the world

But descriptions like the world we live In ,

are still far from uniquely discriminating.

It s

and around

live In, the world we share, out there

of

range

the world ,

That Is to forget about culture for

one thing; much depends on who we are, which subculture

belong

we

to.

Tribal

will find themselves In a spIrIt-saturated landscape, where Qulneans

aborigines

live In a highly Impoverished '‘land". (But the aborigines
mistake. But mistake or not, either

can

be

what

Is

but

about

spoken

Is

a

primitive

those

by

speaking about the world In which they dwell. )

There’s
unless

we re

something

phenomenologlstIc

something else. That, the

theories,

there,

out

which

theories, though

Is

there

Idealistic),

objection

what
Is

has
a

Isn't there? Something or other (we grant,

but

continues,

Is

uniquely

to

determining jA Is

conflate

worlds

with

been going on here all along. No worlds are not

partial

Isomorphism.

But

worlds

too

have

a

multiplicity, [to elaborate]

What Is neglected Is that ’world’

Itself Is

-2-

a

theoretical

term,

not

an

�observational

one,

there are Important observational components In any

though

determination of this or that world. There can be

well as one (actual) world theory,
since

theories

multiple

world

theories

as

Indeed not merely as well as but better than,
data

commonsense

match

multiple

better,

and only defective

ontological themes force retreat to one world theories.

to save the world, from radical fragmentat Ion, Ua Ismann

Perhaps

levels of descriptions and Ryle talked

doubt,

a

given

sizeable

enough

thick

bag

high

enough,

successful

of

of

thin

and

thick

talked of

No

descriptions.

enough level of worlds? or corresponding

reductions, this sort of trick will work,

[explain trick] But It Is not how we do commonly talk. Ue talk - and

this

Just

two world sort of talk was what the levels of description theory was designed to

get

of - of the physicists' (or Eddington's) world and the commonsense (or

rid

StebbIngs') world, find

descriptions do describe,

look

we

when

at

what

correspond Ing

the

levels

of

It Is these different worlds.
i

i

i

»

If a determinate world Is not given, what guides selection Is the choice of

base

for

world

3nd

semantical

philosophical

Investigations.

As for theory

choice, a range of factors do so. But there Is considerable virtue In taking the
object-theoretic
minimizing

direction,

which

Is

dlametrIcally

opposed

the

to

main

directIonof empirical and positivistic philosophy, namely the way

of richness,

diversity

ecologies I-type

and

features,

complexity.

subject

The

recipe

Is:

Satlslze

those

on

naturally to common-sens lea I constraints on

what exists and what Is true.
Richard Sy Ivan

NOTES

1.

At

least on 3 pluralist view of things, such as Is taken In PPP. Of course

any non-trlvlal theory will rule

some

rivals

centrally true from Its stance. For Instance

Platonic

out

as

not

object-theory

true
so

or

not

rules

out

worlds with their existent universals and Lewis s theory wtth Its

Implausible

existent counterpart worlds. (These other theories are at best

plural1stIcally-true).

2.

While

Ualsmann's

levels or strata are discrete, Ryle s account appears to-

allow for a continuous alternative. Ryle s suggestions

are

explained

and

applied In Ceertz, p.Bff.
3.

Hence the max ImIzIng of reductions? which has great technical appeal.

I*.

As will be explained In a later version of this paper, the theory of worlds

3-

�given has very little In common with Goodman s ways of world Making.

Indeed

Goodman’s fletlonallsm-cum-conventlonallsm will be severely criticised.
REFERENCES
C. Geertz, The InterpretatIon of Cultures, Basic Books, Hew York, 1373.

N. GoodMan, Problems and Projects, BObbs-Merrlll, New York,
N. GoodMan, Ways of Uorldmaklng, Harvester, Sussex,
R. Rout ley,

1372.

1378.

Exploring Melnong's Jungle and Beyond,

Research

School of Social

Sciences, Australian National University, 1380; referred to as JB.

6. Ryle, Collected Papers, Volume 2
the relevant essays are

J

Thinking and

reflecting

and

The

thinking

of

thoughts ’ .

R. Sylvan,

Philosophy,

politics

and

pluralism:

relevant

modellings

and

arguments , Research Series In Logic and Metaphysics #2, Research bchool of

Social Sciences, Australian National University,

1385; referred to as PPP.
A.

F. Ualsmann,
Flew)/Serles , Blackwell, Oxford,

-4-

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              <text>BRIEF CORRECTION VERSION

THE END OF THE WORLD
of the grandest philosophical problems are formulated In terms of the

Hany

way of the world, how the world Is, what there Is In the world - using, that vs,
an uncritical and pre-analytic notion of the world. Thus It Is with questcons as

to

the

nature

the world, the basic stuff and components of the world, the

of

arguments for realism, the Issue of universals and categories,
of

the

objectivity

and of ethics (e.g. whether values and directives are In the world);

values

thus It Is especially with the

foundations

semantics

of

supposedly

(meaning

being determined through what Is In or corresponds In the world); and so on. But
the

under

dissolves

notion

critical

Investigation, and therewith many grand

problems - often pressing on always on-going reductionist agendas such
of empiricism - are.

the

The

world

one

God,

as

that

If not resolved, at least relocated.

goes

the

the

way of the good life, the meaning of life, the Bomb,

one 1?^

...

theory,

(a)&lt;^

. For there are many worlds, a

whole lattice of worlds, bottoming on the null world Into which all the apparent

richness encountered Is

worlds

projected,

allegedly

ascending

through

the

austere

of the nominalism and empiricism, through the richer world of Platonism,

to the very rich worlds of romanticism and Hegelianism, as lllustrated:-

Lattlce of putatively actual worlds (p-actuaI worIds)

Rn example of an austere world Is Smart's world, the world Smart would

see

for

adequate

Individuals

science

composed

by

(which

Is

set-theoretic

all

that

upon

to

a world of certain

counts),

operations

Uke

them,

but

with

no

properties or relations (except set membership), no propositions, no beliefs, no

lntent(s )lons,
categories,

no

values,

consciousness,

nothing
Insofar

else.

unlikely

null

world

everything

else

-

values,

as It matters, reduces; the rest comprises

constructions, projections, and the like. Rs
apparently

For

where

well

everything

-1-

as

the

bottom

world,

the

Is somehow fabricated from

nothing (even extreme Idealists
contractions

start

projections),

and

with

batch

some

Ideas

of

their

tor

Is a top world, but a trivial one which

there

Includes everything, all properties true and false and other, all

objects

both

as existing and not, etc.
Before details proceed very far, then, distinctions are usually Introduced,
belongs In a world, to Its domain or one of Its domains, and what

what

between

holds In It In one way or another

ordinance,
the

In

outlined

type

slgnlfleantly,

(truly,

Imperatively

or

by

This refinement leads to a more complex theory of worlds (of

etc.).

which Integrates the apparently separate worlds of

JB)

Wittgenstein’s Tractalus,

“the" world that comprises the domain of objects

with

“the" world as everything that Is the case, the totality of true propositions or
of facts. But the salient point Is that after this Integrating there remain many

worlds,
many not merely possible and Impossible worlds, but many candidates for
"the" actual world, wang actual worlds1. For
Instance, whatever physically
adequate worlds are contained In the selected actual world of a theory will also
be actual.

If Incomplete.

These

If that s what they are, do not prevent us

re levatIons,

distressing

speaking as we normally do, sensibly and significantly, of and about the

any

than

more

fact that there are several sorts and styles of meaningful

the

Ilves along with a variety of modern lifestyles that are
logical particles (Imp I les, not, every,

most

very

not

all

at

or

us from thinking and talking about the meaning of life. Like

stops

meaningful,

world,

...), the world Is a determinable,

with the worlds of the refined lattice Its determinates.
this

By

protested,
that's

ways

and

rendering

of

the world we

unique enough?!

we share’,

empiricists

philosophers,

pretty mad, and ready to

especially, are usually

objections

earlier,

stage,or

the

world

burst

In

and

realists

with a

unique. Surely,

suitably

though perhaps narrowing the class of determinates under

us,

the world

But descriptions like the world we live In ,

are still far from uniquely discriminating.

It s

and around

live In, the world we share, out there

of

range

the world ,

That Is to forget about culture for

one thing; much depends on who we are, which subculture

belong

we

to.

Tribal

will find themselves In a spIrIt-saturated landscape, where Qulneans

aborigines

live In a highly Impoverished '‘land". (But the aborigines
mistake. But mistake or not, either

can

be

what

Is

but

about

spoken

Is

a

primitive

those

by

speaking about the world In which they dwell. )

There’s
unless

we re

something

phenomenologlstIc

something else. That, the

theories,

there,

out

which

theories, though

Is

there

Idealistic),

objection

what
Is

has
a

Isn't there? Something or other (we grant,

but

continues,

Is

uniquely

to

determining jA Is

conflate

worlds

with

been going on here all along. No worlds are not

partial

Isomorphism.

But

worlds

too

have

a

multiplicity, [to elaborate]

What Is neglected Is that ’world’

Itself Is

-2-

a

theoretical

term,

not

an

observational

one,

there are Important observational components In any

though

determination of this or that world. There can be

well as one (actual) world theory,
since

theories

multiple

world

theories

as

Indeed not merely as well as but better than,
data

commonsense

match

multiple

better,

and only defective

ontological themes force retreat to one world theories.

to save the world, from radical fragmentat Ion, Ua Ismann

Perhaps

levels of descriptions and Ryle talked

doubt,

a

given

sizeable

enough

thick

bag

high

enough,

successful

of

of

thin

and

thick

talked of

No

descriptions.

enough level of worlds? or corresponding

reductions, this sort of trick will work,

[explain trick] But It Is not how we do commonly talk. Ue talk - and

this

Just

two world sort of talk was what the levels of description theory was designed to

get

of - of the physicists' (or Eddington's) world and the commonsense (or

rid

StebbIngs') world, find

descriptions do describe,

look

we

when

at

what

correspond Ing

the

levels

of

It Is these different worlds.
i

i

i

»

If a determinate world Is not given, what guides selection Is the choice of

base

for

world

3nd

semantical

philosophical

Investigations.

As for theory

choice, a range of factors do so. But there Is considerable virtue In taking the
object-theoretic
minimizing

direction,

which

Is

dlametrIcally

opposed

the

to

main

directIonof empirical and positivistic philosophy, namely the way

of richness,

diversity

ecologies I-type

and

features,

complexity.

subject

The

recipe

Is:

Satlslze

those

on

naturally to common-sens lea I constraints on

what exists and what Is true.
Richard Sy Ivan

NOTES

1.

At

least on 3 pluralist view of things, such as Is taken In PPP. Of course

any non-trlvlal theory will rule

some

rivals

centrally true from Its stance. For Instance

Platonic

out

as

not

object-theory

true
so

or

not

rules

out

worlds with their existent universals and Lewis s theory wtth Its

Implausible

existent counterpart worlds. (These other theories are at best

plural1stIcally-true).

2.

While

Ualsmann's

levels or strata are discrete, Ryle s account appears to-

allow for a continuous alternative. Ryle s suggestions

are

explained

and

applied In Ceertz, p.Bff.
3.

Hence the max ImIzIng of reductions? which has great technical appeal.

I*.

As will be explained In a later version of this paper, the theory of worlds

3-

given has very little In common with Goodman s ways of world Making.

Indeed

Goodman’s fletlonallsm-cum-conventlonallsm will be severely criticised.
REFERENCES
C. Geertz, The InterpretatIon of Cultures, Basic Books, Hew York, 1373.

N. GoodMan, Problems and Projects, BObbs-Merrlll, New York,
N. GoodMan, Ways of Uorldmaklng, Harvester, Sussex,
R. Rout ley,

1372.

1378.

Exploring Melnong's Jungle and Beyond,

Research

School of Social

Sciences, Australian National University, 1380; referred to as JB.

6. Ryle, Collected Papers, Volume 2
the relevant essays are

J

Thinking and

reflecting

and

The

thinking

of

thoughts ’ .

R. Sylvan,

Philosophy,

politics

and

pluralism:

relevant

modellings

and

arguments , Research Series In Logic and Metaphysics #2, Research bchool of

Social Sciences, Australian National University,

1385; referred to as PPP.
A.

F. Ualsmann,
Flew)/Serles , Blackwell, Oxford,

-4-

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                    <text>WORKING DRAFT
CULTURE, PHILOSOPHY, AND APPROACHES TO THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT

Many of you know that Canberra was originally

Griffin.

This

talk

is

dedicated

by

designed

simply

not

an

key elements of the Western industrial paradigm, especially
making

Servant

the

Nature

of

Man,

'land

to

...

be

the

accorded

He rejected

'concentration

discerned instead elements of a

and

His approach was holistic, and

different 'consciousness' (the word is his).

took

the

and

architect

designer but one of Australia’s early deeper ecologists.

landscape

Burley

You may not know that Griffin, an

to him.

American who migrated to Australia in 1913, was

on

Walter

respect

he

due to a highly developed and

perfected living organism not to be exterminated or treated as dead material, or

as

mere section of a map’.

a

Canberra, now no mere section of map, is perhaps

the best approximation anywhere to a deeper ecological city;

but it is not only

removed from Griffin’s original conception but far from deep ecological ideals.

*

*

*

*

*

The objective of the larger investigation, of which this
is

part,

to

gauge

the

extent

to

Australian

which

contrasted with American culture, contains developable

will

underpin

under which many

a

sketches

a

culture, especially as

elements

(seeds)

which

different political framework from the bastardised capitalism
people

presently

labour

and

local

environment

frequently

It is not necessary to see the present political arrangements and the

suffers.

political course

interested

in

charted

as

environmentally

alternative structures:

or

socially

disastrous

to

be

it is enough, for example, to view them

as far from satisfactory, or very far from

worlds,

talk

those

of

the

best

of

attainable

to be interested in the prospects of turning things around somewhat, to

�increasing ecological resistance [negative action j against environment

like^and ecological construction [direct positive action].

the

and

vandalism^/

There are several distinctive features of Australian culture that

for

the

especially

hope,

damage^?,

grounds

give

remarkable level of environmental activism that has

It is worth trying to pull together

somehow emerged among the people.

some

of

these features of the culture, to look at ways of furthering the valuable parts,
and increasing the level of concern and activism.

Without doubt
attitudes

different

towards

practices,

and

cultures

have

the

approaches,

different

different

Indeed appreciation of,

environment.

practices towards, and respect for the natural environment are highly culturally
dependent:

for

compare,

American Jews and American Indians.

instance,

Most

nonimperial cultures had ~ and where they still survive uncorrupted still havi.

less

much

exploitative

industrial

and

to

not

practices

whose

North,

exploitation

approaches

the

merely

environmental

control

lost

their

of

local

typically under the missionary, colonial or imperial domination.

in

But occasionally, notably

retained

gross

permit

the

of

those

than

but to a marked extent depend upon such practices.

vandalism

Mostly these more benign cultures have however

environments,

environment

sufficient

autonomy

the

to

adjacent

Pacific,

regional

cultures

have

slow or even halt environmental destruction.

Thus, for example, rainforest damaging projects have been delayed or blocked

in

Melanesia largely through Melanesian attitudes to the land.

One important way then to try to slow environmental degradation, especially
in

the

South,

is

to

foster

both

sweepingly, regional cultural autonomy;
socialism

and

indigenous

certain

for

cultural
instance

land rights movements.

differences

to

support

way

of

Melanesian

For, where the cultures have

not been excessively corrupted by Northern influences, this is

rapid

and, more

a

comparatively

activating alternative paradigms to the dominant Northern social

�The question arises whether

paradigms.

elsewhere

the

in

also

can

differences

serve

Antipodes, in particular in Australia, to at least assist in

transition to different

less

environmentally

social

exploitative

paradigms.

transition is unlikely to occur unless it is based on the culture.

a

Such

cultural

Can

features of the culture and the social life be used to foster and make requisite

differences?

In the case of Australia, a basis

is

there

both

the / land

in

&lt;/* U
culture,

and things

and

the

&lt;L-

appear sufficiently different from that in the cultures
A

of the industrialised North to allow (some hope) for

Of

the

for change, at least if the natural environment is to retain some

need

semblance of integrity, there is little doubt.
that

is,

there

differentiation.

cultural

in

is

It

platitudinous

becoming

the longer run not much prospect for the integrity of many

local natural environments and ecosystems

unless

the

in

we

Antipodes

break

from the damaging cultural assumptions and practice of the industrialised

loose

work

North and

towards

establishment

of

a

elements of regionalism in the North, despite a
in

some

parts,

rising

tide

war.

of

For despite
environmental

the industrialised North still appears in the grip of

established forces and unlikely to budge in time - short of

nuclear

environmentally

culture, towards a certain regional cultural autonomy.

destructive

concern

less

different

disaster,

such

Though we who seek change can count on some support from minority

movements in the North, nonetheless if we are to achieve changes, we must go
largely

alone

as

Nor

is

it

task of paradigm transition entirely hopeless in

the

Australia because as well as the

advantage

of

the

ground

and

its

southern

KJ

and seeds of cultural difference are already there and growing. But
A
like, most] new and more fragile developments they need attention and^if speedy

location,

careful

cultivation

Such

a task is rendered urgent also by other matters of
0

environmental and human concern, not

but

colossal

biological

losses

st the gathering signs of

nuclear

ykthrough rapid destruction of, e.g.

r
3

war,

tropical

�rainforests, indeed, mounting evidence of environmental decline almost everywhere

humans now establish.

How does philosophy fit into the strategy of harnessing regional culture to
&amp;
A ;
alter approaches to the environment? As i/ the title of the ^lk it operates in
organising principles
L
okr the dynamic linkage in a good suspension bridge^which lifts the

the middle, not as an idle middleman, but more like
and

design

environmental way on the ropes of regional

links

A

culture.

working

picture

that

the main components of the discussion together - a picture that also like

most images of the more abstract distorts across

the

is

that

of

a

bridge

suspension

the gap often separating people from the natural environment.

There are

people, and the environment, and approaches by bridges to the environment,

like

so

(Of course people may be part of the natural environment:
exclude ' -hew

that

important

overlap.)

The

different sorts, ranging from rustic bridges

the

picture

doesn’t

connecting bridges may be of very
good

for

careful

foot

traffic,

�through

the monumental suspension bridge at Middle Harbour, to modern high-tech

bridges able to carry nuclear tanks and bulldozers over large spans.

the

But it

is

structure of all these types of bridges carrying the approaches that matter

The spans are carried by the ropes of culture, and the pylons

particularly.

ot

culture if you will.

So

different

witii

different

cultures,

carrying

bridges

see the,component in the middle
d
philosophy, but it might almost as well be sociology - not as part of

approaches.

It

is

better

different

to

the

nuts

and bolts and rivets of the bridges, but rather as the design and engineering of

the structures.

types,

computing

It has its analytical parts, looking at the
the

loads

stresses

and

on them;

them

- the social paradigms embedded in the cultures.

select

substructures

Philosophy, the link

subject is then the architecture and engineering of the business.

5

their

and it also has its more

holistic elements, considering the bridges themselves and

of

components,

�philosophy

figuratively,

Less

assumptions

that is, to be considered for

deep ecology, asks deeper
of

assumptions

assumptions

replacement,

and

deeper

questions,

of

example

free

fundamenta]

the

other subjects and assembling the intellectual assumptions

all

paradigms.

for

extracting

embodied in a culture or social way or life, i.e.

social

operative

Philosophy, especially metaphysics and not

or marxist philosophies.

enterprise

the

assembles

ancl

culture applied in environmental practices, the assumptions,

a

of

isolates

In

what are sometimes called the

tills respect philosophy - which includes much more than

conceptual analysis - is first among the intellectual subjects,

logic,

as

the

science of reasoning, is the first among the sciences, investigating the form of

arguments and methodology of all other sciences.

philosophical

investigation

1'he

assumptions

deeper

such

when put together yield a philosophy in

extracts,

ci c^y

the more popular sense (as e.g.

in philosophy of life or , the

free

enterprise

4

philosophy):

any

in

case

the

will be a philosophical theory or the

result

rudiments of a philosophical paradigm, depending on how it is done.

By largely philosophical investigation then,

of

assumptions

the

techniques we try

with

contrasted

operative
test

to

apparent

we

trij.ce

Northern social paradigms;

the

adequacy

social

of

and

especially

as

alternatives with some environmental support

So much has already been accomplished, in a rough and ready way, and some

base.

results are illustrated in diagram^

•

J.

s.

Details of other positions, the old /and
culture

positions

(as

typically

offer

environmental

a

projected),

transition

alternative

And

from

are

left

and

the

counter

included in the diagram

the

while

new

the

dominant

it

may

Wester/l paradigm

appear

to

indeed is - a long

political way from the dominant paradigm to the environmental alternative,

of

the

and by sociological

assemblage,

the

organise

the

intermediate

steps is not so great;

each

and the steps can, and have, been

�To illustrate the way transitions can

taken one at a time.

of the first line (row) in macro-economic form.

details

construed

components

package typically includes
environmient ,

as

this

to

minimal

quality

life

of

But the
and

with subtractions for externalities such as noise

and

and

pollution,

perhaps

*--- —,
M
with additions for non-material features excluded in dominant consciousness.

this way we arrive si Mew left thinking with the objective

subject

to considerable reservations, X(RR).

of

material

goes

back

philosophy;

Greek

to

In

growth

The real break however comes with

members of the counterculture, the hippies and Yippiesy for example, though

idea

the

objective functin to be maximized gets much complicated,
A

the

so

such

in a rough way stanadard of living.

representing

as

consider

The dominant objective

is to maximize some economic package of goods and services
being

made,

be

the

namely, the abandonment of growth and

maximization objectives altogether, for less material nonmaximizing

goals

At

the macroeconopic level, the idea gets^represented by the goal of a steady-state
or sustain able economy, though the alternative environmental objective will

be

for something much less inflexible and ^rationalistic than economists have so tar
sketched.

I

In

fact

the

"emerging

steady-state

paradigm",

which

Daly/

'

for

example^/advocates, affords only a shallow alternative to the dominant paradigm,

differing only as to growth and
paradigms

would include

steady state position;
remove

the

transition.

convenient

reserves

themes.

But

a

fuller

diagram

of

among others such advanced corporate capitalism - the
so it would involve a

JI simplification

over

higher-dimensional

diagram,

and

of the two dimensional left-right

However, the high" dimensional diagram indicates how a better argued
A

transition ,can be made;

essentially by combining steady-state arguments against

0
macroeconomic growth and stocks assumptions with the Left -yocialist case against
Even so, even with the combin/catioms, which does touch
themes.
Cl
human relations , ^anthropocentric framework would not have been left behind,

microeconomic

T

deeper environmental concern would have only began to enter

7

G-fiP

�Reaching behind the dominant Western paradigm so outlined to the underlying

model takes us towards the following familiar picture:

social

society consists

of a set of individual humans of decidedly impoverished type, e.g.

they are not

genuinely interrelated, so they are isolated, and, though they are the only sort

of items that have intensional (mental) features, they have
(e.g.

certain

a

to

ability

few

but

of

these

At bottom, these individuals have

calculate).

utilities, reflecting preferences or self-interests, which they aim to maximize;

and

competitive (by virtue of scarcity).

are

they

so

that they are possessive, and possess

capital.

The

distinctive

the

means

Their other feature is

production,

of

to

this

about

self-interested
Features

There is nothing compulsory, or

Individuals

picture.

this

are

individuals

competing

these

approximating

matter

of

particularly

nurture,

abstract
nature.

not

of the American economic archtype are a matter of culture, a result oi

training, not human nature, as a comparison
where

their

To ensure

the initial argument, on this model, for the coercive

is

apparatus of the (minimal) state.
natural,

land,

of the American model is of course is that

feature

individuals can separately accumulate the means of production.

entitlement

e.g.

individuals

are

like

not

helps

this,

individuals embody rationality either:

with

othei'
show.

traditional

cultures,

lior do these archtypal

only a question-begging

argument

leads

to the American model as something naturally required.

The transitions to the left already go beyond the American model.
introduces

certain

The

relations.

human

chauvinistic (anthropocentric) but they

do

not

left

omit

models

are

social

The left

still

human

relations:

the

further big step to the environmental alternative is to widen these relations to

full community relations,
independent

value.

That

recognising
is

a

creatures

and

nonhuman

things

as

of

bigger step, a step that no Western political

institutions make requisite allowance

for,

Western value theories do not accommodate.

8

and

that

mainstream

underpinning

�The arguments from traditional cultures can also be
illustrated

the

and

paradigms

cultures such as those

models

Melanesia

of

them.

underlie

that

and

directed

Polynesia,

the

In traditional

of

many

against

the

operative

assumptions of the Northern social paradigms are, very reasonably, not accepted.

Where these cultures still prevail with some measure of regional autonomy, there
is

good

prospect

more

thwarting

of

destructive practices.

environmentally

Features of the local culture can be immediately harnessed.

But much of the

inhabited

and

there are

already

observable

features

distinctive

unscathed

World

in

questioned, let alone overthrown, especially among the managerial

other,

even

or

lesser,

of

features

not exhaust features of the accompanying

out

leave

There are

cultures

significant

as

artistic

and

intellectual

to

icing.

be

This

discerned,

sure,

does

affords

European

culture

This

alternatives.

a

have

an

somewhat

as

that

in romanticism and a significant feature of American Indian

gives

the

basis

of

the

aesthetic

route

to

environmental

But there are as well more important omissions and discrepancies

In particular, the dominant American paradigm
religion;

but

Northern

features.

precarious foothold for an aesthetic approach to the environment, such
evidenced

So

conspicuous

other

usually

cultural

industrial culture, though economically dominated
accompanying

classes

The incomplete social paradigms outlined do

cultural features to be considered

surprisingly

Although

the cultures will have to be invoked if

change in approach is to be hastened in this way.

rather

now

cultures,

World

New

is

Northern paradigms have hardly been sufficiently

dominant

the

less

environmentally

peoples of predominantly European stock.

by

governed

of

assumptions

and

New

also

neglected

are

many

prominent values of American culture.

9

omits

reference

to

established

of the connected older and formerly more

�The

American

search

tor

environmentally

acceptable

has

alternatives

regularly turned to these omitted features of American culture, and religious or

Indeed the primary attempts to

spiritual elements, and associated past values .

"the gospel of ecology" and displace the dominant paradigm have taken

establish

a spiritual route, a quasi-religious way.

and

sample

(For example, Nash provides a

list of the books he considers important in the rise of the

representative

virtually all that proceed beyond ecology

new environmentalism:

depend

on

an

appeal to religious elements, to divine or sacred features of natural things.)

In the context of American culture the appeal
something

to

be

said for it.

to

proportion

do

act

in

accordance

and, unlike

with

response.

And, secondly, religious values do clash with

dominant

Northern

paradigm.

has

features

For, firstly, a high proportion of the American

population profess some active religious commitment;

substantial

religious

This

sort

of

that

conflict

the

was

Australia,

socially
precepts

approved
of

perceived,

considerable puzzlement, by colonised cultures, as Lini reports in the

a

case

the
with

of

Melanesian society (p.9):

The fabric of this society, with its inherent communal discipline was
...
torn by the arrival of European commercial practices which
carried with it the message of materialism, together with the creed of
enlightened self-interest.
Both aspects were a direct contradiction
of Melanesian values and priorities. The introduction to Melanesia of
Christianity added a further element of division and confusion in the
minds of the people.
While the Christian religion was widely
compatible with the ethics and principles of Melanesian communalism,
with its emphasis on mutuality, compassion and caring for one another,
it was a practice that very few of the Europeans appeared to follow.
It ran also contrary to the
religion
of
individualism
and
self-interest, which not just (had) more important exponents, but was
followed by the majority of Europeans ...
It is something a a puzzle how the assimilation of elements of the dominant

Northern

paradigm with prospects of Christianity is pulled off, though achieved

it certainly is in a great many Northerners, and too many Antipodeans.
a

partial answer:

compartmentalisation.

10

There is

Religion tor most is a separate thing

�fitted into a Sunday morning box, important elements of which do not

upset

the

business

standard

week.

such as human poverty:

to

Thus for most believers religion does not

Only for a minority does it directly

penetrate deep.

escape

touch

immediate

matters

why should we expect it to work for the Environment?

Nonetheless widespread real adoption of religious

perceptions

the

within

American population, and^reflected in the Administration, would presumably alter
things.

but even if some of the effects of a religious return would

beneficial,

and

domination

nature

were

be

negative

Religion could be more of a drawback than an asset.

with any depth to it appears most unlikely.
scientific

world

Unless moreover the position

abandoned in favour of one of the lesser religious

traditions the environmental effects would

"the

view".

scientific

(as

for

the case for its
much

virtue

front-end-in.

shape.

trying

in

It

return

to

the

There

is

world

view

in

such

great

is not just that there is much that this sort of view leaves out or

social

it is that this perspective, a paradigm,

paradigm.

So

incorporates

it is far from uniquely determined.

more intellectually satisfactory rivals (e.g.

view).

rival

view with these sorts of weaknesses

But nor is the so called scientific

cannot account for;

dominant

to

the

Consider, for instance, the matter of the

existence of God, the fallaciousness of the arguments involved, etc.
no

testifies).

Religion in America has lost out to

In part it failed deservedly:

view could explain.

Watt

In any case such a reversal

world view was seriously deficient and it did not account

more

highly

be welcomed, it is also true that some of the effects of a

to

narrow fundamentalism would be highly undesirable.

of

be

a richer

intensional

the

There are
scientific

These rivals allow for value and wonder in natural things without taking

a theological way.

11

�There is a

set

second

quasi-religious

character

reasons

of
of

some

not

tor

sort,

a

These

the

on

turn

irreligious character of the culture, where an appeal through religion

success.

is unlikely to have much
understood

as

(the

a

barely relevant

generally

impose

Pantheistic or

Jewish,

Christian,

whatever, on deeper environmental approaches in Australia.
strongly

to

endeavouring

first)
’.

irreligious

Australia,

post-Christian

has

it

society, in which religion (is)

Even if that formulation

character

of

understanding much else about the culture,

the

e.g.

an

is

the

exaggeration

is a fact and is the

society

the

’best

is

said,

been

curious

to

extent

the

state’s protrusion into Australian social life.

If an approach through religion is accordingly ruled out as a main approach

to

hastened j paradigm

transition - and a related approach through mysticism or

transcen f1 ism excluded for analogous reasons and because of the

the

earthiness

There are other significant features

culture - what alternatives are open?

of the culture running against major elements of the dominant Western

which

can

be

perhaps

applied

approaches to turn matters
features

of

the

culture

around.
to

more

much

detach

effectively

indicate

To

of

from

than

quasi-religious

prospects

the

paradigms,

dominant

paradigm,

of

applying

consider how

Australian culture contrasts with American.

Australian mainstream culture
transition

from

the

dominant

is

already

American

political left has much stronger support in

difficult

to

some

culture.
Australia

way

along

the

leftward

is not merely that the

It

than

USA.

It

is

not

indicate features of the Australian cultural situation which show

its left—displacement from the dominant Western paradigm.
some elements of the contrast:-

12

The next table

lists

�TABLE 2.

CONTRASTING ELEMENTS IN AUSTRALIAN AND AMERICAN CULTURE

—-- —&gt;

SCALE OF INCREASE

individualistic ethos
inacceptability of socialist institutions

inegalitarian attitudes

POSITIVE

inegalitarian practices

ITEMS (PER

level of consumerism

CAPITA

maximization quest

WHERE

imperialist drive

relevant)

extent of violence

police and military commitment
high technology involvement

functional rationality

environmental inactivism

USA

AUSTRALIA

SCALE OF

INCREASE

level of urbanisation
legal obstacles to environmental action
NEGATIVE

{practices, such as dedication of

wilderness

ITEMS

administrative delays in implementing

environmental practices, such as
pollution requirements, recycling, etc.

Thus there are some offsetting negative items as well as positive items

13

in

the

�contrast.

themes

Since, however, most of these contrasting elements bear on
first

for

opposed to American, it appears that prospects
indeed

This

better.

important

environmental

spectators

the

applying

culture

are

theme requires ela^boration and confirmation.

The task can profitably be combined with others:
for

the

rival paradigms in a way favourable to Australian culture as

of

diagram

in

an

with

there is much work

empirical

here

both

and for environmental

bent

activists.

A first task is to separate out what is known, what requires

and their eommund'B, distinguishing
theses:

/

Let us focus on transition theses,

ought to be done (ideologically)

what

and

normative

and

factual

transition

factual transition thesis, that Western (European) culture is

weak

A

firstly

confirmation,

^/undergoing a transition away

from

the

dominant

confirmed by several Northern sociologists (e.g.
better results could be obtained in Australia;

paradigm,

social

has

been

Presumably similar or

Marsh).

but appropriate samplings of the

community have not been done, analysed and so on - environmental sociology being
a

neglected

undoubtedly

field

in

Another

Australia.

weak

transition

factual

thesis

holds, namely that since 1960 a significant percentage of the

also

ertreii human community in specifiable advanced Western countries such as Australia

have

to adopt main assumptions of the alternative environmental paradigm,

come

but again comparative—figures
sociological

work

are

entirely

of

data

to

Though

impressionistic

tells us that environmental activism is greater in Australia

than OSA - indeed more intensive than

piece

lacking.

anywhere

else,

an

immensely

build upon - we lack solid confirmation.

sociogeographers to do.

14

important

There is much for

�Throughout, as you may have noticed, a normative transition thesis has been
largely

taken

granted,

for

that

generally, l&amp;ght to^undergoing

Western

and

paradigms

an

towards

and

to

rguments.

the

repeat

furthermore

alternative.

environmental

thesis is argued for in environmental philosophy, and

time

dominant

from

away

variations (such as those of advocated corporate

their

capitalism an.d of the post-industrial society) ,

transitivity*

shift,

paradigm

major

a

culture, indeed Western culture

Australian

to

ought

be

complex normative

That

isn’t

there

fortunately

It is also argued against there, but&gt; to sum up

the opposition case, unconvincingly.

Given then that the transition is going on,

and

to

ought

going

be

on,

ought then to be going on with greater rapidity, how is it hastened, how

indeed

do environmental activists
emerging

are

enough.

clear

it

encourage

in

Australia.

Preliminary

answers

Not only should activists be continuing with what

I
they

are

directing

doing

organisations

the

and

environmental

and

those

like,

to

supposed

action

(public)

further

them,

of

industrial

prluwryprimarily,

regulate

not merely by membership drives and environmental
influence

to

and

swing

the

should

education.

be

dominant^ regional culture , for the
w

potential appears to be there for a considerably greater change
been achieved.

sources

They should also be aiming to increase their support bases , but

organisations.

endeavouring

the

against

than

has

thus/

There are two major parts to this further practice which can run

in tandem, a more negative and a more positive part:
0

More negatively.it
z

involves

curring

down

and

countering

the

flow

propaganda

in favour of the dominant paradigms both locally but especiall

the North.

That is important in reversing the extent

It

includes

Northern

from

co-^option

a range of activities some with solid bases in local culture, such

as gently lopping

anti-American

of

of

off

the

tall

poppies

and anti-Nor them activities.

15

pedalling

the

stuff,

and

careful

The latter practices (which should

�not of course reduce merely to personally directed antagonism) fit in well

aims, such as independent and nonaligned defence

environmental

regional

other

with

policies

•

More positively, it consists in promoting and adapting other

despised

features

It

alternative paradigms

commonly

is

intellectuals

Northern

are,

of

course,

like

those

nonmaximizing making-do socialistic ones,

of

appreciation

natural

local

The features to tye

Lawrence).

cultural characters are held (e.g

I

the

egalitarian,

along

environments.

with

the

consider the effects of these, decently applied, in

or

antiauthoritarian,
A
rapidly increasing

taken

to

things,

conomics, in local

As for mateship, sure it could use widening, a pain problem being its I hra/sv

restriction in
communities

promoted

in Fair go and Enough* s

with egalitarian methods as

combines

markets.

cultural

Nonmaximizing, for example, is

reflected in the She’ll be right and It'11 do approach dften

enough:

and

note, that are responsible for the low repute in which some of the

ambassadors,

and

commonly

culture that work directly towards themes of

Australian

of

also

to male relationships:

(including

cultural transformation:

nonhumans).

but encourage

its

extension

So, to conclude, the potential is^for

we must help to realise it

FOOTNOTES

1.

The term ’approaches’ is intended to include both theory and practice,
espoused ideology and behaviour.

2.

They did not go under because of the weakness of their intellectual
positions.
At bottom their religious beliefs, for example, were no more
ridiculous than those of Christianity. Typically they were much weakened by
new diseases, and overwhelmed by new technology often applied in violent
fashion.

3.

Another past philosophical basis for environmental philosophy, American
naturalism, seems to have been little developed, despite the promise some
have seen in it.

16

both

�4.

By integrity is meant much more than retaining representative samples of
this and that system or species; not representative southern sassafras,
parma wallabies and Torres Strait Islanders, but sufficiently many.

17

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              <text>WORKING DRAFT
CULTURE, PHILOSOPHY, AND APPROACHES TO THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT

Many of you know that Canberra was originally

Griffin.

This

talk

is

dedicated

by

designed

simply

not

an

key elements of the Western industrial paradigm, especially
making

Servant

the

Nature

of

Man,

'land

to

...

be

the

accorded

He rejected

'concentration

discerned instead elements of a

and

His approach was holistic, and

different 'consciousness' (the word is his).

took

the

and

architect

designer but one of Australia’s early deeper ecologists.

landscape

Burley

You may not know that Griffin, an

to him.

American who migrated to Australia in 1913, was

on

Walter

respect

he

due to a highly developed and

perfected living organism not to be exterminated or treated as dead material, or

as

mere section of a map’.

a

Canberra, now no mere section of map, is perhaps

the best approximation anywhere to a deeper ecological city;

but it is not only

removed from Griffin’s original conception but far from deep ecological ideals.

*

*

*

*

*

The objective of the larger investigation, of which this
is

part,

to

gauge

the

extent

to

Australian

which

contrasted with American culture, contains developable

will

underpin

under which many

a

sketches

a

culture, especially as

elements

(seeds)

which

different political framework from the bastardised capitalism
people

presently

labour

and

local

environment

frequently

It is not necessary to see the present political arrangements and the

suffers.

political course

interested

in

charted

as

environmentally

alternative structures:

or

socially

disastrous

to

be

it is enough, for example, to view them

as far from satisfactory, or very far from

worlds,

talk

those

of

the

best

of

attainable

to be interested in the prospects of turning things around somewhat, to

increasing ecological resistance [negative action j against environment

like^and ecological construction [direct positive action].

the

and

vandalism^/

There are several distinctive features of Australian culture that

for

the

especially

hope,

damage^?,

grounds

give

remarkable level of environmental activism that has

It is worth trying to pull together

somehow emerged among the people.

some

of

these features of the culture, to look at ways of furthering the valuable parts,
and increasing the level of concern and activism.

Without doubt
attitudes

different

towards

practices,

and

cultures

have

the

approaches,

different

different

Indeed appreciation of,

environment.

practices towards, and respect for the natural environment are highly culturally
dependent:

for

compare,

American Jews and American Indians.

instance,

Most

nonimperial cultures had ~ and where they still survive uncorrupted still havi.

less

much

exploitative

industrial

and

to

not

practices

whose

North,

exploitation

approaches

the

merely

environmental

control

lost

their

of

local

typically under the missionary, colonial or imperial domination.

in

But occasionally, notably

retained

gross

permit

the

of

those

than

but to a marked extent depend upon such practices.

vandalism

Mostly these more benign cultures have however

environments,

environment

sufficient

autonomy

the

to

adjacent

Pacific,

regional

cultures

have

slow or even halt environmental destruction.

Thus, for example, rainforest damaging projects have been delayed or blocked

in

Melanesia largely through Melanesian attitudes to the land.

One important way then to try to slow environmental degradation, especially
in

the

South,

is

to

foster

both

sweepingly, regional cultural autonomy;
socialism

and

indigenous

certain

for

cultural
instance

land rights movements.

differences

to

support

way

of

Melanesian

For, where the cultures have

not been excessively corrupted by Northern influences, this is

rapid

and, more

a

comparatively

activating alternative paradigms to the dominant Northern social

The question arises whether

paradigms.

elsewhere

the

in

also

can

differences

serve

Antipodes, in particular in Australia, to at least assist in

transition to different

less

environmentally

social

exploitative

paradigms.

transition is unlikely to occur unless it is based on the culture.

a

Such

cultural

Can

features of the culture and the social life be used to foster and make requisite

differences?

In the case of Australia, a basis

is

there

both

the / land

in

&lt;/* U
culture,

and things

and

the

&lt;L-

appear sufficiently different from that in the cultures
A

of the industrialised North to allow (some hope) for

Of

the

for change, at least if the natural environment is to retain some

need

semblance of integrity, there is little doubt.
that

is,

there

differentiation.

cultural

in

is

It

platitudinous

becoming

the longer run not much prospect for the integrity of many

local natural environments and ecosystems

unless

the

in

we

Antipodes

break

from the damaging cultural assumptions and practice of the industrialised

loose

work

North and

towards

establishment

of

a

elements of regionalism in the North, despite a
in

some

parts,

rising

tide

war.

of

For despite
environmental

the industrialised North still appears in the grip of

established forces and unlikely to budge in time - short of

nuclear

environmentally

culture, towards a certain regional cultural autonomy.

destructive

concern

less

different

disaster,

such

Though we who seek change can count on some support from minority

movements in the North, nonetheless if we are to achieve changes, we must go
largely

alone

as

Nor

is

it

task of paradigm transition entirely hopeless in

the

Australia because as well as the

advantage

of

the

ground

and

its

southern

KJ

and seeds of cultural difference are already there and growing. But
A
like, most] new and more fragile developments they need attention and^if speedy

location,

careful

cultivation

Such

a task is rendered urgent also by other matters of
0

environmental and human concern, not

but

colossal

biological

losses

st the gathering signs of

nuclear

ykthrough rapid destruction of, e.g.

r
3

war,

tropical

rainforests, indeed, mounting evidence of environmental decline almost everywhere

humans now establish.

How does philosophy fit into the strategy of harnessing regional culture to
&amp;
A ;
alter approaches to the environment? As i/ the title of the ^lk it operates in
organising principles
L
okr the dynamic linkage in a good suspension bridge^which lifts the

the middle, not as an idle middleman, but more like
and

design

environmental way on the ropes of regional

links

A

culture.

working

picture

that

the main components of the discussion together - a picture that also like

most images of the more abstract distorts across

the

is

that

of

a

bridge

suspension

the gap often separating people from the natural environment.

There are

people, and the environment, and approaches by bridges to the environment,

like

so

(Of course people may be part of the natural environment:
exclude ' -hew

that

important

overlap.)

The

different sorts, ranging from rustic bridges

the

picture

doesn’t

connecting bridges may be of very
good

for

careful

foot

traffic,

through

the monumental suspension bridge at Middle Harbour, to modern high-tech

bridges able to carry nuclear tanks and bulldozers over large spans.

the

But it

is

structure of all these types of bridges carrying the approaches that matter

The spans are carried by the ropes of culture, and the pylons

particularly.

ot

culture if you will.

So

different

witii

different

cultures,

carrying

bridges

see the,component in the middle
d
philosophy, but it might almost as well be sociology - not as part of

approaches.

It

is

better

different

to

the

nuts

and bolts and rivets of the bridges, but rather as the design and engineering of

the structures.

types,

computing

It has its analytical parts, looking at the
the

loads

stresses

and

on them;

them

- the social paradigms embedded in the cultures.

select

substructures

Philosophy, the link

subject is then the architecture and engineering of the business.

5

their

and it also has its more

holistic elements, considering the bridges themselves and

of

components,

philosophy

figuratively,

Less

assumptions

that is, to be considered for

deep ecology, asks deeper
of

assumptions

assumptions

replacement,

and

deeper

questions,

of

example

free

fundamenta]

the

other subjects and assembling the intellectual assumptions

all

paradigms.

for

extracting

embodied in a culture or social way or life, i.e.

social

operative

Philosophy, especially metaphysics and not

or marxist philosophies.

enterprise

the

assembles

ancl

culture applied in environmental practices, the assumptions,

a

of

isolates

In

what are sometimes called the

tills respect philosophy - which includes much more than

conceptual analysis - is first among the intellectual subjects,

logic,

as

the

science of reasoning, is the first among the sciences, investigating the form of

arguments and methodology of all other sciences.

philosophical

investigation

1'he

assumptions

deeper

such

when put together yield a philosophy in

extracts,

ci c^y

the more popular sense (as e.g.

in philosophy of life or , the

free

enterprise

4

philosophy):

any

in

case

the

will be a philosophical theory or the

result

rudiments of a philosophical paradigm, depending on how it is done.

By largely philosophical investigation then,

of

assumptions

the

techniques we try

with

contrasted

operative
test

to

apparent

we

trij.ce

Northern social paradigms;

the

adequacy

social

of

and

especially

as

alternatives with some environmental support

So much has already been accomplished, in a rough and ready way, and some

base.

results are illustrated in diagram^

•

J.

s.

Details of other positions, the old /and
culture

positions

(as

typically

offer

environmental

a

projected),

transition

alternative

And

from

are

left

and

the

counter

included in the diagram

the

while

new

the

dominant

it

may

Wester/l paradigm

appear

to

indeed is - a long

political way from the dominant paradigm to the environmental alternative,

of

the

and by sociological

assemblage,

the

organise

the

intermediate

steps is not so great;

each

and the steps can, and have, been

To illustrate the way transitions can

taken one at a time.

of the first line (row) in macro-economic form.

details

construed

components

package typically includes
environmient ,

as

this

to

minimal

quality

life

of

But the
and

with subtractions for externalities such as noise

and

and

pollution,

perhaps

*--- —,
M
with additions for non-material features excluded in dominant consciousness.

this way we arrive si Mew left thinking with the objective

subject

to considerable reservations, X(RR).

of

material

goes

back

philosophy;

Greek

to

In

growth

The real break however comes with

members of the counterculture, the hippies and Yippiesy for example, though

idea

the

objective functin to be maximized gets much complicated,
A

the

so

such

in a rough way stanadard of living.

representing

as

consider

The dominant objective

is to maximize some economic package of goods and services
being

made,

be

the

namely, the abandonment of growth and

maximization objectives altogether, for less material nonmaximizing

goals

At

the macroeconopic level, the idea gets^represented by the goal of a steady-state
or sustain able economy, though the alternative environmental objective will

be

for something much less inflexible and ^rationalistic than economists have so tar
sketched.

I

In

fact

the

"emerging

steady-state

paradigm",

which

Daly/

'

for

example^/advocates, affords only a shallow alternative to the dominant paradigm,

differing only as to growth and
paradigms

would include

steady state position;
remove

the

transition.

convenient

reserves

themes.

But

a

fuller

diagram

of

among others such advanced corporate capitalism - the
so it would involve a

JI simplification

over

higher-dimensional

diagram,

and

of the two dimensional left-right

However, the high" dimensional diagram indicates how a better argued
A

transition ,can be made;

essentially by combining steady-state arguments against

0
macroeconomic growth and stocks assumptions with the Left -yocialist case against
Even so, even with the combin/catioms, which does touch
themes.
Cl
human relations , ^anthropocentric framework would not have been left behind,

microeconomic

T

deeper environmental concern would have only began to enter

7

G-fiP

Reaching behind the dominant Western paradigm so outlined to the underlying

model takes us towards the following familiar picture:

social

society consists

of a set of individual humans of decidedly impoverished type, e.g.

they are not

genuinely interrelated, so they are isolated, and, though they are the only sort

of items that have intensional (mental) features, they have
(e.g.

certain

a

to

ability

few

but

of

these

At bottom, these individuals have

calculate).

utilities, reflecting preferences or self-interests, which they aim to maximize;

and

competitive (by virtue of scarcity).

are

they

so

that they are possessive, and possess

capital.

The

distinctive

the

means

Their other feature is

production,

of

to

this

about

self-interested
Features

There is nothing compulsory, or

Individuals

picture.

this

are

individuals

competing

these

approximating

matter

of

particularly

nurture,

abstract
nature.

not

of the American economic archtype are a matter of culture, a result oi

training, not human nature, as a comparison
where

their

To ensure

the initial argument, on this model, for the coercive

is

apparatus of the (minimal) state.
natural,

land,

of the American model is of course is that

feature

individuals can separately accumulate the means of production.

entitlement

e.g.

individuals

are

like

not

helps

this,

individuals embody rationality either:

with

othei'
show.

traditional

cultures,

lior do these archtypal

only a question-begging

argument

leads

to the American model as something naturally required.

The transitions to the left already go beyond the American model.
introduces

certain

The

relations.

human

chauvinistic (anthropocentric) but they

do

not

left

omit

models

are

social

The left

still

human

relations:

the

further big step to the environmental alternative is to widen these relations to

full community relations,
independent

value.

That

recognising
is

a

creatures

and

nonhuman

things

as

of

bigger step, a step that no Western political

institutions make requisite allowance

for,

Western value theories do not accommodate.

8

and

that

mainstream

underpinning

The arguments from traditional cultures can also be
illustrated

the

and

paradigms

cultures such as those

models

Melanesia

of

them.

underlie

that

and

directed

Polynesia,

the

In traditional

of

many

against

the

operative

assumptions of the Northern social paradigms are, very reasonably, not accepted.

Where these cultures still prevail with some measure of regional autonomy, there
is

good

prospect

more

thwarting

of

destructive practices.

environmentally

Features of the local culture can be immediately harnessed.

But much of the

inhabited

and

there are

already

observable

features

distinctive

unscathed

World

in

questioned, let alone overthrown, especially among the managerial

other,

even

or

lesser,

of

features

not exhaust features of the accompanying

out

leave

There are

cultures

significant

as

artistic

and

intellectual

to

icing.

be

This

discerned,

sure,

does

affords

European

culture

This

alternatives.

a

have

an

somewhat

as

that

in romanticism and a significant feature of American Indian

gives

the

basis

of

the

aesthetic

route

to

environmental

But there are as well more important omissions and discrepancies

In particular, the dominant American paradigm
religion;

but

Northern

features.

precarious foothold for an aesthetic approach to the environment, such
evidenced

So

conspicuous

other

usually

cultural

industrial culture, though economically dominated
accompanying

classes

The incomplete social paradigms outlined do

cultural features to be considered

surprisingly

Although

the cultures will have to be invoked if

change in approach is to be hastened in this way.

rather

now

cultures,

World

New

is

Northern paradigms have hardly been sufficiently

dominant

the

less

environmentally

peoples of predominantly European stock.

by

governed

of

assumptions

and

New

also

neglected

are

many

prominent values of American culture.

9

omits

reference

to

established

of the connected older and formerly more

The

American

search

tor

environmentally

acceptable

has

alternatives

regularly turned to these omitted features of American culture, and religious or

Indeed the primary attempts to

spiritual elements, and associated past values .

"the gospel of ecology" and displace the dominant paradigm have taken

establish

a spiritual route, a quasi-religious way.

and

sample

(For example, Nash provides a

list of the books he considers important in the rise of the

representative

virtually all that proceed beyond ecology

new environmentalism:

depend

on

an

appeal to religious elements, to divine or sacred features of natural things.)

In the context of American culture the appeal
something

to

be

said for it.

to

proportion

do

act

in

accordance

and, unlike

with

response.

And, secondly, religious values do clash with

dominant

Northern

paradigm.

has

features

For, firstly, a high proportion of the American

population profess some active religious commitment;

substantial

religious

This

sort

of

that

conflict

the

was

Australia,

socially
precepts

approved
of

perceived,

considerable puzzlement, by colonised cultures, as Lini reports in the

a

case

the
with

of

Melanesian society (p.9):

The fabric of this society, with its inherent communal discipline was
...
torn by the arrival of European commercial practices which
carried with it the message of materialism, together with the creed of
enlightened self-interest.
Both aspects were a direct contradiction
of Melanesian values and priorities. The introduction to Melanesia of
Christianity added a further element of division and confusion in the
minds of the people.
While the Christian religion was widely
compatible with the ethics and principles of Melanesian communalism,
with its emphasis on mutuality, compassion and caring for one another,
it was a practice that very few of the Europeans appeared to follow.
It ran also contrary to the
religion
of
individualism
and
self-interest, which not just (had) more important exponents, but was
followed by the majority of Europeans ...
It is something a a puzzle how the assimilation of elements of the dominant

Northern

paradigm with prospects of Christianity is pulled off, though achieved

it certainly is in a great many Northerners, and too many Antipodeans.
a

partial answer:

compartmentalisation.

10

There is

Religion tor most is a separate thing

fitted into a Sunday morning box, important elements of which do not

upset

the

business

standard

week.

such as human poverty:

to

Thus for most believers religion does not

Only for a minority does it directly

penetrate deep.

escape

touch

immediate

matters

why should we expect it to work for the Environment?

Nonetheless widespread real adoption of religious

perceptions

the

within

American population, and^reflected in the Administration, would presumably alter
things.

but even if some of the effects of a religious return would

beneficial,

and

domination

nature

were

be

negative

Religion could be more of a drawback than an asset.

with any depth to it appears most unlikely.
scientific

world

Unless moreover the position

abandoned in favour of one of the lesser religious

traditions the environmental effects would

"the

view".

scientific

(as

for

the case for its
much

virtue

front-end-in.

shape.

trying

in

It

return

to

the

There

is

world

view

in

such

great

is not just that there is much that this sort of view leaves out or

social

it is that this perspective, a paradigm,

paradigm.

So

incorporates

it is far from uniquely determined.

more intellectually satisfactory rivals (e.g.

view).

rival

view with these sorts of weaknesses

But nor is the so called scientific

cannot account for;

dominant

to

the

Consider, for instance, the matter of the

existence of God, the fallaciousness of the arguments involved, etc.
no

testifies).

Religion in America has lost out to

In part it failed deservedly:

view could explain.

Watt

In any case such a reversal

world view was seriously deficient and it did not account

more

highly

be welcomed, it is also true that some of the effects of a

to

narrow fundamentalism would be highly undesirable.

of

be

a richer

intensional

the

There are
scientific

These rivals allow for value and wonder in natural things without taking

a theological way.

11

There is a

set

second

quasi-religious

character

reasons

of
of

some

not

tor

sort,

a

These

the

on

turn

irreligious character of the culture, where an appeal through religion

success.

is unlikely to have much
understood

as

(the

a

barely relevant

generally

impose

Pantheistic or

Jewish,

Christian,

whatever, on deeper environmental approaches in Australia.
strongly

to

endeavouring

first)
’.

irreligious

Australia,

post-Christian

has

it

society, in which religion (is)

Even if that formulation

character

of

understanding much else about the culture,

the

e.g.

an

is

the

exaggeration

is a fact and is the

society

the

’best

is

said,

been

curious

to

extent

the

state’s protrusion into Australian social life.

If an approach through religion is accordingly ruled out as a main approach

to

hastened j paradigm

transition - and a related approach through mysticism or

transcen f1 ism excluded for analogous reasons and because of the

the

earthiness

There are other significant features

culture - what alternatives are open?

of the culture running against major elements of the dominant Western

which

can

be

perhaps

applied

approaches to turn matters
features

of

the

culture

around.
to

more

much

detach

effectively

indicate

To

of

from

than

quasi-religious

prospects

the

paradigms,

dominant

paradigm,

of

applying

consider how

Australian culture contrasts with American.

Australian mainstream culture
transition

from

the

dominant

is

already

American

political left has much stronger support in

difficult

to

some

culture.
Australia

way

along

the

leftward

is not merely that the

It

than

USA.

It

is

not

indicate features of the Australian cultural situation which show

its left—displacement from the dominant Western paradigm.
some elements of the contrast:-

12

The next table

lists

TABLE 2.

CONTRASTING ELEMENTS IN AUSTRALIAN AND AMERICAN CULTURE

—-- —&gt;

SCALE OF INCREASE

individualistic ethos
inacceptability of socialist institutions

inegalitarian attitudes

POSITIVE

inegalitarian practices

ITEMS (PER

level of consumerism

CAPITA

maximization quest

WHERE

imperialist drive

relevant)

extent of violence

police and military commitment
high technology involvement

functional rationality

environmental inactivism

USA

AUSTRALIA

SCALE OF

INCREASE

level of urbanisation
legal obstacles to environmental action
NEGATIVE

{practices, such as dedication of

wilderness

ITEMS

administrative delays in implementing

environmental practices, such as
pollution requirements, recycling, etc.

Thus there are some offsetting negative items as well as positive items

13

in

the

contrast.

themes

Since, however, most of these contrasting elements bear on
first

for

opposed to American, it appears that prospects
indeed

This

better.

important

environmental

spectators

the

applying

culture

are

theme requires ela^boration and confirmation.

The task can profitably be combined with others:
for

the

rival paradigms in a way favourable to Australian culture as

of

diagram

in

an

with

there is much work

empirical

here

both

and for environmental

bent

activists.

A first task is to separate out what is known, what requires

and their eommund'B, distinguishing
theses:

/

Let us focus on transition theses,

ought to be done (ideologically)

what

and

normative

and

factual

transition

factual transition thesis, that Western (European) culture is

weak

A

firstly

confirmation,

^/undergoing a transition away

from

the

dominant

confirmed by several Northern sociologists (e.g.
better results could be obtained in Australia;

paradigm,

social

has

been

Presumably similar or

Marsh).

but appropriate samplings of the

community have not been done, analysed and so on - environmental sociology being
a

neglected

undoubtedly

field

in

Another

Australia.

weak

transition

factual

thesis

holds, namely that since 1960 a significant percentage of the

also

ertreii human community in specifiable advanced Western countries such as Australia

have

to adopt main assumptions of the alternative environmental paradigm,

come

but again comparative—figures
sociological

work

are

entirely

of

data

to

Though

impressionistic

tells us that environmental activism is greater in Australia

than OSA - indeed more intensive than

piece

lacking.

anywhere

else,

an

immensely

build upon - we lack solid confirmation.

sociogeographers to do.

14

important

There is much for

Throughout, as you may have noticed, a normative transition thesis has been
largely

taken

granted,

for

that

generally, l&amp;ght to^undergoing

Western

and

paradigms

an

towards

and

to

rguments.

the

repeat

furthermore

alternative.

environmental

thesis is argued for in environmental philosophy, and

time

dominant

from

away

variations (such as those of advocated corporate

their

capitalism an.d of the post-industrial society) ,

transitivity*

shift,

paradigm

major

a

culture, indeed Western culture

Australian

to

ought

be

complex normative

That

isn’t

there

fortunately

It is also argued against there, but&gt; to sum up

the opposition case, unconvincingly.

Given then that the transition is going on,

and

to

ought

going

be

on,

ought then to be going on with greater rapidity, how is it hastened, how

indeed

do environmental activists
emerging

are

enough.

clear

it

encourage

in

Australia.

Preliminary

answers

Not only should activists be continuing with what

I
they

are

directing

doing

organisations

the

and

environmental

and

those

like,

to

supposed

action

(public)

further

them,

of

industrial

prluwryprimarily,

regulate

not merely by membership drives and environmental
influence

to

and

swing

the

should

education.

be

dominant^ regional culture , for the
w

potential appears to be there for a considerably greater change
been achieved.

sources

They should also be aiming to increase their support bases , but

organisations.

endeavouring

the

against

than

has

thus/

There are two major parts to this further practice which can run

in tandem, a more negative and a more positive part:
0

More negatively.it
z

involves

curring

down

and

countering

the

flow

propaganda

in favour of the dominant paradigms both locally but especiall

the North.

That is important in reversing the extent

It

includes

Northern

from

co-^option

a range of activities some with solid bases in local culture, such

as gently lopping

anti-American

of

of

off

the

tall

poppies

and anti-Nor them activities.

15

pedalling

the

stuff,

and

careful

The latter practices (which should

not of course reduce merely to personally directed antagonism) fit in well

aims, such as independent and nonaligned defence

environmental

regional

other

with

policies

•

More positively, it consists in promoting and adapting other

despised

features

It

alternative paradigms

commonly

is

intellectuals

Northern

are,

of

course,

like

those

nonmaximizing making-do socialistic ones,

of

appreciation

natural

local

The features to tye

Lawrence).

cultural characters are held (e.g

I

the

egalitarian,

along

environments.

with

the

consider the effects of these, decently applied, in

or

antiauthoritarian,
A
rapidly increasing

taken

to

things,

conomics, in local

As for mateship, sure it could use widening, a pain problem being its I hra/sv

restriction in
communities

promoted

in Fair go and Enough* s

with egalitarian methods as

combines

markets.

cultural

Nonmaximizing, for example, is

reflected in the She’ll be right and It'11 do approach dften

enough:

and

note, that are responsible for the low repute in which some of the

ambassadors,

and

commonly

culture that work directly towards themes of

Australian

of

also

to male relationships:

(including

cultural transformation:

nonhumans).

but encourage

its

extension

So, to conclude, the potential is^for

we must help to realise it

FOOTNOTES

1.

The term ’approaches’ is intended to include both theory and practice,
espoused ideology and behaviour.

2.

They did not go under because of the weakness of their intellectual
positions.
At bottom their religious beliefs, for example, were no more
ridiculous than those of Christianity. Typically they were much weakened by
new diseases, and overwhelmed by new technology often applied in violent
fashion.

3.

Another past philosophical basis for environmental philosophy, American
naturalism, seems to have been little developed, despite the promise some
have seen in it.

16

both

4.

By integrity is meant much more than retaining representative samples of
this and that system or species; not representative southern sassafras,
parma wallabies and Torres Strait Islanders, but sufficiently many.

17

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                    <text>■k

METAPHYSICAL FALL-OUT FROM THE NUCLEAR PREDICAMENT

A series of nuclear prophets has produced a series of philosophically-oriented
works on nuclear war.^ The series is important for its deeper penetration into the
main nuclear predicament, r’own to metaphysical levels; in this the series contrasts
The most
transient superficialities of much of the political commentary,
circulated and influential text of the series is undoubtedly that of the

with the

widely
slightest of the "prophets", Schell’s The Fate of the Earth,

This skillful piece of

unc annily redeploys some of the apparently deep phenomenological
themes of Anders.
So, conveniently, main assumptions of Schell and Anders can often
To criticise their assumptions is not of course to belittle
be considered together,

media-philosophy

In particular, Schell’s little book, for all its political shortcomings,
their work.
is having a significant and much needed effect in shifting attitudes towards nuclear
It is especially valuable for its vivid and horrifying scenarios of

arrangements.

the

exhibits,

both

the

claim

that

species

....

that we undertake together can make any practical or moral sense

...’

of

aftermath

nuclear

Unfortunately

attack.

it

also

philosophically and factually, severe defects.

’without

is

it

Some of

simply rubbish:

to

take

one example,

consider

... a world-wide program of action for preserving the [human]

nothing else

(p.173, rearranged).

This should certainly be rejected philosophically; for there is

no separate moral issue of such overwhelming importance that all other issues become
morally neutral.
compared

with

Moral

more

issues remain moral issues:

important

elsewhere, e.g. p.130).

moral

issues

(as

they don’t cease to be so when
Schell

effectively

acknowledges

And the claim should be questioned on more factual grounds.

Humans form a highly resilient species, like rats a survivor species, unlikely to be
entirely exterminated under presently-arranged nuclear holocausts.

The example was selected however because it leads into, indeed presupposes, two

of the major defective assumptions in the work of Schell and Anders.
51.

Nuclear war will eliminate life, human life at least, on earth (the extinction

assumption); and
52.
In the absence of humans, very many notions,

not only those of morality and

value, but those of time and space for example, make no sense; or, to put it into a

more

sympathetic

philosophical

form,

these

notions

depend

for

actual human context (the extravagant anthropocentric assumption) .

their

sense

on an

�2

S2 which give Anders’

It is applications of

philosophical depth,
paradoxical

and Schell’s work some of its apparent

and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement through the

propositions

But

generated.

the

frequent

applications

S2

of

depend

essentially on SI.3 For without total extinction there will be humans about, to make

past and future, good and evil, go on making sense!

the

Granted that

assumption SI

is by no means ruled out as a real possibility, as

technological

means appear

available

extinct;^

granted

centres of

prospect

the

of

to make it

large-scale

nuclear

Western civilization with obliteration.

the light of present - admittedly inadequate -

true,

to render Homo sapiens

war

does

threaten

leading

Even so SI appears unlikely in
Even in Canada, which

information.

lies on the polar route of Soviet missiles, human life should be able to continue in
certain northern areas (according to Canadian medical studies).

SI

is extremely flimsy.

It depends,

for example,

Schell’s argument to

on an unjustified extrapolation

from the Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, but for the most part it does that very

North American thing, of contracting the world to North America.

all worthwhile civilization, is in USA, or at least,

to be more charitable, in North

America and Europe, which will also be wiped out, i.e.
eliminated

in

the nuclear

holocaust.)

Some of

(All that matters,

its human population will be

the data

upon,

Schell relies

for

example the effect of nuclear explosions on the .ozone layer, was significantly out of
date even when he wrote.

Other effects than ozone destruction, such as variations in

ultraviolent radiation and temperature levels, apparently extrapolate even less well

from North

A factually superior study of nuclear disaster produced

to South.

about the same time as Schell’s, by Preddey and others,
Southern Hemisphere,

such as

New Zealand

and southern

at

indicates that parts of the

latitudes of

Latin America

could escape relatively unscathed from even most massive northern exchanges.

Doomsday prophets

may appear

to have

gained new

purchase

through

recent

belated) scientific forecasts of a nuclear winter following upon nuclear war.

(if
But

although these forecasts certainly add a new, and alarming, ecological dimension to
the very damaging consequences of large-scale nuclear war,
extinction assumption3.

they do not sustain the

On the available evidence, human life will continue, though

no doubt with new complications and simplifications, for example^ in many southern
mid-latitude coastal reqions outside zones of radiation fall-out.
More generally,
life will go on,

though likely seriously and irreversibly impoverished through loss

of valuable nonhuman systems and creatures.

Nuclear prophets usually see the world (though with most of it carried along) as
already set

, in crucial respects, on the route to nuclear catastrophe.

Much of the

/r

�3

way taken is seen as both inevitable and irreversible.
insist

the

upon

of

"impossibility

unlearning”

the

Thus both Anders and Schell

means of manufacturing nuclear

It would seem that extinction, which they both foresee, would furnish a good

bombs.

medium for unlearning nuclear technology (something very like this emerges from van

theory

Daniken’s

of an

"high"

earlier

In virtue

technology).

they would

of S2,

however exclude such a possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly that

the notion

no longer made

impossibility-of-unlearning

eventual

use

of

sense.

But

what

message

is

the

-

as

if

technology

the

they

again want

inevitability
having

learnt

to

suggest

have

been advanced.But

technological advances
cases of

they

that have

are not

not been

tenable.

the

development

and

else

was

of

the

the

means

determined, and manufacture and use ceased to be a matter of choice.

views

with

There

all

Certainly such

are many

taken advantage of,

and

examples of

there are even

technological developments that have been manufactured but not marketed or

used. There is not something very special about nuclear apparatus that puts it beyond
the scope of such generalisations.

Both Schell and Anders do claim that there are very special things about nuclear
Even if this were true just
"experiments".
weapons, notably that they do not allow "experiments"
of nuclear weapons - and it is certainly not of smaller weapons - it would not rebut
And in fact
the previous argument against the inevitability of nuclear weapons.
Anders and (even) Schell hedge their claims about testing, and the limits to nuclear
scientific work, 1to large-scale weapons and independent experiments which do not
Again they have
interfere with the■ observers and those outside the "laboratories" .
latched onto major points: in particular, we have at present no way of testing the
cumulative effects of large nuclear weapons in concert, e.g. for more holistic

effects,

such

circulation and

enough with it
in character,

or changes in coupled atmospheric
Short of a large-scale nuclear war, and likely
radiation fields.
these crucial effects must remain largely untested and hypothetical

as

fireballs

or

firestorms,

Nonetheless enough data can be assembled to carry through informative

modellings, which point to the improbability of SI, and so undermine applications of
S2 .

The penetration
Schell

and

Anders,

of

but

in S2, is not something peculiar to
Western philosophy, European philosophy

human

chauvinism, as

is

product

a

of

This chauvinism is unfortunately alive and still well, Anders’ version
It has also deeply
of S2 being just one striking illustration (cf. AA p.252ff.).
penetrated Anglo-American philosophy, and has been extended under the influence of
especially.

Wittgenstein’s work, where even the necessary truths of mathematics are taken to be a
product of human conventions, and would vanish with humans! Such are alleged

MB

�4

implications of extinction: but the fact is that the truths of arithmetic are in no
way dependent on the existence of humans or humanoids or of gods or giraffes.

As

very many propositions

with necessary truths and falsehoods so with contingent ones:

about the world do not depend in any way for their truth-value or content on humans

or their communities.
In

Schell,

Kantian

obnoxious

is

chauvinism

human

dished

Thoughts and

form.

up

a

in

particularly

time

propositions,

powerful

history and

tenses,

and

and

memories, values and morality, all depend on the life-giving presence of human beings

-

future or merely potential

past or

humans are certainly not enough.

humans are not enough,

persons

that are not

Thus, according to Schell (p.140, e.g.),

’... the

thought "Humanity is now extinct" is an impossible one for a rational person, because

as

soon as it is, we are not.

In imagining any other event, we look ahead

moment that is still within the stream of human time,
a

later

rational

Though we no doubt have it

into past,

(p.143).
local

may

well

be

able

to

truly.

it

have

Schell

there is no "later" ’outside the human tenses of past,
(p.140)*^.
Human extinction eliminates ’the creature that

erroneously denies that:
present, and future ...’

divides time

creature

The thought is however

... ’.

perfectly possible for humans; we can have it right now.

falsely,

to a

present and

future’: so annihilation cannot

’come to pass’

But it is simply false that the tenses are human; the tenses depend on a

time

ordering

(perceptible

to

many

creatures

other

than

humans,

but

not

depending at all on that perceptibility for its viability) relating other times to
to now (also a human-independent location, evident to other creatures,

the present,

and borne witness to by such sequences as the passing seasons).

And annihilation may

also too easily come to pass, for many humans in the North at least, as it came to

pass in recent geological times that humans began to exist upon earth.

Before that

there was a time before there were any human beings.

argument for the demise of time, that ’what has been will no longer be

Anders’

even what

has

been’ ,

is also explicitly (and narrowly)

’for what

verificationist :

would the difference be between what has only been and what has never been,

is no
remain

one

remember the

to

many

sorts

of

things

difference;

organisms would be different.

that have been’

for

one,

Temporal

the

(AA p.245).
history

themes do not lack

if there

There would

recorded

in

many

still
other

’legitimacy because not

registered [or verified] by anyone’; truth, significance, still less meaning, are not

matters of human verification.

Here,

as

elsewhere,

the

human

chauvinism

is

mixed

with

other

distorting

metaphysical assumptions of our Western heritage, in particular, verificationism and

�ontological assumptions (to the effect that there are severe difficulties in talking

about

does

what

exist)

not

Thus,

for

metaphysics from Freud, according to whom

example,

takes

Schell

dubious

over

it is indeed impossible to imagine our own

death; and whenever we attempt to do so, we can perceive that we are in fact still
present

spectators"

as

refuting

the

(p.138).

fact

In

first.

clause goes

second

The

is

there

counterfactual situations which undermine both Freud’s

distance

difficulty

great

no

a good

describing

in

The

claims.

towards

same, goes

for

Schell’s extensions of human chauvinism into one of its main traditional strongholds,
value theory:

evil,

’... the simple and basic fact [sic!]

harm,

or

service

lamenting

rejoicing

or

that before there can be good or

must

there

be

life ,

human

life

These are no facts, but deeply entrenched philosophical dogmas (which have

(p.171).

been exposed and criticised elsewhere/, e.g. HC).

Naturally many

things will disappear with the extinction of humans:

trivially

there will be no more humans (unless humans re-evolve or are recreated), and thus no

more human communities,

human institutions, human activities, human emotions, and so

But it is already going too far to suggest, as Anders does, that there will

forth.

accordingly be

’no thought,

no love,

sacrifice, no image, no song ...'.

For there are, and may continue to exist, other

than humans with emotion,

creatures

no struggle, no pain, no hope, no comfort, no

struggles, songs,

...

Nor will the ending of

.

all such human ventures, if it comes to pass, show that all past human ventures have
been ’all in vain’, meaningless, and already so to say dead.

The decay of the solar

system, or the heat-death of the universe even, will not show that worthwhile human
A
activities were not worthwhile.*

Several of the other notions and themes common to Schell and Anders derive from
their shared

assumptions SI

of a Second Death,

(in Revelations)
under

SI,

is

reckoned

meaningless

rendered

and S2.

a

and

species

death’,

and

all

extinction came

redeployed by both.

’second death’ ,
already

already ’overhung with death’

’a second

It is these that underlie the biblical notion

’seems

(S p.166).

because

to

Thus,

not merely one’s own but

future

to

pass,

generations
the

(S

stronger

be

by

’The death of mankind ,

S2 and

dead’

(AA

SI

p.244,

remaining

S p.166)

life

is

and

is

too, more trivially, a person faces

in addition that greater death of the

p.166,

p.115).

However

even

notion would not be vindicated,

if

nuclear

because

it

depends on the fallacious inference to the meaninglessness of preceding life and on

the very

questionable representation

of

this

meaninglessness as

a sort

of death.

There is no such Second Death: creatures die just once, perhaps all at about the same
time.

The idea of a Second Death lacks even a solid metaphysical base.

�6

From SI,

together with the minor principle that extinction being an absolute
in degree,

doesn’t differ

theme that

the universality of peril

comes

’we are all

exposed to peril in the same degree’, which is accordingly ’disguised’ and ’difficult
to

with

SI.

In

situation,

there is no contrast (AE p.64;

because

recognise’,

event,

any

are

peoples

southern Patagonia

Indians of

the

all

not

This theme falls

S p.150).

by

imperilled

equally

the

better placed

being rather

nuclear

than the

Nor are all people equally locked into the situation or

Germans of northern Europe.

incapacitated by it; the prospects are different in different countries and places.

likewise,

Nor,

Schell

are all

contrast

(in

to

people equally responsible,

a pernicious

repeatedly infiltrates.

Anders)

This

is

theme^ which,

the

theme,

Pogo

according to which
S3.

Responsibility for the present nuclear predicament (fiasco, really) distributes

onto everybody, it belongs to every human in the world.

But

there is also, mixed in,

a weaker more

plausible claim that gives lie

to the

stronger one, namely that we have some responsibility (the Nazi situation is
compared).
An especially blatant example of the Pogo theme11 runs as follows: ’...
the

world’s

leaders

political

...

they

though

now menace

the earth with nuclear
At least, this is

weapons, do so only with our permission, and even at our bidding.
true for democracies'

(pp.229-30).

pose

since we pay for extinction and

sense,

threat of it,

the

... we are

(For the populations of the superpowers this is true

the authors of that extinction.
in a positive

theme is elaborated elsewhere:

The

while for

support the governments that

the peoples of the non-nuclear-armed world

it is

true only in the negative sense that they fail try to do anything about the danger)
(p.152).

But

this is more of an argument indicting representative government, by

revealing

its

allegedly

govern,

insensitivity

not

to

and

unresponsiveness

to

affected

by

mention

those

its

the

activities

populace
who

are

they

not

But Schell conveniently neglects all such

represented at all (namely foreigners).
points:

of

many

'... we are potential mass killers.

The moral cost of nuclear armaments is

it makes of all of us underwriters of the slaughter of hundreds of millions'
And again '[as] perpetrators ... we convey the steady message ... that life
(p.152),
that

not only is not sacred but is worthless; that ... it had been judged acceptable for
to be killed' (p.153).
Little of this is true.
Those who campaign against

nuclear arrangements, vote against nuclear—committed parties so far as is possible,
destruction,

and

responsibility for the nuclear situation does not simply distribute onto them.

Nor

and

the

are

like,

does responsibility

attributes
decisions

to

certainly

— or

everyone

taken

—

not

the

the unlikely

fall

in "liberal

on

authors

opinions as

those

democracies"

who

have

of

potential

to worth
done

less.

Schell illegitimately
Responsibility for

even by representatives

(in the unlikely

�event of

this happening in the case of anything as important as defence) cannot be

traced back to those represented, since among many other things, a representative is
only

representative of a

party which offers a complex and often

ill-characterised

package of policies, and a voter may vote for zero or more policies of this package.
Only in

the (uncommon)

can responsibility,

event of a clear

still of a qualified

single issue referendum, which is adopted,

sort, be

for it, not to everyone in the community.

sheeted home, to those who voted

While S3 is false, there is an important

related theme that is much more plausible; namely that the present nuclear situation

generates responsibilities for every socially involved person.
When moreover the Pogo assumption is disentangled from accompanying themes, part

of what results is decidedly along the right lines; namely

S4.

The controllers [not to be confused, in Schell’s fashion, with all of us] have

failed to change our pre-nuclear institutions.

The sovereign system is out of step

with the nuclear age, the one-earth system, etc. (the whole earth theme).
Though Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the state and the
frequently immoral purposes for which the state is used, unfortunately he often loses

sight of

this important

critique of

the

theme (indicated

state whi?V

the conclusion

arrives at

is,

that

by and

pp.187-8).

Yet S4 forms part of Schell s

scattered

large,

the nation-state

and

has outlasted

Schell

fragmentary.

its usefulness,

and

that new political institutions more ’consonant with the global reality’ are required
as a matter of urgency.

But he evades what he admits is the major task, making out

viable alternatives.12 At most he makes some passing gestures, some pointing towards

the Way Up to world political control.

Solutions to

the nuclear dilemma come,

way,

from the Top Down;

(cf.

p.230).

if not easily, in a similar simplistic

those who can must appeal

to the Top,

to those who govern

Schell places his hope in treaties for arms reduction and limitations,

such as SALT, and in world government, through the United Nations (see p.225ff. and

especially p.227,
treaties,

bottom paragraph).

Given the record of

these organisations and

the negotiations and regulators, it is by now a pathetic faith.

Nor is a

serious need felt for further analysis of the nuclear situation, to investigate the

origins of nuclear technology,

to explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider

effective changes to military-industrial organisation and ways of life.

But some of the requisite deeper analysis of the nuclear situation and , more
generally, of the roots of war can be found in Anders$f and elsewhere.13 The roots of
the nuclear predicament are not confined to the ideologically-aligned arrangements of

nation-states,

but

penetrate

also

into

key

components

of

those

states,

their

�8

and

controlling classes,

their

military,

their supporting bureaucracies.

And both

within the arrangements of states, what accounts in part for the arrangements, and in

key components

of

states,

the

power and domination (and, often,

superiority by the

[nuclear]
science

interrelated forms.
surplus

product

nature)

to

super-states, to
involves

accumulated

can be

is

enables

is the

for

Thus the push for

domination,

large nation-state,

at home

(from

the drive

be achieved through military-oriented

and

main power-base

The

feature

the accompanying privilege).

which

technology,

and

and crucial

a conspicuous

and

from

abroad,

several

in

where enough
and

bled

from

proceed with military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found the high-

technology research and development means to ever more expendable power and energy.

In changing

the prospect of

to eliminate

arrangements

structural

the

nuclear

war, it is not ultimately enough just to downgrade the main power-base, the nation­
state;

it

sweepingly,

also

is

important

remove

to

state

relations,

political

alter

trouble-making

political arrangements,

in

to

key

components

patterns

embedded

namely patterns of domination,

organisation,

human-animal

relations,

but

in

of
in

state,

and,

all

these

social

and

patterns manifested not only
relations,

white-coloured

human-nature

more

the

relations;

to

male-female
in

remove,

short,

However not everything needs to be accomplished at once; and

chauvinistic relations.

the cluster of damaging power and domination relations tied into war can be tackled

separately.

And there

the problems

can largely be narrowed

to certain problems of

states and certain key components of states.

In what analysis he does offer of the
contrast of

familiar false

"raison

d’etat"

and

the

justifies the means is

themselves

to

problem with states,

state expediency with morality,

Socratic-Christian

ethics.

every sort’

(p.134).

anything whatever in the name of [their] survival’.

argument is

as a

contrast between

teaching

that

’the

end

the basis on which governments, in all times, have licensed

commit crimes of

extinction nullifies

The

Schell repeats the

So

’states may do virtually

Schell then argues however, that

end-means justification by destroying every end; but again the

far from sound, and depends on human chauvinism (as under S2) combined

with ontological

assumptions.

Even if all

humans were extinguished (as under SI)

ends could remain, for instance for nonhumans such as animals and extraterrestrials,
actual

or

not.

The

ends-means

argument

can

however

be

repaired

to

remove

such

objections: instead it is claimed that extinction nullifies ends-means justification
by frustrating the realisation of every relevant end - meaning by ’relevant’, in this

context, those ends the realisation of which the state appeals to in justification of

its nuclear policies.a nuclear war, even without human extinction but with severe
enough losses,

would

undoubtedly

frustrate

the realisation of relevant

state ends.

�9

So

even

expediency

an

from

perspective,

policies

super-state

are

open

severe

to

criticism, for example as motivationally irrational in the nuclear risks taken.

As to the part of the state and (state) sovereignty in war,

Schell leaves us in

A sovereign state is virtually defined as one that enjoys the right and

no doubt.

to go to war in defence or pursuit of its interests (p.187).

power

War arises from

how things are; from the arrangement of political affairs via jealous nation-states
Indeed there is a two-way linkage between having sovereignty and capacity^

(p.188).

to wage war.

to organise

On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell contends, necessary for people

sovereignty.

is impossible

side, without war it

On the other

for war.

to preserve

Neither of these contentions is transparently clear as it stands.

The

first is damaged by civil war and the like, the second by the persistence of small

nonmilitary states.

the macro-state system is entrenched, it

Now that

easy for conservatives (in particular) to argue from the "realities

life,

which include self-interest,

that

peace

readily

are

arrangements

aggression,

dismissed

as

of international

It is on this basis

hatred.

fear,

is however

unrealistic,

utopian,

even

(amusingly) as extremist (cf. p.185).
Schell’s

further

nuclear "war"

that

theme

is not

war

threatens,

however,

to

undermine his case against the sovereign state; for example, his ends-means argument
and the argument based on its nuclear-war making capacity.

Fortunately the not-war

theme needs much qualification, and starts out from an erroneous characterisation of

war as ’a violent means employed by a nation to achieve an end’ (p.189): but this is

neither necessary nor sufficient for war.

What is correct is that nuclear wars are

very different from previous conventional wars

(cf. WP) .

that war requires an end which nuclear "war" does not have.

to claim

Schell goes on

But nuclear attacks can

certainly have ends (even if large nuclear wars cannot be won in the older sense: but
It is also claimed that war depends on weakness; on

not all wars or games are won).

one side

’no one’s

happen,
But

being defeated

what

these

on a decision by arms.

strength fails

sorts

of

until

considerations

nuclear wars are not wars, but

But in nuclear "war

this doesn’t

both sides have been annihilated’

contribute

to

showing

is

(p.190).

again

that they are not wars of certain sorts,

not

that

e.g., not

just wars (because they fail on such criteria as reasonable prospect of success and

improvement), not rational wars (in a good sense), and so on.
have

persisted

into

nuclear

times

does

damage

to

That conventional wars

Schell's argument

that nuclear

weapons have also ruined "conventional" wars, and his connected theme that the demise

of war

court

has left no means

of

appeal

has

mistaken propositions:

been

to finally settle disputes between nations, for the final
removed

(pp.192-193).

The

theme depends

on a

pair of

that concerning the demise of conventional war, and the idea

�10

that war of

some sort has

to

be

the

final

court of appeal

between nations (for

there are other types of contests that could serve, and there is also the possibility

of more cooperative behaviour,

e.g.

joint referenda).

The

social-Darwinian assumption of Clausewicz (the 'logic of war

theme also

imports the

theme) that war has to

proceed to the technological limit — as if war and violence were thoroughly natural

activities, independent of recognised social settings (for winning, surrender, etc.),

and ruleless activities.

On the contrary, wars are parasitic on social organisations

such as states and are governed by a range of understandings, conventions and rules.

They are a social phenomenon, with a rule structure, if not a logic.
Much capital has been made not merely from "the logic of war

but from what is

now called "the logic of deterrence" and the "logic of nuclear [strategic] planning .

The message that is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive arrangements the

world

is

now

entangled

in

are

perfectly

sound,

logical,

rational.

However

Logic in no way justifies the

represents little more than a cheap semantical trick.

present arrangements, or anything like them, or renders them reasonable.
logics of decision (as presented, e.g.,

be applied

planning;

in strategic

but

this

There are

for the classical case in Jeffrey) which can
they do not

yield

specific results without

desirability measures being assigned to alternative outcomes, that is without values

being pumped in, extralogically .

There are various ways these value assignments may

be determined, to meet moral requirements or not; but in nuclear strategic planning
they have invariably been settled on the basis of expediency^?.
For the most part,
however, ’logic of’ tends to be used very loosely, as a word of general commendation,
to

cover

something

like

’reasoning

and rational

considerations entering

into

the

In these terms, Schell, who like others enjoys playing with

policy or strategy of’.

the term ’logic of’, should write of 'the illogic of deterrence', for he emphasizes

its unreasonableness.
supposed

rationality

(even from a national

fail:^ yet

threat of

the

this

further and

For
of

stresses (p.213)

instance he

threatening

use

interest viewpoint)

success

of deterrence

unjustifiable and

of nuclear

the disparity between the

weapons and

the

irrationality

of actually using them should the threat

doctrine depends on the credibility of

irrational use.

the

Indeed Schell wants to go still

locate a contradiction in deterrence (e.g.

but

the argument

depends on an interesting confusion of contradiction with cancellation,

along with

the assumption that deterrence involves cancellation.

irrational, it is immoral, but it is not inconsistent.

pp.201-2);

Nuclear deterrence may well be

�11

NOTES
This is a revised version of ’Appendix 1. On the fate of mankind and the earth,
according to Schell, and to Anders’ of my monograph referred to as WP, where
Several points, only touched ijpcn in this review, are further developed.
References are by way of authors’ names or else through obvious acronyms, given
in the list of references which follows.

1. The distinguishing term is from Foley’s Nuclear Prophets, where many
leading anti-nuclear prophets are assessed. One well-known prophet not so
considered there is Jaspers, presumably because his main work comes out in
entirely the wrong direction. It gives heavy philosophical attire to the
better-dead-than-red abomination. A main argument against Jaspers so
presented is simple. However bad being red might become (at present it is
debatably worse than living under some of the totalitarian regimes the
free West props up) , it still gives humans a further chance for goou
lives, since regimes fall or can be toppled: but total annihilation
removes that all-important opportunity.
But of course Jaspers does not present his position so simply. Rather his
contention is that there are circumstances where, and principles for
which, a person or group of persons ought to sacrifice even their lives.
Freedom is such: a life worth living is a free life. But the latter point
can be granted without conceding that sacrifice is a possible means to it.
While the sacrifice of one or a few lives may be a possible (if dubiously
effective) way to free lives for others, certainly the sacrifice of all
lives is not a possible route to free lives for all, since no human lives
remain.
To this extent Schell is right (on p.131) in accusing Jaspers of
an each to all fallacy.
Jasper’s idea that "the free life that they try
to save by all possible means is more than mere life or lives" breaks down
when applied to all participating people.
None can gain free lives by
extinction of all: that is not a possible route to life even.

2. A detailed comparison of Schell and Anders’ remarkably similar versions of
S2 is made in Foley Ju.

3. Should S2 appeal, as it may, to suitable communities of humans, SI will
require reformulation in similar terms; and the argument that follows
needs minor adjustment, with appropriate groups replacing individuals.
4. Thus the Last Person argument, important in environmental ethics (as HC
explains), is no longer merely hypothetical, awaiting for instance the
remote death of the Sun, but assumes new urgency. It is this sort of
argument that connects environmental ethics and nuclear ethics, at a
deeper metaphysical level.
The Bomb and Bulldozer are out of the same
technological Pandora’s box.

Nuclear technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pandora's box.
Biological and chemical means are perhaps even more
effective, and certainly can be more selective in what gets extinguished.
Nuclear extinction would presumably require a different and more massive
exchange than is usually assumed in nuclear war scenarios, with heavy

�targeting
in
particular
of
Southern
Hemispheric
internationally-recognised nuclear-free zones).

sites

(including

5. Nor do recent scientific studies claim as much.
The most intrepid of
these studies.
Erlich and others, only contends that in certain worstQ '
case circumstances, ’the possibility of the extinction of Homo sapiens
cannot be excluded’ (p.1299).
The study admits that, in the scenario
described,
’it seems unlikely ... Homo spaiens would be forced to
extinctions immediately’, and the difficulties indicated in the way of
long-term human survival are exaggerated.
In particular, many of the drastic effects predicted for Northern mid
latitudes are reflected in very much milder form in equivalent Southern
latitudes.
For example, temperatures for regions with maritine climates
appear likely to vary by only a few degrees and perhaps neglibly for many
agricultural purposes after 100 days (cf. Turco and others, p.1287 case
29, and p.1286).
Similarly the extent of nuclear darkness and of surface
ultraviolet radiation will be appreciably less in the South and perhaps
minor for many crucial purposes, such as photosynthesis and human outdoor
activity, after 100 dayss (cf. the data in Benton and Partridge).

No doubt some scientifically respectable sections of the environmental and
peace movements have an interest in exaggerating the probable effects of
nuclear
holocaust for life on earth, much as many statesmen and
strategists have an interest in minimizing them.
And there is certainly
substantial margin for error and for variation in conclusions drawn.
For
Crutzen (p.59) is right that ’analyses of the environmental effects of a
global nuclear war remain ... uncertain ... because of a lack of
information on various important processes [among other things] ... the
environment might become extremely hostile, because of hitherto overlooked
changes in the composition of the atmosphere’, again among other things.
Such uncertainty bodes considerable caution as rational.
The way to err
is clear.
marxist
persuasion,
determinists
of
merely
by
technological
6. Not
induction
that
if the
argues
by
straight
Hackworth, a former US general,
use
it.
US military has a weapon it will

present and future (etc.) is
7. The appalling theme that humans create past,
repeated elsewhere, e.g. p.173.
8. For detailed refutation of these assumptions, see JB.

9. Anders is here (AA pp.244-5) relying upon a version of the argument from
perserverence, criticised in detail in Routley and Griffin.
10. An interesting converse of this theme is sometimes advanced, that no one
is responsible, the whole thing is out of control.
The technological
version of this no-responsibility theme is discussed below (fn 15). More
satisfactory is the theme that nuclear arrangements are out of political
control, but for reasons, in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclear
things going, which enable responsibility to be distributed.
The vested
interests, which bear considerable responsibility, include the military

�13

weapons industry, and research and academic communities (cf. Barnaby).
Under pressures for re-election especially, politicians give in to these
powerful groups, so losing control of political processes.
The argument
is flawed at its final stage.
For many influential politicians either
belong to or represent vested interests.
Thus, though there is no doubt
some ’lack of control’, political processes tend rather to reflect vested
interests than to run out of political control.
11. Another example of spreading the responsibility runs as follows: ’The
self-extinction of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sane
or sensible; nevertheless, it is an act that, without quite admitting it
to ourselves, we plan in certain circumstances to commit’ (p.185).
Even
for most of the planners, extinction is presumably not part of "the plan",
but an unintended consequence; and most of us have little or no role in
the planning, enough of us even campaign against the planning.
Further
’the world ... chose the course of attempting to refashion the system of
sovereignty to accommodate nuclear weapons’ (p.194): the world? This
connects of course with the faulty ideological argument from defence of
fundamentals, e.g. for liberty, for the 'free enterprise
(USA) nation,
and against socialism.
12. A more detailed discussion is given in WP §8, where too the case against
the state from
nuclear dilemmqj'is elaborated.

13. Anders’ explanation is elaborated in Foley; some of the themes are
presented more straightforwardly in Martin.
The incomplete list of items
given, to be investigated in a deeper analysis of the nuclear situation,
paraphrases Foley JS p.164.
14. These motivating drives form part of a larger integrated package,
comprising maximisation drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth,
energy, speed, satisfaction,
. .., for the
newer
Enlightenment (but
Faustian) virtues.
Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for
excessive neatness and simplicity manifested) to reduce the package to one
main component, preference—satisfaction, for instance, or utility.
And
the type of drive is justified (especially for those who have it, but
worry about it) not only as virtuous, which it is not, but also as
rational, which again it is not. C Rationality, the deeply entrenched myth
has it. consists in maximisation,.a suitable mix of these virtues.
*
4

Maximisation of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
The maximisation of self-interest
theorems and associated paradoxes,
runs
into
Newcomb
’s paraj^dox and special cases
(individual or national)
situations.
The
maximisation of power, as
such as Prisoners Dilemma
Christian-Islamic
God,
encounters
the paradox of
the
symbolised in
parallel
maximisation
of
knowledge,
paradoxes of
the
omnipotence,
or
no
consistent
objects
which
are
omnipotent
There are
omniscience.
the
The drive for maximum consistency, often taken to be
omniscient.
epitome of rationality, also leads
leads to
to inconsistency in the case of more
important theories, such as arithmetic and set theory (by virtue of
Godel’s theorem and associated limitative theorems).
15. R &amp; D,

though directed by military requirements

and the arms race, also

�14

drives the arms race.
science.

Its role is partly disguised by the myth of neutral

There have been attempts, not only by those committed to technological
determinism, to involve technology more deeply as the main, or single,
source of the nuclear fix (thus especially Mumford, in part thereby
anticipating Commoner’s parallel indictment of technology-choice in the
ecological fix).
It is technology, the mega-machine, running out of
control, that has brought us to this predicament, the nuclear abyss.
Sometimes this serves to exonerate states and their key components and
those who control them, for they are simply caught up by this out-ofcontrol machine; but sometimes the state itself is seen as a machine also
running out of control.
But technological determinism, like other
varieties of stronger (nonanalytic) determinism, is false.
Nuclear
technology was selected and proceeded with, after a well-known political
dispute involving distinguished scientists; it was deliberated, funded and
promoted, while other alternatives were not.
Damaging technologies of the nuclear age were not inevitable, but
deliberately chosen by certain components of the large nation-states. And
much as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be
persisted with.
The fashionable inevitability/determinism themes admit
not only of refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting
with often recalcitrant technologies.
They also admit of being made to
look ridiculous.
If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolution,
then if it functions (as it probably will, a matter also determined), it
will serve as a human population control device, a matter also determined.
That is, the Bomb has its fixed evolutionary place in human population
regulation!

16. This reformulation was proposed by N. Griffin, who suggested that the main
qualification can be inferred from Schell’s context.

17. Selecting the usual game theory setting sees to this almost automatically;
for it is then assumed that each player plays to maximize his or her own
advantage. Thus too the presumption in Walzer, p.277, that ’the logic of
deterrence’ is based on eye-for-eye and tooth-for-tooth assumptions.
(ar

18. Even the
irrationality of /retaliatory * first-strike)
use has been
contested, e.g. it has been wishfully thougnt that America will rise like
a phoenix from the radioactive ashes.
There is moreover a simple solution to Schell’s problem of the "missing
motive" for retaliating to a large strike (p.204), namely, not a
retributive one, but an ideological one: eliminate the prospect of the
future dominance of the rival ideology. Such a motive has been offered -tor
the conjecturAL targeting of Latin America.

19. An analogous confusion of negation with cancellation or obliteration
appears in recent US "star-war" thinking, where US missiles are supposed
to "negate" incoming USSR missiles.
Moral

paradoxes of deterrence

take a different direction.

For although

�15

involving negation, they depend upon perhaps questionable interconnexions
of intensional functors.
One type of paradox (considered in WP §5, where
the immorality of deterrence is argued) derives from a policy of credibly
threatening war without however intending to proceed to war, though
credible threats [appear to] imply an intention to proceed. Another style
derives from acclaimed intention to reduce the number of nuclear missiles
when the persistent practice, which Implies an intention, is to increase
the number.
This paradox is technically removed - how satisfactorily is
another matter - by a distinction between longer-term aims and immediate
practice,
a
time-honoured
method
of
removing
contradictions
by
conveniently discerned temporal distinctions.

REFERENCES

G. Anders,

Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen, C.H.

Beck, Munchen, 1956; referred to as

AA.
G. Anders,

Zeitenende:

Endzeitand

Gedanken

atomaren

zur

Situation,

C.H.

Beck,

Munchen, 1972; referred to as AE.
7

'

F. Barnaby,

’Will

be

there

a

War' ,//» Aus tralia

Nuclear

Nuclear

War,

J

(ed.

M. Denborough) , Croom Helm, Australia, 1983?

I.J.

Benton

and G.W.

Partridge,

’"Twilight

at Noon"

overstated’,

13

Ambio

(1984)

49-51.
B. Commoner, The Closing Circle: Nature, Man

P.J. Crutzen,

Technology, Knopf, New York, 1972.

’Darkness after a nuclear war’, Ambio 13 (1984) 52-4.

M. Denborough (ed.), Australian &amp; Nuclear War, Croom Helm, Australia, 1983.

P.R. Erlich and others,

’Long-term biological consequences of nuclear war’,

Science

222 (1983) 1293-1300.
G. Foley,

’Jonathan

Schell:

Genius

-

Philosopher

-

Rewrite

Man’,

typescript,

Brisbane, 1982; referred to as JS.

G. Foley, Nuclear Prophets. The True and the False, typescript, Brisbane, 1983.

�16

in
’A Soldier’s Refragfljt’, , Australia

D. Hackworth,

Croom Helm, Australia, 1983

vi^vC
Nuclear War,

(ed. M. Denborough),

/zor-/z

»

K. Jaspers, The Future of Mankind, (trans. E.B. Ashton), University of Chicago Press,
1961.

B. Martin,

Strategy Against

Roots

Grass

War,

Freedom Press,

1984, "ter

Nottingham,

a-p-peax.
L. Mumford,

The Myth of

the Machine,

2 vols.,

Harcourt

Brifce

,

New York,

1970.
G.F. Preddey and others, Future Contingencies 4. Nuclear Disasters, A Report to the
Commission for the Future, Government Printer, Wellington, New Zealand, 1982.

R. Routley and

N. Griffin,

'Unravelling

the meanings of life’, Discussion Papers in

Environmental Philosophy #3, Australian National University, Canberra, 1982.

R. Routley,

Meinong’s

Exploring

Jungle

and

Beyond,

Research

School

of

Social

Sciences, Australian National University, 1980; referred to as JB.

R. Routley, War and Peace I. On the Ethics of Large-Scale Nuclear War and Nuclear
deterrence and the Political Fall-Out, Discussion Papers in Environmental
Philosophy #5, Australian National University, 1984j

R. and

V. Routley,

Philosophy

(ed.

'Human

chauvinism

D. Manujson and

and

Environmental

others),

Research

ethics’,

School of

in

Environmental

Social Sciences,

Australian National University, 1980; referred to as HC.

J. Schell, The Fate of the Earth, Knopf, New York, 1982; referred to as S./F.

R.P.

Turco

and

others,

'Nuclear

winter:

global

consequences

explosions’ , Science 222 (1983) 1283-92.

M. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Basic Books, New York, 1977.

of

multiple nuclear

�Appendix 1: On the fate of mankind and tht?_ _ea£_t]i, according to
SchelT~and Anders.
Nuclear prophets and prophetic rubbish. The extinction assumption.
Common emerging themes of Schell and Anders. The extravagant anthro­
pocentric assumption, and some of what is wrong with it. Second death
dismissed. The universality of peril. The alleged universality of
responsibility: the Pogo theme. The correct, but undeveloped, whole
earth theme. Ultimately Schell offers little hope and superficiality.
Nuclear war is war. The logic and illogic of deterrence.

�METAPHYSICAL FALL-OUT FROM THE NUCLEAR PREDICAMENT*

A series of nuclear prophets has produced a series of philosophically-oriented
works on nuclear war.^ The series is important for its deeper penetration into the

main nuclear predicament, down to metaphysical levels;
with the

widely

in this the series contrasts

transient superficialities of much of the political commentary.

circulated

influential

and

text

the

of

series

is

undoubtedly that

uncannily

some

of

the

the apparently

deep phenomenological

So, conveniently, main assumptions of Schell and Anders can often

themes of Anders.

be considered together.

their work.

redeploys

of

This skillful piece of

slightest of the "prophets", Schell’s The Fate of the Earth.

media-philosophy

The most

To criticise their assumptions is not of course to belittle

In particular, Schell’s little book, for all its political shortcomings,

is having a significant and much needed effect in shifting attitudes towards nuclear

It is especially valuable for its

arrangements.
the

aftermath

of

nuclear

vivid and horrifying scenarios of

Unfortunately

attack.

it

also

exhibits,

both

philosophically and factually, severe defects.

Some of
’without

is

it

simply rubbish:

to

take

one

example,

consider

the

... a world-wide program of action for preserving the [human]

nothing else

claim that
species

....

that we undertake together can make any practical or moral sense . . . ’

(p.173, rearranged).

This should certainly be rejected philosophically; for there is

no separate moral issue of such overwhelming importance that all other issues become

Moral

morally neutral.
compared

with

more

issues remain moral issues: they don’t cease to be so when

important

elsewhere, e.g. p.130).

moral

issues

(as

Schell

effectively

acknowledges

And the claim should be questioned on more factual grounds.

Humans form a highly resilient species, like rats a survivor species, unlikely to be
entirely exterminated under presently-arranged nuclear holocausts.

The example was selected however because it leads into, indeed presupposes, two
of the major defective assumptions in the work of Schell and Anders:

51.

Nuclear war will eliminate life, human life at least, on earth (the extinction

assumption); and
52.
value,

In

the absence of humans,

very many notions,

not only

those of morality and

but those of time and space for example, make no sense; or, to put it into a

form,

for their
X 2
actual human context (the extravagant anthropocentric assumption).
more

sympathetic

philosophical

these

notions

depend

sense

on an

�2

S2 which give Anders’ and Schell’s work some of its apparent

It is applications of

and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement through the

philosophical depth,

paradoxical propositions generated.
But the frequent applications of S2 depend
essentially on SI.3 For without total extinction there will be humans about, to make

past and future, good and evil, go on making sense!
Granted that assumption SI

the

technological

means appear

extinctgranted

the

prospect

is by no means ruled out as a real possibility, as

available to
of

make it

nuclear

large-scale

to render Homo sapiens

true,

war

does

threaten

leading

Even so SI appears unlikely in

centres of Western civilization with obliteration.

the light of present - admittedly inadequate - information.

Even in Canada, which

lies on the polar route of Soviet missiles, human life should be able to continue in
certain northern areas (according to Canadian medical studies).
SI

is

extremely flimsy.

for example,

It depends,

Schell s argument to

on an unjustified extrapolation

from the Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, but for the most part it does that very

North Zunerican thing, of contracting the world to North America.

(All that matters,

all worthwhile civilization, is in USA, or at least, to be more charitable, in North

America and Europe, which will also be wiped out, i.e. its human population will be

eliminated in

the nuclear

holocaust.)

Some of

the data

Schell relies

upon,

for

example the effect of nuclear explosions on the ozone layer, was significantly out of
date even when he wrote.

Other effects than ozone destruction, such as variations in

ultraviolent radiation and temperature levels, apparently extrapolate even less well

from North

A factually superior study of nuclear disaster produced at

to South.

about the same time as Schell’s, by Preddey and others,

indicates that parts of the

Southern Hemisphere,

latitudes of

such as

New Zealand

and

southern

Latin America

could escape relatively unscathed from even most massive northern exchanges.

Doomsday prophets
belated) scientific

may appear

forecasts of

to have

gained new

purchase through

recent

a nuclear winter following upon nuclear war.

(if

But

although these forecasts certainly add a new, and alarming, ecological dimension to
the very damaging consequences of large-scale nuclear war, they do not sustain the
extinction assumption3.
On the available evidence, human life will continue, though

no

doubt with new complications and

mid-latitude coastal

life will go on,

for example

in many southern

regions outside zones of radiation fall-out.

More generally,

simplifications,

though likely seriously and irreversibly impoverished through loss

of valuable nonhuman systems and creatures.

Nuclear prophets usually see the world (though with most of it carried along) as
already set

, in crucial respects, on the route to nuclear catastrophe.

Much of the

�3

way taken is seen as both inevitable and irreversible.
insist

upon

unlearning"

of

"impossibility

the

Thus both Anders and Schell

means of

the

manufacturing nuclear

It would seem that extinction, which they both foresee, would furnish a good

bombs.

medium for unlearning nuclear technology (something very like this emerges from van
Daniken’s

of an

theory

"high"

earlier

they would

of S2,

In virtue

technology).

however exclude such a possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly that

the notion

longer

no

made

sense.

But what

message

is

the

-

as

if

impossibility-of-unlearning

eventual

use

of

the

technology

they

to suggest

again want

learnt

having

the

of

inevitability

with

the

development

and

all

the means

determined, and manufacture and use ceased to be a matter of choice.
views have

been advanced.

technological advances

cases of

But

are not

they

that have

been

not

tenable.

Certainly such

are many

There

taken advantage of,

was

else

examples of

there are even

and

technological developments that have been manufactured but not marketed or

used. There is not something very special about nuclear apparatus that puts it beyond

the scope of such generalisations.

Both Schell and Anders do claim that there are very special things about nuclear

weapons, notably that they do not allow "experiments".

Even if this were true just

of nuclear weapons - and it is certainly not of smaller weapons - it would not rebut
the

argument against

previous

inevitability

the

of nuclear weapons.

And

in

fact

Anders and (even) Schell hedge their claims about testing, and the limits to nuclear

work,

scientific

large-scale

to

weapons

and

independent

experiments which

interfere with the observers and those outside the "laboratories".

latched onto major points:
cumulative

such

effects,

of

effects
as

in particular,

fireballs

or

Again they have

we have at present no way of testing the

wreapons

in

concert,

firestorms,

or

changes

nuclear

large

do not

e.g.

in

for

more

holistic

atmospheric

coupled

circulation and

radiation fields.

enough with

these crucial effects must remain largely untested and hypothetical

it,

in character.

Short of a large-scale nuclear war,

and likely

Nonetheless enough data can be assembled to carry through informative

modellings, which point to the improbability of SI, and so undermine applications of
S2.

The
Schell

penetration

and

Anders,

of human
but

is

a

chauvinism,
product

of

as

in S2,

Western

is not

something peculiar

philosophy,

European

to

philosophy

especially.

This chauvinism is unfortunately alive and still well, Anders’ version

of

just one striking illustration (cf. AA p.252ff.).

S2

being

penetrated Anglo-American philosophy,

and

has

been extended

It has also deeply

under the

influence of

Wittgenstein’s work, where even the necessary truths of mathematics are taken to be a

product

of

human

conventions,

and

would

vanish

with

humans!

Such

are

alleged

�4

implications of extinction: but the fact is that the truths of arithmetic are in no
way dependent on the existence of humans or humanoids or of gods or giraffes.
with necessary truths and falsehoods so with contingent ones:

As

very many propositions

about the world do not depend in any way for their truth-value or content on humans
or their communities.

In

human

Schell,

obnoxious Kantian

form.

dished

is

chauvinism

and

Thoughts

up

in

propositions,

a

particularly

time

powerful

history and

tenses,

and

and

memories, values and morality, all depend on the life-giving presence of human beings

future or merely potential humans are not enough,

- past or

that are not

persons

Thus, according to Schell (p.140, e.g.),

humans are certainly not enough.

’... the

thought "Humanity is now extinct" is an impossible one for a rational person, because
as

it

soon as

is, we are not.

In imagining any other event, we look ahead

moment that is still within the stream of human time,

... ’.

a

later

rational

erroneously denies that:
present, and future ...’
into past,

divides time

may

well

be

to

able

ordering

time

it

have

Schell

truly.

there is no "later" ’outside the human tenses of past,
(p.140)7.
Human extinction eliminates ’the creature that

present and future’: so annihilation cannot

But it is simply false that the tenses are human;

(p.143).
local

creature

The thought is however

Though we no doubt have it

perfectly possible for humans; we can have it right now.
falsely,

to a

(perceptible

to

many

creatures

’come to pass’

the tenses depend on a

other

than humans,

but

not

depending at all on that perceptibility for its viability) relating other times to

to now (also a human-independent location, evident to other creatures,

the present,

and borne witness to by such sequences as the passing seasons).

And annihilation may

also too easily come to pass, for many humans in the North at least, as it came to
pass in recent geological times that humans began to exist upon earth.

Before that

there was a time before there were any human beings.
Anders’ argument for the demise of time,

even what has been’,

is also

that

’what has been will no longer be

explicitly (and narrowly)

’for what

verif icationist:

would the difference be between what has only been and what has never been,
is no

remain

one

remember the things

to

many

sorts

organisms would

of

difference;

be different.

that have been’

for

one,

Temporal

the

(AA p.245).
history

themes do not lack

if there

There would

still

many

other

recorded

in

’legitimacy because not

registered [or verified] by anyone’; truth, significance, still less meaning, are not
matters of human verification.

Here,

as

elsewhere,

the

human

chauvinism

is

mixed

with

other

distorting

metaphysical assumptions of our Western heritage, in particular, verificationism and

�5

ontological assumptions (to the effect that there are severe difficulties in talking

about

exist)0.

not

does

what

Thus,

Schell

example,

for

takes

over

dubious

metaphysics from Freud, according to whom "it is indeed impossible to imagine our own

death; and whenever we attempt to do so, we can perceive that we are in fact still
present

spectators"

as

refuting

(p.138).

fact

In

first.

the

clause goes

second

The

there

is

great

no

situations which undermine both Freud’s

counterfactual

a good

distance

difficulty
claims.

in

towards

describing

The same goes

for

Schell’s extensions of human chauvinism into one of its main traditional strongholds,
value theory:

evil,

'... the simple and basic fact [sic!]

or

service

(p.171).

lamenting

harm,

rejoicing

or

that before there can be good or
there

be

must

life’,

human

life

These are no facts, but deeply entrenched philosophical dogmas (which have

been exposed and criticised elsewhere, e.g. LIC).

Naturally many things will disappear with the extinction of humans: trivially
there will be no more humans (unless humans re-evolve or are recreated), and thus no

more human communities, human institutions, human activities, human emotions, and so

But it is already going too far to suggest, as Anders does, that there will

forth.

’no thought,

accordingly be

no love,

sacrifice, no image, no song

no struggle, no pain, no hope, no comfort, no
For there are, and may continue to exist, other

...’.

creatures than humans with emotion, struggles,

songs,

...

Nor will the ending of

.

all such human ventures, if it comes to pass, show that all past human ventures have
been 'all in vain', meaningless, and already so to say dead.

The decay of the solar

system, or the heat-death of the universe even, will not show that worthwhile human
9
activities were not worthwhile.

Several of the other notions and themes common to Schell and Anders derive from

their shared assumptions SI

of a Second Death,

(in Revelations)
under

SI,

rendered

is

and S2.

reckoned

meaningless

a

and

species

and

all

extinction came

redeployed

'second death',
already

already 'overhung with death'

'a second death',

It is these that underlie the biblical notion

'seems

(S p.166).

because by

to

to

pass,

generations
the

(S

stronger

be

Thus,

not merely one's own but

future

by both.

'The death of mankind',

S2 and

dead'

(AA

SI remaining

p.244,

S p.166)

life is

and is

too, more trivially, a person faces

in addition that greater death of the

p.166,

p.115).

However

even

notion would not be vindicated,

if

nuclear

because

it

depends on the fallacious inference to the meaninglessness of preceding life and on
the very

questionable representation

of. this

meaninglessness as

a sort

of death.

There is no such Second Death: creatures die just once, perhaps all at about the same

time.

The idea of a Second Death lacks even a solid metaphysical base.

�6

together with the minor principle

From SI,
doesn’t differ

in degree,

comes

extinction being an absolute

that

the universality of

peril

theme that

we are all

exposed to peril in the same degree’, which is accordingly ’disguised’ and ’difficult

to

recognise’,

with

In

SI.

situation,

there is no contrast (AE p.64;

because

any

event,

not

Indians of

the

peoples

all

Germans of northern Europe.

ihis theme falls

imperilled

equally

are

southern Patagonia

S p.150).

being rather

by

nuclear

the

better placed

than the

Nor are all people equally locked into the situation or

incapacitated by it; the prospects are different in different countries and places.

Nor,

Schell

likewise,

contrast

(in

all

are

to

people

equally responsible,

a

repeatedly infiltrates.

Anders)

pernicious

This

is

the

theme which

Pogo theme,

according to which
S3.
Responsibility for the present nuclear predicament (fiasco, really) distributes
onto everybody, it belongs to every human in the world.

But

there

is also, mixed

a weaker more

in,

plausible claim that gives lie

to the

stronger one, namely that we have some responsibility (the Nazi situation is
compared).
An especially blatant example of the Pogo themeH runs as follows: ’...

the

world’s

leaders

political

...

though they

now menace

weapons, do so only with our permission, and even at our bidding.
true for democracies’

(pp.229-30).

positive

pose

the

since we

sense,

threat of it,

At least, this is

theme is elaborated elsewhere:

The

... we are

(For the populations of the superpowers this is true

the authors of that extinction.

in a

with nuclear

the earth

pay for extinction and

support the governments that

the peoples of the non-nuclear-armed world it is

while for

true only in the negative sense that they fail try to do anything about the danger/
But this is more of an argument indicting representative government, by
(p.152).
revealing

insensitivity

its

unresponsiveness

and

to

many

of

the

populace

they

allegedly govern, not to mention those affected by its activities who are not
represented at all (namely foreigners).
But Schell conveniently neglects all such

’... we are potential mass killers.
points:
that it makes of all of us underwriters of
(p.152).

The moral cost of nuclear armaments is

the slaughter of hundreds of millions

And again ’[as] perpetrators ... we convey the steady message ... that life

not only is not sacred but is worthless;

(p.153).

everyone to be killed’

that

... .it had been judged acceptable for

Little of this is true.

Those who campaign against

nuclear arrangements, vote against nuclear—committed parties so far as is possible,

destruction,

and

responsibility for the nuclear situation does not simply distribute onto them.

Nor

and

the

are

like,

does responsibility

certainly

— or

everyone

attributes

to

decisions

taken

—

not

the

the unlikely

fall

in "liberal

on

authors

opinions as

those

democracies"

who

have

of

to
done

potential

worth

Schell

less.

even by representatives

illegitimately

Responsibility

for

(in the unlikely

�7

event of

this happening

in the case of anything as important as defence) cannot be

traced back to those represented, since among many other things, a representative is

only

representative of a

party which offers

a complex and often ill-characterised

package of policies, and a voter may vote for zero or more policies of this package.
Only in the (uncommon) event of a clear single issue referendum, which is adopted,

still of a qualified sort, be sheeted home, to those who voted

can responsibility,

for it, not to everyone in the community.

While S3 is false, there is an important

related theme that is much more plausible; namely that the present nuclear situation

generates responsibilities for every socially involved person.

When moreover the Pogo assumption is disentangled from accompanying themes, part
of what results is decidedly along the right lines; namely

S4.

The controllers [not to be confused, in Schell’s fashion, with all of us] have

failed to change our

pre-nuclear institutions.

The sovereign system is out of step

with the nuclear age, the one-earth system, etc. (the whole earth theme).
Though Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the state and the
frequently immoral purposes for which the state is used, unfortunately he often loses
sight of

this important

arrives

at

state which is,

the

critique of

theme (indicated pp.187-8).

the conclusion

that

by and

large,

Yet S4 forms part of Schell s

scattered and

the nation-state has outlasted

fragmentary.

Schell

its usefulness,

and

that new political institutions more ’consonant with the global reality’ are required
as a matter of urgency.

But he evades what he admits is the major task, making out

viable alternatives.12 At most he makes some passing gestures, some pointing towards
the Way Up to world political control.

Solutions to
way,

the nuclear dilemma come,

from the Top Down;

(cf. p.230).

those

if not easily, in a similar simplistic

who can must appeal

to the Top,

to those who govern

Schell places his hope in treaties for arms reduction and limitations,

such as SALT, and in world government,

especially p.227,

bottom paragraph).

through the United Nations (see p.225ff. and

Given the record of

these organisations and

treaties, the negotiations and regulators, it is by now a pathetic faith.

Nor is a

serious need felt for further analysis of the nuclear situation, to investigate the
origins of nuclear technology,

to explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider

effective changes to military-industrial organisation and ways of life.

But

some of

the requisite

deeper analysis of

the nuclear situation and, more

The roots of
generally, of the roots of war can be found in Anders and elsewhere.
the nuclear predicament are not confined to the ideologically —aligned arrangements of

nation-states,

but

penetrate

also

into

key

components

of

those

states,

their

�8

and their supporting bureaucracies.

their controlling classes,

military,

And both

within the arrangements of states, what accounts in part for the arrangements, and in

key components

of

states,

the

science

for

super-states, to be achieved through military-oriented
in several
enables
domination,
and
which
involves

superiority by the

and

technology,

forms.

interrelated
surplus

the drive

Thus the push for

the accompanying privilege).

power and domination (and, often,

[nuclear]

feature is

a conspicuous and crucial

product

can be

accumulated

at home

(from

where enough

large nation-state,

is the

The main power-base

from abroad,

and

and

bled

from

nature) to proceed with military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found the highj
15
technology research and development means to ever more expendable powei and energy*
prospect of nuclear
war, it is not ultimately enough just to downgrade the mam power-base, the nation­
state; it is also important to alter key components of the state, and, more
sweepingly, to remove trouble-making patterns embedded in all these social and

In changing

the

structural

political arrangements,

in

state

relations,

political

arrangements

chauvinistic relations .

relations,

but

in

the

eliminate

namely patterns of domination,

organisation,

human-animal

to

patterns manifested not only

relations,

white-coloured

human-nature

relations;

to

remove,

male-female

in

short,

However not everything needs to be accomplished at once; and

the cluster of damaging power and domination relations tied into war can be tackled
And there the problems can largely be narrowed to certain problems of
separately.

states and certain key components of states.
analysis he does offer of the problem with states, Schell repeats the
familiar false contrast of state expediency with morality, as a contrast between
The teaching that 'the end
"raison d’etat" and the Socratic—Christian ethics.
justifies the means is the basis on which governments, in all times, have licensed
In what

themselves

to

commit crimes of

every

sort’

(p.134).

So

'states may do virtually

Schell then argues however, that
extinction nullifies end-means justification by destroying every end; but again the
argument is far from sound, and depends on human chauvinism (as under S2) combined

anything whatever in the name of [their] survival’.

with ontological

assumptions.

Even if all humans were

extinguished (as under SI)

ends could remain, for instance for nonhumans such as animals and extraterrestrials,
The ends-means argument can however be repaired to remove such
actual or not.
objections: instead it is claimed that extinction nullifies ends-means justification
by frustrating the realisation of every relevant end - meaning by 'relevant', in this

context, those ends the realisation of which the state appeals to in justification of
I6
its nuclear policies.
A nuclear war, even without human extinction but with severe
enough losses, would undoubtedly frustrate the realisation of relevant state ends.

�9

So

even

from

an

perspective,

expediency

policies

super-state

open

are

severe

to

criticism, for example as motivationally irrational in the nuclear risks taken.

As to the part of the state and (state) sovereignty in war,

Schell leaves us in

A sovereign state is virtually defined as one that enjoys the right and

no doubt.

power to go to war in defence or pursuit of its interests (p.187).

War arises from

how things are; from the arrangement of political affairs via jealous nation-states
Indeed there is a two-way linkage between having sovereignty and capacity

(p.188).

to wage war.

to organise

On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell contends, necessary for people
for war.

sovereignty.

On the other

side, without war it

is impossible

to preserve

The

Neither of these contentions is transparently clear as it stands.

first is damaged by civil war and the like, the second by the persistence of small

the macro-state

Now that

nonmilitary states.

system is entrenched, it is however

easy for conservatives (in particular) to argue from the "realities
life,

which include self-interest,

that

peace

are

arrangements

aggression,

readily

fear,

hatred.

as

dismissed

of international

is on this basis

It

unrealistic,

utopian,

even

(amusingly) as extremist (cf. p.L85).
Schell’s further

theme

nuclear

that

"war"

is not

war threatens,

however,

to

undermine his case against the sovereign state; for example, his ends-means argument

and the argument based on its nuclear-war making capacity.

theme needs much qualification,

Fortunately the not-war

and starts out from an erroneous characterisation of

war as ’a violent means employed by a nation to achieve an end’ (p.189): but this is
neither necessary nor sufficient for war.

very different

What is correct is that nuclear wars are

from previous conventional wars

(cf. WP).

Schell goes on

that war requires an end which nuclear "war" does not have.

to claim

But nuclear attacks can

certainly have ends (even if large nuclear wars cannot be won in the older sense: but
It is also claimed that war depends on weakness; on

not all wars or games are won).

one side being defeated
’no

happen,

But

what

one’s

these

on a decision by arms.

strength

sorts

of

fails

war

this doesn t

until both sides have been annihilated’

considerations

nuclear wars are not wars, but

But in nuclear

contribute

to

showing

is

(p.190).

again

that they are not wars of certain sorts,

not

that

e.g., not

just wars (because they fail on such criteria as reasonable prospect of success anu

improvement), not rational wars (in a good sense), and so on.

that conventional wars

have

argument

persisted

into

nuclear

times

does

damage

to

Schell’s

that nuclear

weapons have also ruined "conventional" wars, and his connected theme that the demise

of war

court

has left no means
of

appeal

has

mistaken propositions:

been

to finally settle disputes between nations, for the final

removed

(pp. 192—193) •

The

theme depends

on a

pair of

that concerning the demise of conventional war, and the idea

�10

that

war of

some

sort has

to be

final "court of appeal" between nations (for

the

there are other types of contests that could serve, and there is also the possibility
of more cooperative behaviour,

joint referenda).

e.g.

imports the

The theme also

social-Darwinian assumption of Clausewicz (the "logic of war

that war has to

theme)

proceed to the technological limit ~ as if war and violence were thoroughly natural
activities, independent of recognised social settings (for winning, surrender, etc.),

On the contrary, wars are parasitic on social organisations

and ruleless activities.

such as states and are governed by a range of understandings, conventions and rules.

They are a social phenomenon, with a rule structure, if not a logic.

Much capital has been made not merely from "the logic of war

but from what is

now called "the logic of deterrence" and the "logic of nuclear [strategic] planning .

The message that is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive arrangements the

world

is

entangled

now

in

are

perfectly

sound,

logical,

represents little more than a cheap semantical trick.

rational.

however this

Logic in no way justifies the

present arrangements, or anything like them, or renders them reasonable.

There are

logics of decision (as presented, e.g., for the classical case in Jeffrey) which can
be applied

in

strategic

planning;

but

yield specific results without

they do not

desirability measures being assigned to alternative outcomes, that is without values

being pumped in, extralogically .

There are various ways these value assignments may

be determined, to meet moral requirements or not; but in nuclear strategic planning
they have invariably been settled on the basis of expediency
however,

to

cover

something

like

’reasoning

(even from a national

fail:18 yet

threat of

further and

of

stresses (p.213)

threatening

use

interest viewpoint)

the success

this

considerations entering

into

the

’the illogic of deterrence’, for he emphasizes

For instance he

unreasonableness.

rationality

rational

and

In these terms, Schell, who like others enjoys playing with

the term ’logic of’, should write of
supposed

lor the most pait,

’logic of’ tends to be used very loosely, as a word of general commendation,

policy or strategy of’.

its

.

of deterrence

unjustifiable and

the disparity between the

weapons and

of nuclear

the

irrationality

of actually using them should the threat

doctrine depends on the credibility of

irrational use.

the

Indeed Schell wants to go still

locate a contradiction in deterrence (e.g.

but

the argument

depends on an interesting confusion of contradiction with cancellation,

along with

the assumption that deterrence involves cancellation.

irrational, it is immoral, but it is not inconsistent.

pp.z-01~2&gt;;

Nuclear deterrence may well be
ft

�NOTES
This is a revised version of ’Appendix 1. On the fate of mankind and the earth,
according to Schell, and to Anders' of my monograph referred to as WP, where
several points, only touched upon in this review, are further developed.
References are by way of authors' names or else through obvious acronyms, given
in the list of references which follows.
. The distinguishing term is from Foley's Nuclear Prophets, where many
leading anti-nuclear prophets are assessed. One well-known prophet not so
considered there is Jaspers, presumably because his main work comes out in
entirely the wrong direction. It gives heavy philosophical attire to the
better-dead-than-red abomination. A main argument against Jaspers so
presented is simple. However bad being red might become (at present it is
debatably worse than living under some of the totalitarian regimes the
free West props up), it still gives humans a further chance for good
lives, since regimes fall or can be toppled: but total annihilation
removes that all-important opportunity.

But of course Jaspers does not present his position so simply. Rather his
contention is that there are circumstances where, and principles for
which, a person or group of persons ought to sacrifice even their lives.
Freedom is such: a life worth living is a free life. But the latter point
can be granted without conceding that sacrifice is a possible means to it.
While the sacrifice of one or a few lives may be a possible (if dubiously
effective) way to free lives for others, certainly the sacrifice of all
lives is not a possible route to free lives for all, since no human lives
remain.
To this extent Schell is right (on p.131) in accusing Jaspers of
an each to all fallacy.
Jasper's idea that "the free life that they try
to save by all possible means is more than mere life or lives" breaks down
when applied to all participating people.
None can gain free lives by
extinction of all: that is not a possible route to life even.
. A detailed comparison of Schell and Anders' remarkably similar versions of
S2 is made in Foley JS.
. Should S2 appeal, as it may, to suitable communities of humans, SI will
require reformulation in similar terms; and the argument that follows
needs minor adjustment, with appropriate groups replacing individuals.
. Thus the Last Person argument, important in environmental ethics (as HC
explains), is no longer merely hypothetical, awaiting for instance the
remote death of the Sun, but assumes new urgency.
It is this sort of
argument that connects environmental ethics and nuclear ethics, at a
deeper metaphysical level.
The Bomb and Bulldozer are out of the same
technological Pandora's box.

Nuclear technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pandora's box.
Biological and chemical means are perhaps even more
effective, and certainly can be more selective in what gets extinguished.
Nuclear extinction would presumably require a different and more massive
exchange than is usually assumed in nuclear war scenarios, with heavy

�12

targeting
in
particular
of
Southern Hemispheric
internationally-recognised nuclear-free zones).

sites

(including

5. Nor do recent scientific studies claim as much.
The most intrepid of
these studies, Erlich and others, only contends that in certain worst-case
circumstances, ’the possibility of the extinction of Homo sapiens cannot
be excluded’ (p.1299).
The study admits that, in the scenario described,
’it seems unlikely ... Homo spaiens would be forced to extinctions
immediately ’, and the difficulties indicated in the way of long-term human
survival are exaggerated.
In particular, many of the drastic effects predicted for Northern mid­
latitudes are reflected in very much milder form in equivalent Southern
latitudes.
For example, temperatures for regions with maritine climates
appear likely to vary by only a few degrees and perhaps neglibly for many
agricultural purposes after 100 days (cf. Turco and others, p.1237 case
29, and p.1286).
Similarly the extent of nuclear darkness and of surface
ultraviolet radiation will be appreciably less in the South and perhaps
minor for many crucial purposes, such as photosynthesis and human outdoor
activity, after 100 dayss (cf. the data in Benton and Partridge).
No doubt some scientifically respectable sections of the environmental and
peace movements have an interest in exaggerating the probable effects of
nuclear holocaust
for life on earth, much as many statesmen and
strategists have an interest in minimizing them.
And there is certainly
substantial margin for error and for variation in conclusions drawn.
For
Crutzen (p.59) is right that ’analyses of the environmental effects of a
global nuclear war remain
. . . uncertain .. . because of a lack of
information on various important processes [among other things] ... The
environment might become extremely hostile, because of hitherto overlooked
changes in the composition of the atmosphere*, again among other things.
Such uncertainty bodes considerable caution as rational.
The way to err
is clear.

6. Not
merely
by
technological
determinists
of
marxist
persuasion.
Hackworth, a former US general, argues by straight induction that if the
US military has a weapon it will use it.
7. The appalling theme that humans create past, present and future (etc.) is
repeated elsewhere, e.g. p.173.
8. For detailed refutation of these assumptions, see JB.

9. Anders is here (AA pp.244-5) relying upon a version of the argument from
perserverence, criticised in detail in Routley and Griffin.
10. An interesting converse of this theme is sometimes advanced, that no one
is responsible, the whole thing is out of control.
The technological
version of this no-responsibility theme is discussed below (fn 15). More
satisfactory is the theme that nuclear arrangements are out of political
control, but for reasons, in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclear
things going, which enable responsibility to be distributed.
The vested
interests, which bear considerable responsibility, include the military

�13

weapons industry, and research and academic communities (cf. Barnaby).
Under pressures for re-election especially, politicians give in to these
powerful groups, so losing control of political processes.
The argument
is flawed at its final stage.
For many influential politicians either
belong to or represent vested interests.
Thus, though there is no doubt
some ’lack of control’, political processes tend rather to reflect vested
interests than to run out of political control.
11. Another example of spreading the responsibility runs as follows: ’The
self-extinction of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sane
or sensible; nevertheless, it is an act that, without quite admitting it
to ourselves, we plan in certain circumstances to commit’ (p.185).
Even
for most of the planners, extinction is presumably not part of "the plan",
but an unintended consequence; and most of us have little or no role in
the planning, enough of us even campaign against the planning.
Further
'the world ... chose the course of attempting to refashion the system of
sovereignty to accommodate nuclear weapons' (p.194): the world? This
connects of course with the faulty ideological argument from defence of
fundamentals, e.g. for liberty, for the "free enterprise" (USA) nation,
and against socialism.

12. A more detailed discussion is given in WP ^8, where too the case against
the state from nuclear dilemmas is elaborated.
13. Anders' explanation is elaborated in Foley; some of the themes are
presented more straightforwardly in Martin.
The incomplete list of items
given, to be investigated in a deeper analysis of the nuclear situation,
paraphrases Foley JS p.164.

14. These motivating drives form part of a larger integrated package,
comprising maximisation drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth,
energy, speed, satisfaction,
..., for the "newer" Enlightenment (but
Faustian) virtues.
Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for
excessive neatness and simplicity manifested) to reduce the package to one
main component, preference-satisfaction, for instance, or utility.
And
the type of drive is justified (especially for those who have it, but
worry about it) not only as virtuous, which it is not, but also as
rational, which again it is not.
Rationality, the deeply entrenched myth
has it, consists in maximisation, of a suitable mix of these virtues.
Maximisation of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
The maximisation of self-interest
theorems and associated paradoxes
(individual or national) runs into Newcomb's paradox and special cases of
The maximisation of power, as
it such as Prisoners Dilemma situations.
the
Christian-lslamic
God,
encounters the paradox of
symbolised in
the
parallel
maximisation
of
knowledge,
paradoxes of
omnipotence,
or
There
are
no
consistent
objects
which
arc
omnipotent
omniscience.
the
The
drive
for
maximum
consistency,
often
taken
to
be
omniscient.
epitome of rationality, also leads to inconsistency in the case of more
important theories, such as arithmetic and set theory (by virtue of
Godel’s theorem and associated limitative theorems).

15. R &amp; D,

though directed by military requirements and the arms race, also

�14

drives the arms race.
science.

Its role is partly disguised by the myth of neutral

There have been attempts, not only by those committed to technological
determinism, to involve technology more deeply as the main, or single,
source of the nuclear fix (thus especially Mumford, in part thereby
anticipating Commoner’s parallel indictment of technology-choice in the
ecological fix).
It is technology, the mega-machine, running out of
control, that has brought us to this predicament, the nuclear abyss.
Sometimes this serves to exonerate states and their key components and
those who control them, for they are simply caught up by this out-ofcontrol machine; but sometimes the state itself is seen as a machine also
running out of control.
But technological determinism, like other
varieties of stronger (nonanalytlc) determinism, is false.
Nuclear
technology was selected and proceeded with, after a well-known political
dispute involving distinguished scientists; it was deliberated, funded and
promoted, while other alternatives were not.
Damaging technologies of the nuclear age were not inevitable, but
deliberately chosen by certain components of the large nation-states. And
much as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be
persisted with.
The fashionable inevitability/determinism themes admit
not only of refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting
with often recalcitrant technologies.
They also admit of being made to
look ridiculous.
If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolution,
then if it functions (as it probably will, a matter also determined), it
will serve as a human population control device, a matter also determined.
That is, the Bomb has its fixed evolutionary place in human population
regulation!

16. This reformulation was proposed by N. Griffin, who suggested that the main
qualification can be inferred from Schell’s context.
17. Selecting the usual game theory setting sees to this almost automatically;
for it is then assumed that each player plays to maximize his or her own
advantage. Thus too the presumption in Walzer, p.277, that ’the logic of
deterrence’ is based on eye-for-eye and tooth-for-tooth assumptions.

18. Even the irrationality of retaliatory (or first-strike) use has been
contested, e.g. it has been wishfully thought that America will rise like
a phoenix from the radioactive ashes.

There is moreover a simple solution to Schell’s problem of the "missing
motive" for
retaliating to a large strike (p.204), namely, not a
retributive one, but an ideological one: eliminate the prospect of the
future dominance of the rival ideology.
Such a motive has been offered
for the conjectured targeting of Latin America.
19. An analogous confusion of negation with cancellation or obliteration
appears in recent US "star-war" thinking, where US missiles are supposed
to "negate" incoming USSR missiles.
Moral

paradoxes of deterrence

take a different direction.

For although

�involving negation, they depend upon perhaps questionable interconnexions
of intensional functors.
One type of paradox (considered in WP §5, where
the immorality of deterrence is argued) derives from a policy of credibly
threatening war without however intending to proceed to war, though
credible threats [appear to] imply an intention to proceed. Another style
derives from acclaimed intention to reduce the number of nuclear missiles
when the persistent practice, which implies an intention, is to increase
the number.
This paradox is technically removed - how satisfactorily is
another matter - by a distinction between longer-term aims and immediate
practice,
a
time-honoured
method
of
removing
contradictions
by
conveniently discerned temporal distinctions.

REFERENCES

G. Anders,
AA.

Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen, C.H.

G. z\nders, Endzeitand Zeitenende: Gedanken
Munchen, 1972; referred to as AE.

zur

Beck, Munchen, 1956; referred to as

atomaren

F. Barnaby, ’Will there be a Nuclear War’, in Australia
M. Denborough), Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 2-37.

I.J.

Benton
49-51.

and G.W.

Partridge,

’"Twilight

at Noon"

Situation,

and

Beck,

C.H.

War,

Nuclear

overstated', Ambio

(ed.

(1984)

13

B. Commoner, The Closing Circle: Nature, Man and Technology, Knopf, New York, 1972.
P.J. Crutzen, ’Darkness after a nuclear war', Ambio 13 (1984) 52-4.

M. Denborough (ed.), Australian &amp; Nuclear War, Croom Helm, Australia, 1983.
P.R. Erlich and others, ’Long-term biological consequences of nuclear war’,
222 (1983) 1293-1300.
G. Foley,
'Jonathan Schell: Genius Brisbane, 1982; referred to as JS.

Philosopher

-

Rewrite

Man',

Science

typescript,

G. Foley, Nuclear Prophets. The True and the False, typescript, Brisbane, 1983.
D. Hackworth, 'A Soldier's Report’, Australia and Nuclear War,
Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 209-12.

(ed. M. Denborough),

K. Jaspers, The Future of Mankind, (trans. E.B. Ashton), University of Chicago Press,

�16

1961.
B. Martin, Grass Roots Strategy Against War, Freedom Press, Nottingham, 1984.

L. Mumford, The Myth of the Machine, 2 vols., Harcourt Brace, New York, 1970.
G.F. Preddey and others, Future Contingencies 4. Nuclear Disasters, A Report to the
Commission for the Future, Government Printer, Wellington, New Zealand, 1982.
R. Routley and N. Griffin, ’Unravelling the meanings of life’, Discussion Papers in
Environmental Philosophy #3, Australian National University, Canberra, 1982.
R. Routley, Exploring Meinong’s Jungle and Beyond, Research School
Sciences, Australian National University, 1980; referred to as JB.

of

Social

R. Routley, War and Peace I. On the Ethics of Large-Scale Nuclear War and Nuclear
deterrence and the Political Fall-Out, Discussion Papers in Environmental
Philosophy #5, Australian National University, 1984; referred to as WP.
R. and V. Routley, ’Human chauvinism and Environmental ethics’, in Environmental
Philosophy (ed. D. Mannison and others), Research School of Social Sciences,
Australian National University, 1980; referred to as HC.
J. Schell, The Fate of the Earth, Knopf, New York, 1982; referred to as S./F.

R.P.

Turco and others, ’Nuclear winter: global
explosions’, Science 222 (1983) 1283-92.

consequences

M. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Basic Books, New York, 1977.

of

multiple

nuclear

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              <text>■k

METAPHYSICAL FALL-OUT FROM THE NUCLEAR PREDICAMENT

A series of nuclear prophets has produced a series of philosophically-oriented
works on nuclear war.^ The series is important for its deeper penetration into the
main nuclear predicament, r’own to metaphysical levels; in this the series contrasts
The most
transient superficialities of much of the political commentary,
circulated and influential text of the series is undoubtedly that of the

with the

widely
slightest of the "prophets", Schell’s The Fate of the Earth,

This skillful piece of

unc annily redeploys some of the apparently deep phenomenological
themes of Anders.
So, conveniently, main assumptions of Schell and Anders can often
To criticise their assumptions is not of course to belittle
be considered together,

media-philosophy

In particular, Schell’s little book, for all its political shortcomings,
their work.
is having a significant and much needed effect in shifting attitudes towards nuclear
It is especially valuable for its vivid and horrifying scenarios of

arrangements.

the

exhibits,

both

the

claim

that

species

....

that we undertake together can make any practical or moral sense

...’

of

aftermath

nuclear

Unfortunately

attack.

it

also

philosophically and factually, severe defects.

’without

is

it

Some of

simply rubbish:

to

take

one example,

consider

... a world-wide program of action for preserving the [human]

nothing else

(p.173, rearranged).

This should certainly be rejected philosophically; for there is

no separate moral issue of such overwhelming importance that all other issues become
morally neutral.
compared

with

Moral

more

issues remain moral issues:

important

elsewhere, e.g. p.130).

moral

issues

(as

they don’t cease to be so when
Schell

effectively

acknowledges

And the claim should be questioned on more factual grounds.

Humans form a highly resilient species, like rats a survivor species, unlikely to be
entirely exterminated under presently-arranged nuclear holocausts.

The example was selected however because it leads into, indeed presupposes, two

of the major defective assumptions in the work of Schell and Anders.
51.

Nuclear war will eliminate life, human life at least, on earth (the extinction

assumption); and
52.
In the absence of humans, very many notions,

not only those of morality and

value, but those of time and space for example, make no sense; or, to put it into a

more

sympathetic

philosophical

form,

these

notions

depend

for

actual human context (the extravagant anthropocentric assumption) .

their

sense

on an

2

S2 which give Anders’

It is applications of

philosophical depth,
paradoxical

and Schell’s work some of its apparent

and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement through the

propositions

But

generated.

the

frequent

applications

S2

of

depend

essentially on SI.3 For without total extinction there will be humans about, to make

past and future, good and evil, go on making sense!

the

Granted that

assumption SI

is by no means ruled out as a real possibility, as

technological

means appear

available

extinct;^

granted

centres of

prospect

the

of

to make it

large-scale

nuclear

Western civilization with obliteration.

the light of present - admittedly inadequate -

true,

to render Homo sapiens

war

does

threaten

leading

Even so SI appears unlikely in
Even in Canada, which

information.

lies on the polar route of Soviet missiles, human life should be able to continue in
certain northern areas (according to Canadian medical studies).

SI

is extremely flimsy.

It depends,

for example,

Schell’s argument to

on an unjustified extrapolation

from the Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, but for the most part it does that very

North American thing, of contracting the world to North America.

all worthwhile civilization, is in USA, or at least,

to be more charitable, in North

America and Europe, which will also be wiped out, i.e.
eliminated

in

the nuclear

holocaust.)

Some of

(All that matters,

its human population will be

the data

upon,

Schell relies

for

example the effect of nuclear explosions on the .ozone layer, was significantly out of
date even when he wrote.

Other effects than ozone destruction, such as variations in

ultraviolent radiation and temperature levels, apparently extrapolate even less well

from North

A factually superior study of nuclear disaster produced

to South.

about the same time as Schell’s, by Preddey and others,
Southern Hemisphere,

such as

New Zealand

and southern

at

indicates that parts of the

latitudes of

Latin America

could escape relatively unscathed from even most massive northern exchanges.

Doomsday prophets

may appear

to have

gained new

purchase

through

recent

belated) scientific forecasts of a nuclear winter following upon nuclear war.

(if
But

although these forecasts certainly add a new, and alarming, ecological dimension to
the very damaging consequences of large-scale nuclear war,
extinction assumption3.

they do not sustain the

On the available evidence, human life will continue, though

no doubt with new complications and simplifications, for example^ in many southern
mid-latitude coastal reqions outside zones of radiation fall-out.
More generally,
life will go on,

though likely seriously and irreversibly impoverished through loss

of valuable nonhuman systems and creatures.

Nuclear prophets usually see the world (though with most of it carried along) as
already set

, in crucial respects, on the route to nuclear catastrophe.

Much of the

/r

3

way taken is seen as both inevitable and irreversible.
insist

the

upon

of

"impossibility

unlearning”

the

Thus both Anders and Schell

means of manufacturing nuclear

It would seem that extinction, which they both foresee, would furnish a good

bombs.

medium for unlearning nuclear technology (something very like this emerges from van

theory

Daniken’s

of an

"high"

earlier

In virtue

technology).

they would

of S2,

however exclude such a possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly that

the notion

no longer made

impossibility-of-unlearning

eventual

use

of

sense.

But

what

message

is

the

-

as

if

technology

the

they

again want

inevitability
having

learnt

to

suggest

have

been advanced.But

technological advances
cases of

they

that have

are not

not been

tenable.

the

development

and

else

was

of

the

the

means

determined, and manufacture and use ceased to be a matter of choice.

views

with

There

all

Certainly such

are many

taken advantage of,

and

examples of

there are even

technological developments that have been manufactured but not marketed or

used. There is not something very special about nuclear apparatus that puts it beyond
the scope of such generalisations.

Both Schell and Anders do claim that there are very special things about nuclear
Even if this were true just
"experiments".
weapons, notably that they do not allow "experiments"
of nuclear weapons - and it is certainly not of smaller weapons - it would not rebut
And in fact
the previous argument against the inevitability of nuclear weapons.
Anders and (even) Schell hedge their claims about testing, and the limits to nuclear
scientific work, 1to large-scale weapons and independent experiments which do not
Again they have
interfere with the■ observers and those outside the "laboratories" .
latched onto major points: in particular, we have at present no way of testing the
cumulative effects of large nuclear weapons in concert, e.g. for more holistic

effects,

such

circulation and

enough with it
in character,

or changes in coupled atmospheric
Short of a large-scale nuclear war, and likely
radiation fields.
these crucial effects must remain largely untested and hypothetical

as

fireballs

or

firestorms,

Nonetheless enough data can be assembled to carry through informative

modellings, which point to the improbability of SI, and so undermine applications of
S2 .

The penetration
Schell

and

Anders,

of

but

in S2, is not something peculiar to
Western philosophy, European philosophy

human

chauvinism, as

is

product

a

of

This chauvinism is unfortunately alive and still well, Anders’ version
It has also deeply
of S2 being just one striking illustration (cf. AA p.252ff.).
penetrated Anglo-American philosophy, and has been extended under the influence of
especially.

Wittgenstein’s work, where even the necessary truths of mathematics are taken to be a
product of human conventions, and would vanish with humans! Such are alleged

MB

4

implications of extinction: but the fact is that the truths of arithmetic are in no
way dependent on the existence of humans or humanoids or of gods or giraffes.

As

very many propositions

with necessary truths and falsehoods so with contingent ones:

about the world do not depend in any way for their truth-value or content on humans

or their communities.
In

Schell,

Kantian

obnoxious

is

chauvinism

human

dished

Thoughts and

form.

up

a

in

particularly

time

propositions,

powerful

history and

tenses,

and

and

memories, values and morality, all depend on the life-giving presence of human beings

-

future or merely potential

past or

humans are certainly not enough.

humans are not enough,

persons

that are not

Thus, according to Schell (p.140, e.g.),

’... the

thought "Humanity is now extinct" is an impossible one for a rational person, because

as

soon as it is, we are not.

In imagining any other event, we look ahead

moment that is still within the stream of human time,
a

later

rational

Though we no doubt have it

into past,

(p.143).
local

may

well

be

able

to

truly.

it

have

Schell

there is no "later" ’outside the human tenses of past,
(p.140)*^.
Human extinction eliminates ’the creature that

erroneously denies that:
present, and future ...’

divides time

creature

The thought is however

... ’.

perfectly possible for humans; we can have it right now.

falsely,

to a

present and

future’: so annihilation cannot

’come to pass’

But it is simply false that the tenses are human; the tenses depend on a

time

ordering

(perceptible

to

many

creatures

other

than

humans,

but

not

depending at all on that perceptibility for its viability) relating other times to
to now (also a human-independent location, evident to other creatures,

the present,

and borne witness to by such sequences as the passing seasons).

And annihilation may

also too easily come to pass, for many humans in the North at least, as it came to

pass in recent geological times that humans began to exist upon earth.

Before that

there was a time before there were any human beings.

argument for the demise of time, that ’what has been will no longer be

Anders’

even what

has

been’ ,

is also explicitly (and narrowly)

’for what

verificationist :

would the difference be between what has only been and what has never been,

is no
remain

one

remember the

to

many

sorts

of

things

difference;

organisms would be different.

that have been’

for

one,

Temporal

the

(AA p.245).
history

themes do not lack

if there

There would

recorded

in

many

still
other

’legitimacy because not

registered [or verified] by anyone’; truth, significance, still less meaning, are not

matters of human verification.

Here,

as

elsewhere,

the

human

chauvinism

is

mixed

with

other

distorting

metaphysical assumptions of our Western heritage, in particular, verificationism and

ontological assumptions (to the effect that there are severe difficulties in talking

about

does

what

exist)

not

Thus,

for

metaphysics from Freud, according to whom

example,

takes

Schell

dubious

over

it is indeed impossible to imagine our own

death; and whenever we attempt to do so, we can perceive that we are in fact still
present

spectators"

as

refuting

the

(p.138).

fact

In

first.

clause goes

second

The

is

there

counterfactual situations which undermine both Freud’s

distance

difficulty

great

no

a good

describing

in

The

claims.

towards

same, goes

for

Schell’s extensions of human chauvinism into one of its main traditional strongholds,
value theory:

evil,

’... the simple and basic fact [sic!]

harm,

or

service

lamenting

rejoicing

or

that before there can be good or

must

there

be

life ,

human

life

These are no facts, but deeply entrenched philosophical dogmas (which have

(p.171).

been exposed and criticised elsewhere/, e.g. HC).

Naturally many

things will disappear with the extinction of humans:

trivially

there will be no more humans (unless humans re-evolve or are recreated), and thus no

more human communities,

human institutions, human activities, human emotions, and so

But it is already going too far to suggest, as Anders does, that there will

forth.

accordingly be

’no thought,

no love,

sacrifice, no image, no song ...'.

For there are, and may continue to exist, other

than humans with emotion,

creatures

no struggle, no pain, no hope, no comfort, no

struggles, songs,

...

Nor will the ending of

.

all such human ventures, if it comes to pass, show that all past human ventures have
been ’all in vain’, meaningless, and already so to say dead.

The decay of the solar

system, or the heat-death of the universe even, will not show that worthwhile human
A
activities were not worthwhile.*

Several of the other notions and themes common to Schell and Anders derive from
their shared

assumptions SI

of a Second Death,

(in Revelations)
under

SI,

is

reckoned

meaningless

rendered

and S2.

a

and

species

death’,

and

all

extinction came

redeployed by both.

’second death’ ,
already

already ’overhung with death’

’a second

It is these that underlie the biblical notion

’seems

(S p.166).

because

to

Thus,

not merely one’s own but

future

to

pass,

generations
the

(S

stronger

be

by

’The death of mankind ,

S2 and

dead’

(AA

SI

p.244,

remaining

S p.166)

life

is

and

is

too, more trivially, a person faces

in addition that greater death of the

p.166,

p.115).

However

even

notion would not be vindicated,

if

nuclear

because

it

depends on the fallacious inference to the meaninglessness of preceding life and on

the very

questionable representation

of

this

meaninglessness as

a sort

of death.

There is no such Second Death: creatures die just once, perhaps all at about the same
time.

The idea of a Second Death lacks even a solid metaphysical base.

6

From SI,

together with the minor principle that extinction being an absolute
in degree,

doesn’t differ

theme that

the universality of peril

comes

’we are all

exposed to peril in the same degree’, which is accordingly ’disguised’ and ’difficult
to

with

SI.

In

situation,

there is no contrast (AE p.64;

because

recognise’,

event,

any

are

peoples

southern Patagonia

Indians of

the

all

not

This theme falls

S p.150).

by

imperilled

equally

the

better placed

being rather

nuclear

than the

Nor are all people equally locked into the situation or

Germans of northern Europe.

incapacitated by it; the prospects are different in different countries and places.

likewise,

Nor,

Schell

are all

contrast

(in

to

people equally responsible,

a pernicious

repeatedly infiltrates.

Anders)

This

is

theme^ which,

the

theme,

Pogo

according to which
S3.

Responsibility for the present nuclear predicament (fiasco, really) distributes

onto everybody, it belongs to every human in the world.

But

there is also, mixed in,

a weaker more

plausible claim that gives lie

to the

stronger one, namely that we have some responsibility (the Nazi situation is
compared).
An especially blatant example of the Pogo theme11 runs as follows: ’...
the

world’s

leaders

political

...

they

though

now menace

the earth with nuclear
At least, this is

weapons, do so only with our permission, and even at our bidding.
true for democracies'

(pp.229-30).

pose

since we pay for extinction and

sense,

threat of it,

the

... we are

(For the populations of the superpowers this is true

the authors of that extinction.
in a positive

theme is elaborated elsewhere:

The

while for

support the governments that

the peoples of the non-nuclear-armed world

it is

true only in the negative sense that they fail try to do anything about the danger)
(p.152).

But

this is more of an argument indicting representative government, by

revealing

its

allegedly

govern,

insensitivity

not

to

and

unresponsiveness

to

affected

by

mention

those

its

the

activities

populace
who

are

they

not

But Schell conveniently neglects all such

represented at all (namely foreigners).
points:

of

many

'... we are potential mass killers.

The moral cost of nuclear armaments is

it makes of all of us underwriters of the slaughter of hundreds of millions'
And again '[as] perpetrators ... we convey the steady message ... that life
(p.152),
that

not only is not sacred but is worthless; that ... it had been judged acceptable for
to be killed' (p.153).
Little of this is true.
Those who campaign against

nuclear arrangements, vote against nuclear—committed parties so far as is possible,
destruction,

and

responsibility for the nuclear situation does not simply distribute onto them.

Nor

and

the

are

like,

does responsibility

attributes
decisions

to

certainly

— or

everyone

taken

—

not

the

the unlikely

fall

in "liberal

on

authors

opinions as

those

democracies"

who

have

of

potential

to worth
done

less.

Schell illegitimately
Responsibility for

even by representatives

(in the unlikely

event of

this happening in the case of anything as important as defence) cannot be

traced back to those represented, since among many other things, a representative is
only

representative of a

party which offers a complex and often

ill-characterised

package of policies, and a voter may vote for zero or more policies of this package.
Only in

the (uncommon)

can responsibility,

event of a clear

still of a qualified

single issue referendum, which is adopted,

sort, be

for it, not to everyone in the community.

sheeted home, to those who voted

While S3 is false, there is an important

related theme that is much more plausible; namely that the present nuclear situation

generates responsibilities for every socially involved person.
When moreover the Pogo assumption is disentangled from accompanying themes, part

of what results is decidedly along the right lines; namely

S4.

The controllers [not to be confused, in Schell’s fashion, with all of us] have

failed to change our pre-nuclear institutions.

The sovereign system is out of step

with the nuclear age, the one-earth system, etc. (the whole earth theme).
Though Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the state and the
frequently immoral purposes for which the state is used, unfortunately he often loses

sight of

this important

critique of

the

theme (indicated

state whi?V

the conclusion

arrives at

is,

that

by and

pp.187-8).

Yet S4 forms part of Schell s

scattered

large,

the nation-state

and

has outlasted

Schell

fragmentary.

its usefulness,

and

that new political institutions more ’consonant with the global reality’ are required
as a matter of urgency.

But he evades what he admits is the major task, making out

viable alternatives.12 At most he makes some passing gestures, some pointing towards

the Way Up to world political control.

Solutions to

the nuclear dilemma come,

way,

from the Top Down;

(cf.

p.230).

if not easily, in a similar simplistic

those who can must appeal

to the Top,

to those who govern

Schell places his hope in treaties for arms reduction and limitations,

such as SALT, and in world government, through the United Nations (see p.225ff. and

especially p.227,
treaties,

bottom paragraph).

Given the record of

these organisations and

the negotiations and regulators, it is by now a pathetic faith.

Nor is a

serious need felt for further analysis of the nuclear situation, to investigate the

origins of nuclear technology,

to explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider

effective changes to military-industrial organisation and ways of life.

But some of the requisite deeper analysis of the nuclear situation and , more
generally, of the roots of war can be found in Anders$f and elsewhere.13 The roots of
the nuclear predicament are not confined to the ideologically-aligned arrangements of

nation-states,

but

penetrate

also

into

key

components

of

those

states,

their

8

and

controlling classes,

their

military,

their supporting bureaucracies.

And both

within the arrangements of states, what accounts in part for the arrangements, and in

key components

of

states,

the

power and domination (and, often,

superiority by the

[nuclear]
science

interrelated forms.
surplus

product

nature)

to

super-states, to
involves

accumulated

can be

is

enables

is the

for

Thus the push for

domination,

large nation-state,

at home

(from

the drive

be achieved through military-oriented

and

main power-base

The

feature

the accompanying privilege).

which

technology,

and

and crucial

a conspicuous

and

from

abroad,

several

in

where enough
and

bled

from

proceed with military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found the high-

technology research and development means to ever more expendable power and energy.

In changing

the prospect of

to eliminate

arrangements

structural

the

nuclear

war, it is not ultimately enough just to downgrade the main power-base, the nation­
state;

it

sweepingly,

also

is

important

remove

to

state

relations,

political

alter

trouble-making

political arrangements,

in

to

key

components

patterns

embedded

namely patterns of domination,

organisation,

human-animal

relations,

but

in

of
in

state,

and,

all

these

social

and

patterns manifested not only
relations,

white-coloured

human-nature

more

the

relations;

to

male-female
in

remove,

short,

However not everything needs to be accomplished at once; and

chauvinistic relations.

the cluster of damaging power and domination relations tied into war can be tackled

separately.

And there

the problems

can largely be narrowed

to certain problems of

states and certain key components of states.

In what analysis he does offer of the
contrast of

familiar false

"raison

d’etat"

and

the

justifies the means is

themselves

to

problem with states,

state expediency with morality,

Socratic-Christian

ethics.

every sort’

(p.134).

anything whatever in the name of [their] survival’.

argument is

as a

contrast between

teaching

that

’the

end

the basis on which governments, in all times, have licensed

commit crimes of

extinction nullifies

The

Schell repeats the

So

’states may do virtually

Schell then argues however, that

end-means justification by destroying every end; but again the

far from sound, and depends on human chauvinism (as under S2) combined

with ontological

assumptions.

Even if all

humans were extinguished (as under SI)

ends could remain, for instance for nonhumans such as animals and extraterrestrials,
actual

or

not.

The

ends-means

argument

can

however

be

repaired

to

remove

such

objections: instead it is claimed that extinction nullifies ends-means justification
by frustrating the realisation of every relevant end - meaning by ’relevant’, in this

context, those ends the realisation of which the state appeals to in justification of

its nuclear policies.a nuclear war, even without human extinction but with severe
enough losses,

would

undoubtedly

frustrate

the realisation of relevant

state ends.

9

So

even

expediency

an

from

perspective,

policies

super-state

are

open

severe

to

criticism, for example as motivationally irrational in the nuclear risks taken.

As to the part of the state and (state) sovereignty in war,

Schell leaves us in

A sovereign state is virtually defined as one that enjoys the right and

no doubt.

to go to war in defence or pursuit of its interests (p.187).

power

War arises from

how things are; from the arrangement of political affairs via jealous nation-states
Indeed there is a two-way linkage between having sovereignty and capacity^

(p.188).

to wage war.

to organise

On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell contends, necessary for people

sovereignty.

is impossible

side, without war it

On the other

for war.

to preserve

Neither of these contentions is transparently clear as it stands.

The

first is damaged by civil war and the like, the second by the persistence of small

nonmilitary states.

the macro-state system is entrenched, it

Now that

easy for conservatives (in particular) to argue from the "realities

life,

which include self-interest,

that

peace

readily

are

arrangements

aggression,

dismissed

as

of international

It is on this basis

hatred.

fear,

is however

unrealistic,

utopian,

even

(amusingly) as extremist (cf. p.185).
Schell’s

further

nuclear "war"

that

theme

is not

war

threatens,

however,

to

undermine his case against the sovereign state; for example, his ends-means argument
and the argument based on its nuclear-war making capacity.

Fortunately the not-war

theme needs much qualification, and starts out from an erroneous characterisation of

war as ’a violent means employed by a nation to achieve an end’ (p.189): but this is

neither necessary nor sufficient for war.

What is correct is that nuclear wars are

very different from previous conventional wars

(cf. WP) .

that war requires an end which nuclear "war" does not have.

to claim

Schell goes on

But nuclear attacks can

certainly have ends (even if large nuclear wars cannot be won in the older sense: but
It is also claimed that war depends on weakness; on

not all wars or games are won).

one side

’no one’s

happen,
But

being defeated

what

these

on a decision by arms.

strength fails

sorts

of

until

considerations

nuclear wars are not wars, but

But in nuclear "war

this doesn’t

both sides have been annihilated’

contribute

to

showing

is

(p.190).

again

that they are not wars of certain sorts,

not

that

e.g., not

just wars (because they fail on such criteria as reasonable prospect of success and

improvement), not rational wars (in a good sense), and so on.
have

persisted

into

nuclear

times

does

damage

to

That conventional wars

Schell's argument

that nuclear

weapons have also ruined "conventional" wars, and his connected theme that the demise

of war

court

has left no means

of

appeal

has

mistaken propositions:

been

to finally settle disputes between nations, for the final
removed

(pp.192-193).

The

theme depends

on a

pair of

that concerning the demise of conventional war, and the idea

10

that war of

some sort has

to

be

the

final

court of appeal

between nations (for

there are other types of contests that could serve, and there is also the possibility

of more cooperative behaviour,

e.g.

joint referenda).

The

social-Darwinian assumption of Clausewicz (the 'logic of war

theme also

imports the

theme) that war has to

proceed to the technological limit — as if war and violence were thoroughly natural

activities, independent of recognised social settings (for winning, surrender, etc.),

and ruleless activities.

On the contrary, wars are parasitic on social organisations

such as states and are governed by a range of understandings, conventions and rules.

They are a social phenomenon, with a rule structure, if not a logic.
Much capital has been made not merely from "the logic of war

but from what is

now called "the logic of deterrence" and the "logic of nuclear [strategic] planning .

The message that is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive arrangements the

world

is

now

entangled

in

are

perfectly

sound,

logical,

rational.

However

Logic in no way justifies the

represents little more than a cheap semantical trick.

present arrangements, or anything like them, or renders them reasonable.
logics of decision (as presented, e.g.,

be applied

planning;

in strategic

but

this

There are

for the classical case in Jeffrey) which can
they do not

yield

specific results without

desirability measures being assigned to alternative outcomes, that is without values

being pumped in, extralogically .

There are various ways these value assignments may

be determined, to meet moral requirements or not; but in nuclear strategic planning
they have invariably been settled on the basis of expediency^?.
For the most part,
however, ’logic of’ tends to be used very loosely, as a word of general commendation,
to

cover

something

like

’reasoning

and rational

considerations entering

into

the

In these terms, Schell, who like others enjoys playing with

policy or strategy of’.

the term ’logic of’, should write of 'the illogic of deterrence', for he emphasizes

its unreasonableness.
supposed

rationality

(even from a national

fail:^ yet

threat of

the

this

further and

For
of

stresses (p.213)

instance he

threatening

use

interest viewpoint)

success

of deterrence

unjustifiable and

of nuclear

the disparity between the

weapons and

the

irrationality

of actually using them should the threat

doctrine depends on the credibility of

irrational use.

the

Indeed Schell wants to go still

locate a contradiction in deterrence (e.g.

but

the argument

depends on an interesting confusion of contradiction with cancellation,

along with

the assumption that deterrence involves cancellation.

irrational, it is immoral, but it is not inconsistent.

pp.201-2);

Nuclear deterrence may well be

11

NOTES
This is a revised version of ’Appendix 1. On the fate of mankind and the earth,
according to Schell, and to Anders’ of my monograph referred to as WP, where
Several points, only touched ijpcn in this review, are further developed.
References are by way of authors’ names or else through obvious acronyms, given
in the list of references which follows.

1. The distinguishing term is from Foley’s Nuclear Prophets, where many
leading anti-nuclear prophets are assessed. One well-known prophet not so
considered there is Jaspers, presumably because his main work comes out in
entirely the wrong direction. It gives heavy philosophical attire to the
better-dead-than-red abomination. A main argument against Jaspers so
presented is simple. However bad being red might become (at present it is
debatably worse than living under some of the totalitarian regimes the
free West props up) , it still gives humans a further chance for goou
lives, since regimes fall or can be toppled: but total annihilation
removes that all-important opportunity.
But of course Jaspers does not present his position so simply. Rather his
contention is that there are circumstances where, and principles for
which, a person or group of persons ought to sacrifice even their lives.
Freedom is such: a life worth living is a free life. But the latter point
can be granted without conceding that sacrifice is a possible means to it.
While the sacrifice of one or a few lives may be a possible (if dubiously
effective) way to free lives for others, certainly the sacrifice of all
lives is not a possible route to free lives for all, since no human lives
remain.
To this extent Schell is right (on p.131) in accusing Jaspers of
an each to all fallacy.
Jasper’s idea that "the free life that they try
to save by all possible means is more than mere life or lives" breaks down
when applied to all participating people.
None can gain free lives by
extinction of all: that is not a possible route to life even.

2. A detailed comparison of Schell and Anders’ remarkably similar versions of
S2 is made in Foley Ju.

3. Should S2 appeal, as it may, to suitable communities of humans, SI will
require reformulation in similar terms; and the argument that follows
needs minor adjustment, with appropriate groups replacing individuals.
4. Thus the Last Person argument, important in environmental ethics (as HC
explains), is no longer merely hypothetical, awaiting for instance the
remote death of the Sun, but assumes new urgency. It is this sort of
argument that connects environmental ethics and nuclear ethics, at a
deeper metaphysical level.
The Bomb and Bulldozer are out of the same
technological Pandora’s box.

Nuclear technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pandora's box.
Biological and chemical means are perhaps even more
effective, and certainly can be more selective in what gets extinguished.
Nuclear extinction would presumably require a different and more massive
exchange than is usually assumed in nuclear war scenarios, with heavy

targeting
in
particular
of
Southern
Hemispheric
internationally-recognised nuclear-free zones).

sites

(including

5. Nor do recent scientific studies claim as much.
The most intrepid of
these studies.
Erlich and others, only contends that in certain worstQ '
case circumstances, ’the possibility of the extinction of Homo sapiens
cannot be excluded’ (p.1299).
The study admits that, in the scenario
described,
’it seems unlikely ... Homo spaiens would be forced to
extinctions immediately’, and the difficulties indicated in the way of
long-term human survival are exaggerated.
In particular, many of the drastic effects predicted for Northern mid
latitudes are reflected in very much milder form in equivalent Southern
latitudes.
For example, temperatures for regions with maritine climates
appear likely to vary by only a few degrees and perhaps neglibly for many
agricultural purposes after 100 days (cf. Turco and others, p.1287 case
29, and p.1286).
Similarly the extent of nuclear darkness and of surface
ultraviolet radiation will be appreciably less in the South and perhaps
minor for many crucial purposes, such as photosynthesis and human outdoor
activity, after 100 dayss (cf. the data in Benton and Partridge).

No doubt some scientifically respectable sections of the environmental and
peace movements have an interest in exaggerating the probable effects of
nuclear
holocaust for life on earth, much as many statesmen and
strategists have an interest in minimizing them.
And there is certainly
substantial margin for error and for variation in conclusions drawn.
For
Crutzen (p.59) is right that ’analyses of the environmental effects of a
global nuclear war remain ... uncertain ... because of a lack of
information on various important processes [among other things] ... the
environment might become extremely hostile, because of hitherto overlooked
changes in the composition of the atmosphere’, again among other things.
Such uncertainty bodes considerable caution as rational.
The way to err
is clear.
marxist
persuasion,
determinists
of
merely
by
technological
6. Not
induction
that
if the
argues
by
straight
Hackworth, a former US general,
use
it.
US military has a weapon it will

present and future (etc.) is
7. The appalling theme that humans create past,
repeated elsewhere, e.g. p.173.
8. For detailed refutation of these assumptions, see JB.

9. Anders is here (AA pp.244-5) relying upon a version of the argument from
perserverence, criticised in detail in Routley and Griffin.
10. An interesting converse of this theme is sometimes advanced, that no one
is responsible, the whole thing is out of control.
The technological
version of this no-responsibility theme is discussed below (fn 15). More
satisfactory is the theme that nuclear arrangements are out of political
control, but for reasons, in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclear
things going, which enable responsibility to be distributed.
The vested
interests, which bear considerable responsibility, include the military

13

weapons industry, and research and academic communities (cf. Barnaby).
Under pressures for re-election especially, politicians give in to these
powerful groups, so losing control of political processes.
The argument
is flawed at its final stage.
For many influential politicians either
belong to or represent vested interests.
Thus, though there is no doubt
some ’lack of control’, political processes tend rather to reflect vested
interests than to run out of political control.
11. Another example of spreading the responsibility runs as follows: ’The
self-extinction of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sane
or sensible; nevertheless, it is an act that, without quite admitting it
to ourselves, we plan in certain circumstances to commit’ (p.185).
Even
for most of the planners, extinction is presumably not part of "the plan",
but an unintended consequence; and most of us have little or no role in
the planning, enough of us even campaign against the planning.
Further
’the world ... chose the course of attempting to refashion the system of
sovereignty to accommodate nuclear weapons’ (p.194): the world? This
connects of course with the faulty ideological argument from defence of
fundamentals, e.g. for liberty, for the 'free enterprise
(USA) nation,
and against socialism.
12. A more detailed discussion is given in WP §8, where too the case against
the state from
nuclear dilemmqj'is elaborated.

13. Anders’ explanation is elaborated in Foley; some of the themes are
presented more straightforwardly in Martin.
The incomplete list of items
given, to be investigated in a deeper analysis of the nuclear situation,
paraphrases Foley JS p.164.
14. These motivating drives form part of a larger integrated package,
comprising maximisation drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth,
energy, speed, satisfaction,
. .., for the
newer
Enlightenment (but
Faustian) virtues.
Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for
excessive neatness and simplicity manifested) to reduce the package to one
main component, preference—satisfaction, for instance, or utility.
And
the type of drive is justified (especially for those who have it, but
worry about it) not only as virtuous, which it is not, but also as
rational, which again it is not. C Rationality, the deeply entrenched myth
has it. consists in maximisation,.a suitable mix of these virtues.
*
4

Maximisation of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
The maximisation of self-interest
theorems and associated paradoxes,
runs
into
Newcomb
’s paraj^dox and special cases
(individual or national)
situations.
The
maximisation of power, as
such as Prisoners Dilemma
Christian-Islamic
God,
encounters
the paradox of
the
symbolised in
parallel
maximisation
of
knowledge,
paradoxes of
the
omnipotence,
or
no
consistent
objects
which
are
omnipotent
There are
omniscience.
the
The drive for maximum consistency, often taken to be
omniscient.
epitome of rationality, also leads
leads to
to inconsistency in the case of more
important theories, such as arithmetic and set theory (by virtue of
Godel’s theorem and associated limitative theorems).
15. R &amp; D,

though directed by military requirements

and the arms race, also

14

drives the arms race.
science.

Its role is partly disguised by the myth of neutral

There have been attempts, not only by those committed to technological
determinism, to involve technology more deeply as the main, or single,
source of the nuclear fix (thus especially Mumford, in part thereby
anticipating Commoner’s parallel indictment of technology-choice in the
ecological fix).
It is technology, the mega-machine, running out of
control, that has brought us to this predicament, the nuclear abyss.
Sometimes this serves to exonerate states and their key components and
those who control them, for they are simply caught up by this out-ofcontrol machine; but sometimes the state itself is seen as a machine also
running out of control.
But technological determinism, like other
varieties of stronger (nonanalytic) determinism, is false.
Nuclear
technology was selected and proceeded with, after a well-known political
dispute involving distinguished scientists; it was deliberated, funded and
promoted, while other alternatives were not.
Damaging technologies of the nuclear age were not inevitable, but
deliberately chosen by certain components of the large nation-states. And
much as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be
persisted with.
The fashionable inevitability/determinism themes admit
not only of refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting
with often recalcitrant technologies.
They also admit of being made to
look ridiculous.
If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolution,
then if it functions (as it probably will, a matter also determined), it
will serve as a human population control device, a matter also determined.
That is, the Bomb has its fixed evolutionary place in human population
regulation!

16. This reformulation was proposed by N. Griffin, who suggested that the main
qualification can be inferred from Schell’s context.

17. Selecting the usual game theory setting sees to this almost automatically;
for it is then assumed that each player plays to maximize his or her own
advantage. Thus too the presumption in Walzer, p.277, that ’the logic of
deterrence’ is based on eye-for-eye and tooth-for-tooth assumptions.
(ar

18. Even the
irrationality of /retaliatory * first-strike)
use has been
contested, e.g. it has been wishfully thougnt that America will rise like
a phoenix from the radioactive ashes.
There is moreover a simple solution to Schell’s problem of the "missing
motive" for retaliating to a large strike (p.204), namely, not a
retributive one, but an ideological one: eliminate the prospect of the
future dominance of the rival ideology. Such a motive has been offered -tor
the conjecturAL targeting of Latin America.

19. An analogous confusion of negation with cancellation or obliteration
appears in recent US "star-war" thinking, where US missiles are supposed
to "negate" incoming USSR missiles.
Moral

paradoxes of deterrence

take a different direction.

For although

15

involving negation, they depend upon perhaps questionable interconnexions
of intensional functors.
One type of paradox (considered in WP §5, where
the immorality of deterrence is argued) derives from a policy of credibly
threatening war without however intending to proceed to war, though
credible threats [appear to] imply an intention to proceed. Another style
derives from acclaimed intention to reduce the number of nuclear missiles
when the persistent practice, which Implies an intention, is to increase
the number.
This paradox is technically removed - how satisfactorily is
another matter - by a distinction between longer-term aims and immediate
practice,
a
time-honoured
method
of
removing
contradictions
by
conveniently discerned temporal distinctions.

REFERENCES

G. Anders,

Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen, C.H.

Beck, Munchen, 1956; referred to as

AA.
G. Anders,

Zeitenende:

Endzeitand

Gedanken

atomaren

zur

Situation,

C.H.

Beck,

Munchen, 1972; referred to as AE.
7

'

F. Barnaby,

’Will

be

there

a

War' ,//» Aus tralia

Nuclear

Nuclear

War,

J

(ed.

M. Denborough) , Croom Helm, Australia, 1983?

I.J.

Benton

and G.W.

Partridge,

’"Twilight

at Noon"

overstated’,

13

Ambio

(1984)

49-51.
B. Commoner, The Closing Circle: Nature, Man

P.J. Crutzen,

Technology, Knopf, New York, 1972.

’Darkness after a nuclear war’, Ambio 13 (1984) 52-4.

M. Denborough (ed.), Australian &amp; Nuclear War, Croom Helm, Australia, 1983.

P.R. Erlich and others,

’Long-term biological consequences of nuclear war’,

Science

222 (1983) 1293-1300.
G. Foley,

’Jonathan

Schell:

Genius

-

Philosopher

-

Rewrite

Man’,

typescript,

Brisbane, 1982; referred to as JS.

G. Foley, Nuclear Prophets. The True and the False, typescript, Brisbane, 1983.

16

in
’A Soldier’s Refragfljt’, , Australia

D. Hackworth,

Croom Helm, Australia, 1983

vi^vC
Nuclear War,

(ed. M. Denborough),

/zor-/z

»

K. Jaspers, The Future of Mankind, (trans. E.B. Ashton), University of Chicago Press,
1961.

B. Martin,

Strategy Against

Roots

Grass

War,

Freedom Press,

1984, "ter

Nottingham,

a-p-peax.
L. Mumford,

The Myth of

the Machine,

2 vols.,

Harcourt

Brifce

,

New York,

1970.
G.F. Preddey and others, Future Contingencies 4. Nuclear Disasters, A Report to the
Commission for the Future, Government Printer, Wellington, New Zealand, 1982.

R. Routley and

N. Griffin,

'Unravelling

the meanings of life’, Discussion Papers in

Environmental Philosophy #3, Australian National University, Canberra, 1982.

R. Routley,

Meinong’s

Exploring

Jungle

and

Beyond,

Research

School

of

Social

Sciences, Australian National University, 1980; referred to as JB.

R. Routley, War and Peace I. On the Ethics of Large-Scale Nuclear War and Nuclear
deterrence and the Political Fall-Out, Discussion Papers in Environmental
Philosophy #5, Australian National University, 1984j

R. and

V. Routley,

Philosophy

(ed.

'Human

chauvinism

D. Manujson and

and

Environmental

others),

Research

ethics’,

School of

in

Environmental

Social Sciences,

Australian National University, 1980; referred to as HC.

J. Schell, The Fate of the Earth, Knopf, New York, 1982; referred to as S./F.

R.P.

Turco

and

others,

'Nuclear

winter:

global

consequences

explosions’ , Science 222 (1983) 1283-92.

M. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Basic Books, New York, 1977.

of

multiple nuclear

Appendix 1: On the fate of mankind and tht?_ _ea£_t]i, according to
SchelT~and Anders.
Nuclear prophets and prophetic rubbish. The extinction assumption.
Common emerging themes of Schell and Anders. The extravagant anthro­
pocentric assumption, and some of what is wrong with it. Second death
dismissed. The universality of peril. The alleged universality of
responsibility: the Pogo theme. The correct, but undeveloped, whole
earth theme. Ultimately Schell offers little hope and superficiality.
Nuclear war is war. The logic and illogic of deterrence.

METAPHYSICAL FALL-OUT FROM THE NUCLEAR PREDICAMENT*

A series of nuclear prophets has produced a series of philosophically-oriented
works on nuclear war.^ The series is important for its deeper penetration into the

main nuclear predicament, down to metaphysical levels;
with the

widely

in this the series contrasts

transient superficialities of much of the political commentary.

circulated

influential

and

text

the

of

series

is

undoubtedly that

uncannily

some

of

the

the apparently

deep phenomenological

So, conveniently, main assumptions of Schell and Anders can often

themes of Anders.

be considered together.

their work.

redeploys

of

This skillful piece of

slightest of the "prophets", Schell’s The Fate of the Earth.

media-philosophy

The most

To criticise their assumptions is not of course to belittle

In particular, Schell’s little book, for all its political shortcomings,

is having a significant and much needed effect in shifting attitudes towards nuclear

It is especially valuable for its

arrangements.
the

aftermath

of

nuclear

vivid and horrifying scenarios of

Unfortunately

attack.

it

also

exhibits,

both

philosophically and factually, severe defects.

Some of
’without

is

it

simply rubbish:

to

take

one

example,

consider

the

... a world-wide program of action for preserving the [human]

nothing else

claim that
species

....

that we undertake together can make any practical or moral sense . . . ’

(p.173, rearranged).

This should certainly be rejected philosophically; for there is

no separate moral issue of such overwhelming importance that all other issues become

Moral

morally neutral.
compared

with

more

issues remain moral issues: they don’t cease to be so when

important

elsewhere, e.g. p.130).

moral

issues

(as

Schell

effectively

acknowledges

And the claim should be questioned on more factual grounds.

Humans form a highly resilient species, like rats a survivor species, unlikely to be
entirely exterminated under presently-arranged nuclear holocausts.

The example was selected however because it leads into, indeed presupposes, two
of the major defective assumptions in the work of Schell and Anders:

51.

Nuclear war will eliminate life, human life at least, on earth (the extinction

assumption); and
52.
value,

In

the absence of humans,

very many notions,

not only

those of morality and

but those of time and space for example, make no sense; or, to put it into a

form,

for their
X 2
actual human context (the extravagant anthropocentric assumption).
more

sympathetic

philosophical

these

notions

depend

sense

on an

2

S2 which give Anders’ and Schell’s work some of its apparent

It is applications of

and certainly induce much philosophical puzzlement through the

philosophical depth,

paradoxical propositions generated.
But the frequent applications of S2 depend
essentially on SI.3 For without total extinction there will be humans about, to make

past and future, good and evil, go on making sense!
Granted that assumption SI

the

technological

means appear

extinctgranted

the

prospect

is by no means ruled out as a real possibility, as

available to
of

make it

nuclear

large-scale

to render Homo sapiens

true,

war

does

threaten

leading

Even so SI appears unlikely in

centres of Western civilization with obliteration.

the light of present - admittedly inadequate - information.

Even in Canada, which

lies on the polar route of Soviet missiles, human life should be able to continue in
certain northern areas (according to Canadian medical studies).
SI

is

extremely flimsy.

for example,

It depends,

Schell s argument to

on an unjustified extrapolation

from the Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, but for the most part it does that very

North Zunerican thing, of contracting the world to North America.

(All that matters,

all worthwhile civilization, is in USA, or at least, to be more charitable, in North

America and Europe, which will also be wiped out, i.e. its human population will be

eliminated in

the nuclear

holocaust.)

Some of

the data

Schell relies

upon,

for

example the effect of nuclear explosions on the ozone layer, was significantly out of
date even when he wrote.

Other effects than ozone destruction, such as variations in

ultraviolent radiation and temperature levels, apparently extrapolate even less well

from North

A factually superior study of nuclear disaster produced at

to South.

about the same time as Schell’s, by Preddey and others,

indicates that parts of the

Southern Hemisphere,

latitudes of

such as

New Zealand

and

southern

Latin America

could escape relatively unscathed from even most massive northern exchanges.

Doomsday prophets
belated) scientific

may appear

forecasts of

to have

gained new

purchase through

recent

a nuclear winter following upon nuclear war.

(if

But

although these forecasts certainly add a new, and alarming, ecological dimension to
the very damaging consequences of large-scale nuclear war, they do not sustain the
extinction assumption3.
On the available evidence, human life will continue, though

no

doubt with new complications and

mid-latitude coastal

life will go on,

for example

in many southern

regions outside zones of radiation fall-out.

More generally,

simplifications,

though likely seriously and irreversibly impoverished through loss

of valuable nonhuman systems and creatures.

Nuclear prophets usually see the world (though with most of it carried along) as
already set

, in crucial respects, on the route to nuclear catastrophe.

Much of the

3

way taken is seen as both inevitable and irreversible.
insist

upon

unlearning"

of

"impossibility

the

Thus both Anders and Schell

means of

the

manufacturing nuclear

It would seem that extinction, which they both foresee, would furnish a good

bombs.

medium for unlearning nuclear technology (something very like this emerges from van
Daniken’s

of an

theory

"high"

earlier

they would

of S2,

In virtue

technology).

however exclude such a possibility as a case of unlearning, contending wrongly that

the notion

longer

no

made

sense.

But what

message

is

the

-

as

if

impossibility-of-unlearning

eventual

use

of

the

technology

they

to suggest

again want

learnt

having

the

of

inevitability

with

the

development

and

all

the means

determined, and manufacture and use ceased to be a matter of choice.
views have

been advanced.

technological advances

cases of

But

are not

they

that have

been

not

tenable.

Certainly such

are many

There

taken advantage of,

was

else

examples of

there are even

and

technological developments that have been manufactured but not marketed or

used. There is not something very special about nuclear apparatus that puts it beyond

the scope of such generalisations.

Both Schell and Anders do claim that there are very special things about nuclear

weapons, notably that they do not allow "experiments".

Even if this were true just

of nuclear weapons - and it is certainly not of smaller weapons - it would not rebut
the

argument against

previous

inevitability

the

of nuclear weapons.

And

in

fact

Anders and (even) Schell hedge their claims about testing, and the limits to nuclear

work,

scientific

large-scale

to

weapons

and

independent

experiments which

interfere with the observers and those outside the "laboratories".

latched onto major points:
cumulative

such

effects,

of

effects
as

in particular,

fireballs

or

Again they have

we have at present no way of testing the

wreapons

in

concert,

firestorms,

or

changes

nuclear

large

do not

e.g.

in

for

more

holistic

atmospheric

coupled

circulation and

radiation fields.

enough with

these crucial effects must remain largely untested and hypothetical

it,

in character.

Short of a large-scale nuclear war,

and likely

Nonetheless enough data can be assembled to carry through informative

modellings, which point to the improbability of SI, and so undermine applications of
S2.

The
Schell

penetration

and

Anders,

of human
but

is

a

chauvinism,
product

of

as

in S2,

Western

is not

something peculiar

philosophy,

European

to

philosophy

especially.

This chauvinism is unfortunately alive and still well, Anders’ version

of

just one striking illustration (cf. AA p.252ff.).

S2

being

penetrated Anglo-American philosophy,

and

has

been extended

It has also deeply

under the

influence of

Wittgenstein’s work, where even the necessary truths of mathematics are taken to be a

product

of

human

conventions,

and

would

vanish

with

humans!

Such

are

alleged

4

implications of extinction: but the fact is that the truths of arithmetic are in no
way dependent on the existence of humans or humanoids or of gods or giraffes.
with necessary truths and falsehoods so with contingent ones:

As

very many propositions

about the world do not depend in any way for their truth-value or content on humans
or their communities.

In

human

Schell,

obnoxious Kantian

form.

dished

is

chauvinism

and

Thoughts

up

in

propositions,

a

particularly

time

powerful

history and

tenses,

and

and

memories, values and morality, all depend on the life-giving presence of human beings

future or merely potential humans are not enough,

- past or

that are not

persons

Thus, according to Schell (p.140, e.g.),

humans are certainly not enough.

’... the

thought "Humanity is now extinct" is an impossible one for a rational person, because
as

it

soon as

is, we are not.

In imagining any other event, we look ahead

moment that is still within the stream of human time,

... ’.

a

later

rational

erroneously denies that:
present, and future ...’
into past,

divides time

may

well

be

to

able

ordering

time

it

have

Schell

truly.

there is no "later" ’outside the human tenses of past,
(p.140)7.
Human extinction eliminates ’the creature that

present and future’: so annihilation cannot

But it is simply false that the tenses are human;

(p.143).
local

creature

The thought is however

Though we no doubt have it

perfectly possible for humans; we can have it right now.
falsely,

to a

(perceptible

to

many

creatures

’come to pass’

the tenses depend on a

other

than humans,

but

not

depending at all on that perceptibility for its viability) relating other times to

to now (also a human-independent location, evident to other creatures,

the present,

and borne witness to by such sequences as the passing seasons).

And annihilation may

also too easily come to pass, for many humans in the North at least, as it came to
pass in recent geological times that humans began to exist upon earth.

Before that

there was a time before there were any human beings.
Anders’ argument for the demise of time,

even what has been’,

is also

that

’what has been will no longer be

explicitly (and narrowly)

’for what

verif icationist:

would the difference be between what has only been and what has never been,
is no

remain

one

remember the things

to

many

sorts

organisms would

of

difference;

be different.

that have been’

for

one,

Temporal

the

(AA p.245).
history

themes do not lack

if there

There would

still

many

other

recorded

in

’legitimacy because not

registered [or verified] by anyone’; truth, significance, still less meaning, are not
matters of human verification.

Here,

as

elsewhere,

the

human

chauvinism

is

mixed

with

other

distorting

metaphysical assumptions of our Western heritage, in particular, verificationism and

5

ontological assumptions (to the effect that there are severe difficulties in talking

about

exist)0.

not

does

what

Thus,

Schell

example,

for

takes

over

dubious

metaphysics from Freud, according to whom "it is indeed impossible to imagine our own

death; and whenever we attempt to do so, we can perceive that we are in fact still
present

spectators"

as

refuting

(p.138).

fact

In

first.

the

clause goes

second

The

there

is

great

no

situations which undermine both Freud’s

counterfactual

a good

distance

difficulty
claims.

in

towards

describing

The same goes

for

Schell’s extensions of human chauvinism into one of its main traditional strongholds,
value theory:

evil,

'... the simple and basic fact [sic!]

or

service

(p.171).

lamenting

harm,

rejoicing

or

that before there can be good or
there

be

must

life’,

human

life

These are no facts, but deeply entrenched philosophical dogmas (which have

been exposed and criticised elsewhere, e.g. LIC).

Naturally many things will disappear with the extinction of humans: trivially
there will be no more humans (unless humans re-evolve or are recreated), and thus no

more human communities, human institutions, human activities, human emotions, and so

But it is already going too far to suggest, as Anders does, that there will

forth.

’no thought,

accordingly be

no love,

sacrifice, no image, no song

no struggle, no pain, no hope, no comfort, no
For there are, and may continue to exist, other

...’.

creatures than humans with emotion, struggles,

songs,

...

Nor will the ending of

.

all such human ventures, if it comes to pass, show that all past human ventures have
been 'all in vain', meaningless, and already so to say dead.

The decay of the solar

system, or the heat-death of the universe even, will not show that worthwhile human
9
activities were not worthwhile.

Several of the other notions and themes common to Schell and Anders derive from

their shared assumptions SI

of a Second Death,

(in Revelations)
under

SI,

rendered

is

and S2.

reckoned

meaningless

a

and

species

and

all

extinction came

redeployed

'second death',
already

already 'overhung with death'

'a second death',

It is these that underlie the biblical notion

'seems

(S p.166).

because by

to

to

pass,

generations
the

(S

stronger

be

Thus,

not merely one's own but

future

by both.

'The death of mankind',

S2 and

dead'

(AA

SI remaining

p.244,

S p.166)

life is

and is

too, more trivially, a person faces

in addition that greater death of the

p.166,

p.115).

However

even

notion would not be vindicated,

if

nuclear

because

it

depends on the fallacious inference to the meaninglessness of preceding life and on
the very

questionable representation

of. this

meaninglessness as

a sort

of death.

There is no such Second Death: creatures die just once, perhaps all at about the same

time.

The idea of a Second Death lacks even a solid metaphysical base.

6

together with the minor principle

From SI,
doesn’t differ

in degree,

comes

extinction being an absolute

that

the universality of

peril

theme that

we are all

exposed to peril in the same degree’, which is accordingly ’disguised’ and ’difficult

to

recognise’,

with

In

SI.

situation,

there is no contrast (AE p.64;

because

any

event,

not

Indians of

the

peoples

all

Germans of northern Europe.

ihis theme falls

imperilled

equally

are

southern Patagonia

S p.150).

being rather

by

nuclear

the

better placed

than the

Nor are all people equally locked into the situation or

incapacitated by it; the prospects are different in different countries and places.

Nor,

Schell

likewise,

contrast

(in

all

are

to

people

equally responsible,

a

repeatedly infiltrates.

Anders)

pernicious

This

is

the

theme which

Pogo theme,

according to which
S3.
Responsibility for the present nuclear predicament (fiasco, really) distributes
onto everybody, it belongs to every human in the world.

But

there

is also, mixed

a weaker more

in,

plausible claim that gives lie

to the

stronger one, namely that we have some responsibility (the Nazi situation is
compared).
An especially blatant example of the Pogo themeH runs as follows: ’...

the

world’s

leaders

political

...

though they

now menace

weapons, do so only with our permission, and even at our bidding.
true for democracies’

(pp.229-30).

positive

pose

the

since we

sense,

threat of it,

At least, this is

theme is elaborated elsewhere:

The

... we are

(For the populations of the superpowers this is true

the authors of that extinction.

in a

with nuclear

the earth

pay for extinction and

support the governments that

the peoples of the non-nuclear-armed world it is

while for

true only in the negative sense that they fail try to do anything about the danger/
But this is more of an argument indicting representative government, by
(p.152).
revealing

insensitivity

its

unresponsiveness

and

to

many

of

the

populace

they

allegedly govern, not to mention those affected by its activities who are not
represented at all (namely foreigners).
But Schell conveniently neglects all such

’... we are potential mass killers.
points:
that it makes of all of us underwriters of
(p.152).

The moral cost of nuclear armaments is

the slaughter of hundreds of millions

And again ’[as] perpetrators ... we convey the steady message ... that life

not only is not sacred but is worthless;

(p.153).

everyone to be killed’

that

... .it had been judged acceptable for

Little of this is true.

Those who campaign against

nuclear arrangements, vote against nuclear—committed parties so far as is possible,

destruction,

and

responsibility for the nuclear situation does not simply distribute onto them.

Nor

and

the

are

like,

does responsibility

certainly

— or

everyone

attributes

to

decisions

taken

—

not

the

the unlikely

fall

in "liberal

on

authors

opinions as

those

democracies"

who

have

of

to
done

potential

worth

Schell

less.

even by representatives

illegitimately

Responsibility

for

(in the unlikely

7

event of

this happening

in the case of anything as important as defence) cannot be

traced back to those represented, since among many other things, a representative is

only

representative of a

party which offers

a complex and often ill-characterised

package of policies, and a voter may vote for zero or more policies of this package.
Only in the (uncommon) event of a clear single issue referendum, which is adopted,

still of a qualified sort, be sheeted home, to those who voted

can responsibility,

for it, not to everyone in the community.

While S3 is false, there is an important

related theme that is much more plausible; namely that the present nuclear situation

generates responsibilities for every socially involved person.

When moreover the Pogo assumption is disentangled from accompanying themes, part
of what results is decidedly along the right lines; namely

S4.

The controllers [not to be confused, in Schell’s fashion, with all of us] have

failed to change our

pre-nuclear institutions.

The sovereign system is out of step

with the nuclear age, the one-earth system, etc. (the whole earth theme).
Though Schell remains relatively clear about the serious defects of the state and the
frequently immoral purposes for which the state is used, unfortunately he often loses
sight of

this important

arrives

at

state which is,

the

critique of

theme (indicated pp.187-8).

the conclusion

that

by and

large,

Yet S4 forms part of Schell s

scattered and

the nation-state has outlasted

fragmentary.

Schell

its usefulness,

and

that new political institutions more ’consonant with the global reality’ are required
as a matter of urgency.

But he evades what he admits is the major task, making out

viable alternatives.12 At most he makes some passing gestures, some pointing towards
the Way Up to world political control.

Solutions to
way,

the nuclear dilemma come,

from the Top Down;

(cf. p.230).

those

if not easily, in a similar simplistic

who can must appeal

to the Top,

to those who govern

Schell places his hope in treaties for arms reduction and limitations,

such as SALT, and in world government,

especially p.227,

bottom paragraph).

through the United Nations (see p.225ff. and

Given the record of

these organisations and

treaties, the negotiations and regulators, it is by now a pathetic faith.

Nor is a

serious need felt for further analysis of the nuclear situation, to investigate the
origins of nuclear technology,

to explore the roots of nuclear blindness, to consider

effective changes to military-industrial organisation and ways of life.

But

some of

the requisite

deeper analysis of

the nuclear situation and, more

The roots of
generally, of the roots of war can be found in Anders and elsewhere.
the nuclear predicament are not confined to the ideologically —aligned arrangements of

nation-states,

but

penetrate

also

into

key

components

of

those

states,

their

8

and their supporting bureaucracies.

their controlling classes,

military,

And both

within the arrangements of states, what accounts in part for the arrangements, and in

key components

of

states,

the

science

for

super-states, to be achieved through military-oriented
in several
enables
domination,
and
which
involves

superiority by the

and

technology,

forms.

interrelated
surplus

the drive

Thus the push for

the accompanying privilege).

power and domination (and, often,

[nuclear]

feature is

a conspicuous and crucial

product

can be

accumulated

at home

(from

where enough

large nation-state,

is the

The main power-base

from abroad,

and

and

bled

from

nature) to proceed with military and bureaucratic ambitions and to found the highj
15
technology research and development means to ever more expendable powei and energy*
prospect of nuclear
war, it is not ultimately enough just to downgrade the mam power-base, the nation­
state; it is also important to alter key components of the state, and, more
sweepingly, to remove trouble-making patterns embedded in all these social and

In changing

the

structural

political arrangements,

in

state

relations,

political

arrangements

chauvinistic relations .

relations,

but

in

the

eliminate

namely patterns of domination,

organisation,

human-animal

to

patterns manifested not only

relations,

white-coloured

human-nature

relations;

to

remove,

male-female

in

short,

However not everything needs to be accomplished at once; and

the cluster of damaging power and domination relations tied into war can be tackled
And there the problems can largely be narrowed to certain problems of
separately.

states and certain key components of states.
analysis he does offer of the problem with states, Schell repeats the
familiar false contrast of state expediency with morality, as a contrast between
The teaching that 'the end
"raison d’etat" and the Socratic—Christian ethics.
justifies the means is the basis on which governments, in all times, have licensed
In what

themselves

to

commit crimes of

every

sort’

(p.134).

So

'states may do virtually

Schell then argues however, that
extinction nullifies end-means justification by destroying every end; but again the
argument is far from sound, and depends on human chauvinism (as under S2) combined

anything whatever in the name of [their] survival’.

with ontological

assumptions.

Even if all humans were

extinguished (as under SI)

ends could remain, for instance for nonhumans such as animals and extraterrestrials,
The ends-means argument can however be repaired to remove such
actual or not.
objections: instead it is claimed that extinction nullifies ends-means justification
by frustrating the realisation of every relevant end - meaning by 'relevant', in this

context, those ends the realisation of which the state appeals to in justification of
I6
its nuclear policies.
A nuclear war, even without human extinction but with severe
enough losses, would undoubtedly frustrate the realisation of relevant state ends.

9

So

even

from

an

perspective,

expediency

policies

super-state

open

are

severe

to

criticism, for example as motivationally irrational in the nuclear risks taken.

As to the part of the state and (state) sovereignty in war,

Schell leaves us in

A sovereign state is virtually defined as one that enjoys the right and

no doubt.

power to go to war in defence or pursuit of its interests (p.187).

War arises from

how things are; from the arrangement of political affairs via jealous nation-states
Indeed there is a two-way linkage between having sovereignty and capacity

(p.188).

to wage war.

to organise

On the one side, sovereignty is, Schell contends, necessary for people
for war.

sovereignty.

On the other

side, without war it

is impossible

to preserve

The

Neither of these contentions is transparently clear as it stands.

first is damaged by civil war and the like, the second by the persistence of small

the macro-state

Now that

nonmilitary states.

system is entrenched, it is however

easy for conservatives (in particular) to argue from the "realities
life,

which include self-interest,

that

peace

are

arrangements

aggression,

readily

fear,

hatred.

as

dismissed

of international

is on this basis

It

unrealistic,

utopian,

even

(amusingly) as extremist (cf. p.L85).
Schell’s further

theme

nuclear

that

"war"

is not

war threatens,

however,

to

undermine his case against the sovereign state; for example, his ends-means argument

and the argument based on its nuclear-war making capacity.

theme needs much qualification,

Fortunately the not-war

and starts out from an erroneous characterisation of

war as ’a violent means employed by a nation to achieve an end’ (p.189): but this is
neither necessary nor sufficient for war.

very different

What is correct is that nuclear wars are

from previous conventional wars

(cf. WP).

Schell goes on

that war requires an end which nuclear "war" does not have.

to claim

But nuclear attacks can

certainly have ends (even if large nuclear wars cannot be won in the older sense: but
It is also claimed that war depends on weakness; on

not all wars or games are won).

one side being defeated
’no

happen,

But

what

one’s

these

on a decision by arms.

strength

sorts

of

fails

war

this doesn t

until both sides have been annihilated’

considerations

nuclear wars are not wars, but

But in nuclear

contribute

to

showing

is

(p.190).

again

that they are not wars of certain sorts,

not

that

e.g., not

just wars (because they fail on such criteria as reasonable prospect of success anu

improvement), not rational wars (in a good sense), and so on.

that conventional wars

have

argument

persisted

into

nuclear

times

does

damage

to

Schell’s

that nuclear

weapons have also ruined "conventional" wars, and his connected theme that the demise

of war

court

has left no means
of

appeal

has

mistaken propositions:

been

to finally settle disputes between nations, for the final

removed

(pp. 192—193) •

The

theme depends

on a

pair of

that concerning the demise of conventional war, and the idea

10

that

war of

some

sort has

to be

final "court of appeal" between nations (for

the

there are other types of contests that could serve, and there is also the possibility
of more cooperative behaviour,

joint referenda).

e.g.

imports the

The theme also

social-Darwinian assumption of Clausewicz (the "logic of war

that war has to

theme)

proceed to the technological limit ~ as if war and violence were thoroughly natural
activities, independent of recognised social settings (for winning, surrender, etc.),

On the contrary, wars are parasitic on social organisations

and ruleless activities.

such as states and are governed by a range of understandings, conventions and rules.

They are a social phenomenon, with a rule structure, if not a logic.

Much capital has been made not merely from "the logic of war

but from what is

now called "the logic of deterrence" and the "logic of nuclear [strategic] planning .

The message that is usually supposed to emerge is that the massive arrangements the

world

is

entangled

now

in

are

perfectly

sound,

logical,

represents little more than a cheap semantical trick.

rational.

however this

Logic in no way justifies the

present arrangements, or anything like them, or renders them reasonable.

There are

logics of decision (as presented, e.g., for the classical case in Jeffrey) which can
be applied

in

strategic

planning;

but

yield specific results without

they do not

desirability measures being assigned to alternative outcomes, that is without values

being pumped in, extralogically .

There are various ways these value assignments may

be determined, to meet moral requirements or not; but in nuclear strategic planning
they have invariably been settled on the basis of expediency
however,

to

cover

something

like

’reasoning

(even from a national

fail:18 yet

threat of

further and

of

stresses (p.213)

threatening

use

interest viewpoint)

the success

this

considerations entering

into

the

’the illogic of deterrence’, for he emphasizes

For instance he

unreasonableness.

rationality

rational

and

In these terms, Schell, who like others enjoys playing with

the term ’logic of’, should write of
supposed

lor the most pait,

’logic of’ tends to be used very loosely, as a word of general commendation,

policy or strategy of’.

its

.

of deterrence

unjustifiable and

the disparity between the

weapons and

of nuclear

the

irrationality

of actually using them should the threat

doctrine depends on the credibility of

irrational use.

the

Indeed Schell wants to go still

locate a contradiction in deterrence (e.g.

but

the argument

depends on an interesting confusion of contradiction with cancellation,

along with

the assumption that deterrence involves cancellation.

irrational, it is immoral, but it is not inconsistent.

pp.z-01~2&gt;;

Nuclear deterrence may well be
ft

NOTES
This is a revised version of ’Appendix 1. On the fate of mankind and the earth,
according to Schell, and to Anders' of my monograph referred to as WP, where
several points, only touched upon in this review, are further developed.
References are by way of authors' names or else through obvious acronyms, given
in the list of references which follows.
. The distinguishing term is from Foley's Nuclear Prophets, where many
leading anti-nuclear prophets are assessed. One well-known prophet not so
considered there is Jaspers, presumably because his main work comes out in
entirely the wrong direction. It gives heavy philosophical attire to the
better-dead-than-red abomination. A main argument against Jaspers so
presented is simple. However bad being red might become (at present it is
debatably worse than living under some of the totalitarian regimes the
free West props up), it still gives humans a further chance for good
lives, since regimes fall or can be toppled: but total annihilation
removes that all-important opportunity.

But of course Jaspers does not present his position so simply. Rather his
contention is that there are circumstances where, and principles for
which, a person or group of persons ought to sacrifice even their lives.
Freedom is such: a life worth living is a free life. But the latter point
can be granted without conceding that sacrifice is a possible means to it.
While the sacrifice of one or a few lives may be a possible (if dubiously
effective) way to free lives for others, certainly the sacrifice of all
lives is not a possible route to free lives for all, since no human lives
remain.
To this extent Schell is right (on p.131) in accusing Jaspers of
an each to all fallacy.
Jasper's idea that "the free life that they try
to save by all possible means is more than mere life or lives" breaks down
when applied to all participating people.
None can gain free lives by
extinction of all: that is not a possible route to life even.
. A detailed comparison of Schell and Anders' remarkably similar versions of
S2 is made in Foley JS.
. Should S2 appeal, as it may, to suitable communities of humans, SI will
require reformulation in similar terms; and the argument that follows
needs minor adjustment, with appropriate groups replacing individuals.
. Thus the Last Person argument, important in environmental ethics (as HC
explains), is no longer merely hypothetical, awaiting for instance the
remote death of the Sun, but assumes new urgency.
It is this sort of
argument that connects environmental ethics and nuclear ethics, at a
deeper metaphysical level.
The Bomb and Bulldozer are out of the same
technological Pandora's box.

Nuclear technology is not the only route to human extinction, nor the only
Pandora's box.
Biological and chemical means are perhaps even more
effective, and certainly can be more selective in what gets extinguished.
Nuclear extinction would presumably require a different and more massive
exchange than is usually assumed in nuclear war scenarios, with heavy

12

targeting
in
particular
of
Southern Hemispheric
internationally-recognised nuclear-free zones).

sites

(including

5. Nor do recent scientific studies claim as much.
The most intrepid of
these studies, Erlich and others, only contends that in certain worst-case
circumstances, ’the possibility of the extinction of Homo sapiens cannot
be excluded’ (p.1299).
The study admits that, in the scenario described,
’it seems unlikely ... Homo spaiens would be forced to extinctions
immediately ’, and the difficulties indicated in the way of long-term human
survival are exaggerated.
In particular, many of the drastic effects predicted for Northern mid­
latitudes are reflected in very much milder form in equivalent Southern
latitudes.
For example, temperatures for regions with maritine climates
appear likely to vary by only a few degrees and perhaps neglibly for many
agricultural purposes after 100 days (cf. Turco and others, p.1237 case
29, and p.1286).
Similarly the extent of nuclear darkness and of surface
ultraviolet radiation will be appreciably less in the South and perhaps
minor for many crucial purposes, such as photosynthesis and human outdoor
activity, after 100 dayss (cf. the data in Benton and Partridge).
No doubt some scientifically respectable sections of the environmental and
peace movements have an interest in exaggerating the probable effects of
nuclear holocaust
for life on earth, much as many statesmen and
strategists have an interest in minimizing them.
And there is certainly
substantial margin for error and for variation in conclusions drawn.
For
Crutzen (p.59) is right that ’analyses of the environmental effects of a
global nuclear war remain
. . . uncertain .. . because of a lack of
information on various important processes [among other things] ... The
environment might become extremely hostile, because of hitherto overlooked
changes in the composition of the atmosphere*, again among other things.
Such uncertainty bodes considerable caution as rational.
The way to err
is clear.

6. Not
merely
by
technological
determinists
of
marxist
persuasion.
Hackworth, a former US general, argues by straight induction that if the
US military has a weapon it will use it.
7. The appalling theme that humans create past, present and future (etc.) is
repeated elsewhere, e.g. p.173.
8. For detailed refutation of these assumptions, see JB.

9. Anders is here (AA pp.244-5) relying upon a version of the argument from
perserverence, criticised in detail in Routley and Griffin.
10. An interesting converse of this theme is sometimes advanced, that no one
is responsible, the whole thing is out of control.
The technological
version of this no-responsibility theme is discussed below (fn 15). More
satisfactory is the theme that nuclear arrangements are out of political
control, but for reasons, in terms of vested interests in keeping nuclear
things going, which enable responsibility to be distributed.
The vested
interests, which bear considerable responsibility, include the military

13

weapons industry, and research and academic communities (cf. Barnaby).
Under pressures for re-election especially, politicians give in to these
powerful groups, so losing control of political processes.
The argument
is flawed at its final stage.
For many influential politicians either
belong to or represent vested interests.
Thus, though there is no doubt
some ’lack of control’, political processes tend rather to reflect vested
interests than to run out of political control.
11. Another example of spreading the responsibility runs as follows: ’The
self-extinction of our species is not an act that anyone describes as sane
or sensible; nevertheless, it is an act that, without quite admitting it
to ourselves, we plan in certain circumstances to commit’ (p.185).
Even
for most of the planners, extinction is presumably not part of "the plan",
but an unintended consequence; and most of us have little or no role in
the planning, enough of us even campaign against the planning.
Further
'the world ... chose the course of attempting to refashion the system of
sovereignty to accommodate nuclear weapons' (p.194): the world? This
connects of course with the faulty ideological argument from defence of
fundamentals, e.g. for liberty, for the "free enterprise" (USA) nation,
and against socialism.

12. A more detailed discussion is given in WP ^8, where too the case against
the state from nuclear dilemmas is elaborated.
13. Anders' explanation is elaborated in Foley; some of the themes are
presented more straightforwardly in Martin.
The incomplete list of items
given, to be investigated in a deeper analysis of the nuclear situation,
paraphrases Foley JS p.164.

14. These motivating drives form part of a larger integrated package,
comprising maximisation drives for power, knowledge, control, wealth,
energy, speed, satisfaction,
..., for the "newer" Enlightenment (but
Faustian) virtues.
Frequently there are attempts (the human failing for
excessive neatness and simplicity manifested) to reduce the package to one
main component, preference-satisfaction, for instance, or utility.
And
the type of drive is justified (especially for those who have it, but
worry about it) not only as virtuous, which it is not, but also as
rational, which again it is not.
Rationality, the deeply entrenched myth
has it, consists in maximisation, of a suitable mix of these virtues.
Maximisation of the objects of the drives runs, however, into limitation
The maximisation of self-interest
theorems and associated paradoxes
(individual or national) runs into Newcomb's paradox and special cases of
The maximisation of power, as
it such as Prisoners Dilemma situations.
the
Christian-lslamic
God,
encounters the paradox of
symbolised in
the
parallel
maximisation
of
knowledge,
paradoxes of
omnipotence,
or
There
are
no
consistent
objects
which
arc
omnipotent
omniscience.
the
The
drive
for
maximum
consistency,
often
taken
to
be
omniscient.
epitome of rationality, also leads to inconsistency in the case of more
important theories, such as arithmetic and set theory (by virtue of
Godel’s theorem and associated limitative theorems).

15. R &amp; D,

though directed by military requirements and the arms race, also

14

drives the arms race.
science.

Its role is partly disguised by the myth of neutral

There have been attempts, not only by those committed to technological
determinism, to involve technology more deeply as the main, or single,
source of the nuclear fix (thus especially Mumford, in part thereby
anticipating Commoner’s parallel indictment of technology-choice in the
ecological fix).
It is technology, the mega-machine, running out of
control, that has brought us to this predicament, the nuclear abyss.
Sometimes this serves to exonerate states and their key components and
those who control them, for they are simply caught up by this out-ofcontrol machine; but sometimes the state itself is seen as a machine also
running out of control.
But technological determinism, like other
varieties of stronger (nonanalytlc) determinism, is false.
Nuclear
technology was selected and proceeded with, after a well-known political
dispute involving distinguished scientists; it was deliberated, funded and
promoted, while other alternatives were not.
Damaging technologies of the nuclear age were not inevitable, but
deliberately chosen by certain components of the large nation-states. And
much as they need not have been chosen, so they do not have to be
persisted with.
The fashionable inevitability/determinism themes admit
not only of refutation by bringing out the many choices made in persisting
with often recalcitrant technologies.
They also admit of being made to
look ridiculous.
If the Bomb is determined, as part of human evolution,
then if it functions (as it probably will, a matter also determined), it
will serve as a human population control device, a matter also determined.
That is, the Bomb has its fixed evolutionary place in human population
regulation!

16. This reformulation was proposed by N. Griffin, who suggested that the main
qualification can be inferred from Schell’s context.
17. Selecting the usual game theory setting sees to this almost automatically;
for it is then assumed that each player plays to maximize his or her own
advantage. Thus too the presumption in Walzer, p.277, that ’the logic of
deterrence’ is based on eye-for-eye and tooth-for-tooth assumptions.

18. Even the irrationality of retaliatory (or first-strike) use has been
contested, e.g. it has been wishfully thought that America will rise like
a phoenix from the radioactive ashes.

There is moreover a simple solution to Schell’s problem of the "missing
motive" for
retaliating to a large strike (p.204), namely, not a
retributive one, but an ideological one: eliminate the prospect of the
future dominance of the rival ideology.
Such a motive has been offered
for the conjectured targeting of Latin America.
19. An analogous confusion of negation with cancellation or obliteration
appears in recent US "star-war" thinking, where US missiles are supposed
to "negate" incoming USSR missiles.
Moral

paradoxes of deterrence

take a different direction.

For although

involving negation, they depend upon perhaps questionable interconnexions
of intensional functors.
One type of paradox (considered in WP §5, where
the immorality of deterrence is argued) derives from a policy of credibly
threatening war without however intending to proceed to war, though
credible threats [appear to] imply an intention to proceed. Another style
derives from acclaimed intention to reduce the number of nuclear missiles
when the persistent practice, which implies an intention, is to increase
the number.
This paradox is technically removed - how satisfactorily is
another matter - by a distinction between longer-term aims and immediate
practice,
a
time-honoured
method
of
removing
contradictions
by
conveniently discerned temporal distinctions.

REFERENCES

G. Anders,
AA.

Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen, C.H.

G. z\nders, Endzeitand Zeitenende: Gedanken
Munchen, 1972; referred to as AE.

zur

Beck, Munchen, 1956; referred to as

atomaren

F. Barnaby, ’Will there be a Nuclear War’, in Australia
M. Denborough), Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 2-37.

I.J.

Benton
49-51.

and G.W.

Partridge,

’"Twilight

at Noon"

Situation,

and

Beck,

C.H.

War,

Nuclear

overstated', Ambio

(ed.

(1984)

13

B. Commoner, The Closing Circle: Nature, Man and Technology, Knopf, New York, 1972.
P.J. Crutzen, ’Darkness after a nuclear war', Ambio 13 (1984) 52-4.

M. Denborough (ed.), Australian &amp; Nuclear War, Croom Helm, Australia, 1983.
P.R. Erlich and others, ’Long-term biological consequences of nuclear war’,
222 (1983) 1293-1300.
G. Foley,
'Jonathan Schell: Genius Brisbane, 1982; referred to as JS.

Philosopher

-

Rewrite

Man',

Science

typescript,

G. Foley, Nuclear Prophets. The True and the False, typescript, Brisbane, 1983.
D. Hackworth, 'A Soldier's Report’, Australia and Nuclear War,
Croom Helm, Australia, 1983, 209-12.

(ed. M. Denborough),

K. Jaspers, The Future of Mankind, (trans. E.B. Ashton), University of Chicago Press,

16

1961.
B. Martin, Grass Roots Strategy Against War, Freedom Press, Nottingham, 1984.

L. Mumford, The Myth of the Machine, 2 vols., Harcourt Brace, New York, 1970.
G.F. Preddey and others, Future Contingencies 4. Nuclear Disasters, A Report to the
Commission for the Future, Government Printer, Wellington, New Zealand, 1982.
R. Routley and N. Griffin, ’Unravelling the meanings of life’, Discussion Papers in
Environmental Philosophy #3, Australian National University, Canberra, 1982.
R. Routley, Exploring Meinong’s Jungle and Beyond, Research School
Sciences, Australian National University, 1980; referred to as JB.

of

Social

R. Routley, War and Peace I. On the Ethics of Large-Scale Nuclear War and Nuclear
deterrence and the Political Fall-Out, Discussion Papers in Environmental
Philosophy #5, Australian National University, 1984; referred to as WP.
R. and V. Routley, ’Human chauvinism and Environmental ethics’, in Environmental
Philosophy (ed. D. Mannison and others), Research School of Social Sciences,
Australian National University, 1980; referred to as HC.
J. Schell, The Fate of the Earth, Knopf, New York, 1982; referred to as S./F.

R.P.

Turco and others, ’Nuclear winter: global
explosions’, Science 222 (1983) 1283-92.

consequences

M. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Basic Books, New York, 1977.

of

multiple

nuclear

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                    <text>AN ALTERNATIVE ANGLE ON THE HUMANITIES

by Richard Routley

Higher education in the humanities, beyond the basics of literacy,
has been under attack for a Long time.

This is partly because it costs

money and public resources that might be otherwise invested (e.g. for
technological education, for industrial assistance or subsidization);

it is also because education in the humanities can lead to dissatisfac­
tion with established ways, and criticism of them^i.e. "rocking the boat .
While it is impossible to develop a definitive argument for extensive

education in the humanities—any more than it is possible to mount a

conclusive argument against it—a telling case can nonetheless be made.
There tends to be little dispute about some of the things
humanities' subjects teach, much better than other areas:

competence

and skills in composition and communication, for example, both essential

for many roles in modern technological society.

University courses Ln

humanities teach these things, mostly as a by—product of the other topics
they rightly focus upon.

It is about subjects and topics beyond this usually conceded
minimal level that questions are asked:

Why should universities teach,

or teach so much of, typical humanities' subjects

English, other

languages and literatures, linguistics, history and philosophy

when a university education in these areas affords direct access to

but few jobs, and is, it is assumed, inessential for most day-to-day

^The social sciences, which are sometimes grouped with the
humanities, have been excluded from consideration; that is, humanities
is being used in its narrower modern sense. This artificial separation
sharpens the issues; for the case for university, or at least polytechnic

education in economics, for instance, is straightforward in much the way
that forestry and engineering is.

�2

living?

It is obvious enough why they should be offered and taught:

because they comprise a significant part of knowledge.

But this reply

does not meet the complaint that they are still too much taught.
The older response to this type of challenge appealed to the
importance of culture, to "the utilization of the intellect as an

end", to the desirability of having cultivated and civilized men and
women in the community.

Higher education in the humanities was taken

to be distinctively fitted to confer these virtues.

The older response

has force, but it has to meet the tedious objection that much
humanities' education merely delivers "dreamers who can converse well

over cocktails;" moreover, it needs supplementation if it is to be

sustained nowadays.
In particular, it requires underpinning by an argument, independently
called for, which counteracts the narrow industrial utilitarianism

into the framework of which answers are all too often supposed to fit.
According to this type of industrial philosophy, university education

is important if it contributes directly to such things as providing
(typically at public expense) a technically skilled but not surplus

workforce, if it helps to enlarge the industrial base, enables
expansion or improvements in sales and marketing of industrial products,
and so on—taking it for granted that all these industrial activities
are worthwhile.

But the further and deeper issue is:

these industrial activities and makes them valuable?

What justifies

To put it

bluntly, these activities are valuable not for the profits they

inequitably distribute, but rather for what they add to the communities
they should serve, in the way of net value (such as a richer life for

members of the community, making some allowance for the costs
involved, by way of pollution, despoiliation of urban, rural and

�- 3 -

and natural environments, etc.)-

And it is to these same values that

higher education in the humanities should also answer—not, to consider

a worst case, to the direct demands of a damaging and undesirable

industry furnishing dangerous or alienated jobs.
If we do look at these more ultimate values, the attainment

of rich and rewarding and varied lifestyles, then it is evident, without
much elaboration, that higher education in the humanities has much to

recommend it, that people whose lives are fuller and richer and who
add to the variety and culture of the communities in which they live
will be produced by humanities education at its best., that the older

argument can be pushed through.

There are, however, further responses, reinforcing the older
response, which it is now necessary to indicate.

All the older

response generally implies is that an educated person can simply

be pumped full of a stuff called "culture"—a supply of allegedly
factual information, views, and prejudices on this or that area.
What higher education in the humanities teach s at its best

is

much more, and more important than this: namely, the acquisition
of a range of critical and analytical skills of practical value.
These include such analytical skills as

being able to dissect an

issue or problem, to break it down to its components and determine
the basic assumptions, to work out the presuppositions made, to draw
out the implications of the matter, and to view the problem from
various angles.

They include such critical skills as the ability

to assess a problem or work analysed; for instance the ability to
criticise the assumptions made and to locate and evaluate alternatives

to them, to weigh evidence, to see faults in arguments and fallacies
when they occur, and so on.

They also include such skills as the

�4

ability to obtain further information and to apply the methods, and
to research new areas and new problems independently of a teacher.

In short, the humanities, properly done, teach an analytical and
critical method, and above all the ability "to reason well in all

matters".
As an integral part of this, they should teach the awareness

of alternatives, an appreciation of alternative situations, cultures,
and worlds.

A first step in the critical evaluation of an institution,

for example, is often the awareness of alternatives, that things do

not have to be exactly the way the institution is, but that there
are alternative situations where the institution is variously modified

or even eliminated.

It is not difficult to see how depth education

in history or the languages leads to an appreciation of options, by

placing the student in contexts where things are done and seen differently.

Philosophy and parts of modern linguistics, specifically semantics,
take this whole enterprise much further and now, in the explicit
investigation of possible worlds, render it systematic.

Indeed,

a significant part of the history of philosophy has consisted in
the envisaging and following through of certain such alternatives.
And such a devising of alternative situations is tied intimately

to reasoning.

For example, an argument is valid if there are no

alternative situations where its premisses hold but its conclusion
does not.
Finally, the critical method, in particular the ability to

discern alternatives, helps people to become aware of their own
intellectual assumptions, and where necessary to change them.

Thus

too, it leads to an intellectual flexibility and adaptability, which

is increasingly important for modern, practical problem-solving,

�- 5 -

and for the adjustments in lifestyle many of us may confront.

Systematic philosophy teaches critical reasoning explicitly;
a central part of philosophy is the assessment of arguments and

the detection of fallacies.

Other humanities' disciplines teach

the analytic and critical method also, though less directly, and

more by example.

English does it through the medium of literary

criticism; languages, in analogous ways, by the analysis and critical
evaluation of "foreign" literature and the critical examination of
the practices, customs, and thought of a culture with a different

language and literature.

A good language education can not only

introduce people to alternatives, but can in the process reveal

to them their own cultural assumptions, and so open the way to

alternative possibilities they have not previously considered.
So it is also with history, which involves similar interpretative
skills in the investigation of far-removed societies.

What is the virtue of critical and analytical reasoning,
of being able to think in a concentrated, systematic imaginative

way, of being able to approach problems from several angles?

What,

in particular, is the relevance of these skills to that obtrusive
part of the practical world, business, commerce, etc.?

Not only

will there be many problems for firms and services to handle and
try to resolve, problems often best dealt with using just such

skills, but the problems arising will increasingly be of a different

character, of a type for which purely technological educations are
inappropriate or inadequate, and where new alternatives will have

to be devised, seriously considered, and sometimes adopted.

newer problems include two important overlapping types:
mental problems and resource problems.

These

environ­

The resource problems are

�- 6 -

due to increasing scarcity and escalating prices of materials,
especially oil^but also lumber, etc.

As a result, industry and

government, as well as the private individual, will have to be re­

conciled to, and make, very considerable adaptations and adjustments

(of kinds still to be determined), to adopt alternative practices
and solutions to problems on a wide range of fronts.

The environ­

mental problems arise because present and historical practices are

often damaging, sometimes destructive, to the environment or the

people who live in it, and because these practices, such as rapacious
forestry and injurious pollution, are not going to be tolerated^
indefinitely, but will require much modification at the very least.
In each case, resource and environmental, much innovation will be
essential, much new and alternative thinking required, far better

if it is analytical and critical, and so does not lead
to a compounding of old and bad technological fixes.

In sum, the

problems to be faced, many of them of considerable complexity,

are of a different character:

successful resolution of them, where

it can be accomplished, and superior decision-making will more and

more demand substantial and imaginatively-deployed analytical and
critical skills.

The requisite skills are inculcated in a good

education in the humanities.

Of course, some of these skills are acquired in the theore­
tical sciences—though the critical skills usually in a lesser way,

much as compositional skills are acquired in a lesser way in the
sciences.

What further distinguishes most of the humanities is the

way they relate to, and take account of, humans—of people as people

and not merely as statistics.

Those educated in the humanities

tend to have a sensitivity to people, and understanding of them,

�-7 -

that technologists often lack.

So it is that they can introduce

important elements into problem-solving, due respect for persons
(and not mere fobbing off by public relations exercises), that

technological resolutions of problems frequently, but inadmissibly,
neglect.

A corollary of all this is that there is a sound case for

deploying people well educated in the humanities more widely in

organizations engaged in research and problem solving.

It would be

rash to pretend that either industry, governments, and so on

(the potential employers) on the one side, or the universities (the
potential suppliers of humanities graduates) on the other, are

entirely ready for this already initiated scenario.

It is not that

universities do not always teach humanities at their best (that could
hardly be expected), but that the skills and methods called for,
analytical and critical, are often not sought and are sometimes
deliberately devalued.

Sometimes indeed the critical method is

forgotten and university education—not just in the humanities—

degenerates into something approaching a brainwashing process,
reinforcing prevailing practices, attitudes and ideologies instead

of indicating serious weaknesses in prevailing practices and
revealing the range of alternatives open in one way or another.

Nor do universities make much effort, so far, to prepare students
for the possibility that the critical skills they acquire may be

put into practice outside class assignments, not just in their
day-to-day living, but in the workplace and in their attempts to

enter it (e.g. by being duly prepared for interviews).

There is

also apparently some resistance by humanities' students to

�8 -

entering employment in industry, owing to a blanket condemnation
of industry^ instead of a more discriminating attitude which makes due
criticism where it is warranted.

on the other side as well.

Faults of similar magnitude appear

For example, even where senior management

does recognize the modern relevance of the skills humanities'
students acquire, personnel selection staff are usually unequipped

to select for such skills.

A further corollary is that an integral part of a modern

technological education is a training in the humanities.

2

'Both Professor Raymond Bradley of Simon Fraser University
and the Editor of this Newsletter made many useful suggestions
which have been incorporated in the text. The main quotations
are from Cardinal Newman's The Idea of a University.

�/

AN ALTERNATIVE ANGLE ON THE HUMANITIES
by Richard Routley*

Higher education in the humanities, beyond the basics of

literacy, has been under attack for a long time, in part because it
costs money and public resources that might be otherwise invested

(e.g. for technological education, for industrial assistance and
subsidization), but also because it can lead to (sometimes warranted)

dissatisfaction with established ways and criticism of them (e.g.
to "rocking the boat").

While it is impossible to develop a definitive

argument for extensive education in the humanities—any more than it
is possible to mount a conclusive argument against it—a telling
caye can nonetheless be made.
About some of the things humanities* subjects teach,
much better than other areas such as the sciences and technologies,

competence and skills in composition and communication—essential

for many roles in modern technological society—there tends to be

little dispute.

University courses in humanities teach these things,

sometimes, initially, directly, but more often as a by-product of
the other topics they rightly focus upon.

It is about subjects and topics beyond this usually

conced ed minimal level that questions are asked:—Why should
universities teach, or teach so much of, typical humanities' subjects—
such as English, and other languages and literatures, linguistics,
history and philosophy^—when a university education in these areas

affords direct access to but few jobs, and is, it is assumed,

inessential for most day-to-day living?

It is obvious enough

'"The author is a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Humanities
and Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social
Sciences, Australian National University. He is visiting the University
of Victoria as a Canadian Commonwealth Fellow.

^The social sciences, which are sometimes grouped with the
humanities, have been excluded from consideration; that is, 'humanities'
is being used in its narrower modern sense.
This (artificial) separation
sharpens the issues; for the case for university, or at least polytechnic,
education in economics, for instance, is straightforward in much the way
that forestry and engineering is.

�2 -

why they should be offered and taught:
cant part of knowledge.

because they comprise a signifi­

But this reply does not meet the complaint that

they are still too much taught.
The older response to this type of challenge appealed to the

importance of culture and of "the utilization of the intellect as an
end", of having cultivated and civilized men (and women) in the community,
higher education in the humanities being taken to be distinctively
fitted to confer, at least often, these virtues.
The older response has
force, but it has to meet the %ne^riiag objection that much humanities'

education merely delivers "god-damn dreamers who can converse well over

cocktails," and it needs supplementation if it is to be sustained

nowadays.

In addition, it requires underpinning by a move, independently
called for, which takes on the narrow industrial utilitarianism into
the framework of which answers are all too often supposed to fit.
According to this type of industrial philosophy, university education

is important if it contributes directly to such things as providing
(typically at public expense)

a technically skilled but not surplus

workforce, if it helps enlarge the industrial base, enables expansion
or improvements in sales and marketing of industrial products, and
so on—taking it for granted that all these industrial activities
are worthwhile.

But the further and deeper issue is what justifies

these industrial activities and makes them valuable when they are
(which is far from always the case).

To put it bluntly, they are

valuable not for the profits they inequitably distribute, but rather
for what they add to the communities they should serve, in the way

of net value (such as a richer life for members of the community,
making some allowance for the costs involved, by way of pollution,
despoiliation of urban, rural and natural environments, etc.).

And

it is to these values, that industrial activities themselves have
ultimately to answer, that higher education in the humanities should

also answer—not, to consider a worst case, to the direct demands
of a damaging and undesirable industry furnishing dangerous or
alienated jobs.

If we do look at these more ultimate values, the attainment

of rich and rewarding and varied lifestyles, then it is evident ,

�- 3 -

/
without much elaboration, that higher education in the humanities has
much to recommend it., that people whose lives are fuller and richer

and who add to the variety and culture of the communities in which

they live will be produced by humanities education at its best, coat
the older argument can be pushed through.
There are, however, further responses, reinforcing the older

response, which it is now necessary to indicate.
response sometimes says, an educated

For all tae older

person can simply be pumped

full of a stuff called culture, a supply of (allegedly) factual
information, views, and also prejudices, on this or that area.
What higher education in the humanities, at its best, teaches is

much more, and more important than this; namely the acquisition

of a range of crff*Ktal and analytical skills of practical value.

These include such analytical skills as being able to dissect an
issue or problem, to break it down to^components and determine the

basic assumptions; to work out the presuppositions made, and to draw
out the implications of the matter; to view the problem from various

They include such critical skills as the ability to assess

angles.

critically a problem or w^rk analysed, for instance to criticise

the assumptions made and to locate and evaluate alternatives to

them, the ability to weigh evidence, to see faults in arguments and
fallacies when they occur, and so on.

They also include such skills

as the ability to obtain further information and to apply the methods,

to research independently of a teacher in new areas and on new problems.

In short, the humanities, properly done, teach an analytical and
critical method, and above all the ability "to reason well in all

matters".
As an integral part of this they (should) t.^ctch the aware­

ness of alternatives, an appreciation of alternative situations,

cultures, worlds.

A first step in the critical evaluation of an

institution, for example, is often the awareness of alternatives,

that things do not have to be exactly that way, the way the
institution is, but that there are alternative situations where the

institution is variously modified or even eliminated.

It is not

difficult to see how depth education in history or the languages leads
to an appreciation of alternatives, by placing the student in contexts

where things are done and seen differently.

Philosophy and parts

�4

of modern linguistics (specifically semantics) take this whole enter­
prise much further and now, in the explicit investigation of (possible)

worlds, render it systematic:

but a significant part of the history

of philosophy has consisted (it can now be seen) in the envisaging
and following through of certain such alternatives.

And such a

devising of alternative situations is tied intimately to reasoning.
For example, whether an argument is valid or not is a matter of
there are not or are alternative situations where its premises hold
but its conclusion does not.

Finally, the critical method, in particular the ability to

discern alternatives, helps people to become aware of their own
intellectual assumptions, and where necessary to change them.

Thus

too it leads to an intellectual flexibility and adaptability, which

is increasingly important for modern, practical problem-solving and

for the adjustments in lifestyle many of us may confront.

Systematic philosophy teaches critical reasoning
explicitly:

a central part of philosophy is the assessment of

arguments and the detection of fallacies.

Other humanities'

disciplines teach the analytic and critical method also, though

less directly, and more by example.

English does it through, for

instance, the medium of literary criticism, languages in analogous
ways, by the analysis and critical evaluation of "foreign" literature

and the critical examination of the practices, customs, and thought
of a culture with a different language and literature.

A good

language education can not only introduce people to alternatives,
but can in the process reveal to them their own cultural assumptions,

and so open the way to alternative possibilities they have not

previously considered.

So it is also with history, which often

involves similar interpretative skills, e.g. in the investigation
of some period in the history of a society as far removed from
modern societies as that of ancient Athens.
What is the virtue, or relevance, of critical and analytical
reasoning, of being able to think in a concentrated, systematic
imaginative way, of being able to approach problems from several

angles?

What, in particular, is the relevance to that obtrusive

part of the practical world, business, commerce, etc.

Not only will

there be many many problems for firms and services to handle and

�5

try to resolve, problems often best dealt with using just such skills,
but the problems arising will increasingly be of a different character,

of a type for which purely technological educations are inappropriate
or inadequate, and where new alternatives will have to be devised,
seriously considered and sometimes adopted.

These

newer problems

include two important (overlapping) types, environmental problems

and resource problems.

The resource problems are due to increasing

scarcity and escalating prices of materials, especially oil (but

also, e.g., lumber)—as a result of which industry and government
(as well as the private individual) will have to be reconciled to

and niaoke very considerably, adaptations and adjustments of kinds
still to be determined, to adopt alternative practices and solutions

to problems on a wide range of fronts.

The environmental problems

arise because present practices are frequently damaging,

*

-

'

1

destructive, to the environment or the people who live in it (e.g.

through pollution and effects such as cancer), and because these
practices, such as rapacious forestry and ser^oct^s pollution,

are not going to be tolerated indefinitely, but will require much

modification at the very least.

In each case, resource and environmental,

much, innovation will be essential, much new and alternative thinking

required, far better if it is analytical and critical, and so does
not lead, for example, to a compounding of old and bad technological

fixes.

In sum, the problems to be faced, many of them of considerable

complexity, are of a different character:

successful resolution of

them, where it can be accomplished, and superior decision-making
will more and more demand, among other things, substantial and

imaginatively-deployed analytical and critical skills.

The

requisite skills are inculcated in a good education in the humanities.

Of course, some of these skills are acquired in the

theoretical sciences—though usually in a m^rked^-lesser way, piuch
as compositional skills (which typically increase with further
training in the humanities) are acquired in a-de-eide&lt;Hy lesser way

in the sciences.

What further distinguishes most of the humanities

is the way they relate to, and take account of, humans
people and not merely as statistics.

of people as

Those educated in the humanities

tend to have a sensitivity to people, and understanding of them, that

technologists often lack.

So it is that they can introduce importune

�6 --

elements into problem-solving, due respect for persons (and not

mere fobbing off by public relations exercises), that technological
resolutions of problems frequently, but inadmissibly, neglect.

A corollary of all this is that there is a sound case for

deploying people well educated in the humanities more widely
in organizations engaged in research and problem solving.

It would

be rash to pretend that either industry, governments, and so on
(the potential employers) on the one side, or the universities

(the potential suppliers of humanities graduates) on the other,
are entirely ready for this already initiated scenario.

It is not

that universities do not always teach humanities at their best

(that could hardly be expected), but that the skills

and methods

called for, analytical and critical, are often (e.g. in language
ers) not sought and are sometimes (deliberately) devalued.

Sometimes indeed the critical method is forgotten and university

education—not just in the humanities—degenerates into something
approaching a brainwashing process, reinforcing prevailing practices,
attitudes and ideologies instead of indicating &lt;

;

in prevailing practices and.the range of alternatives open in one way
A
or another. Nor do universities fticke much effort, so far, to

prepare students for the possibility that the. critical skills they
acquire may be put into practice outside class assignments, not
just in their day-to-day living, but in the workplace and in their

attempts to enter it (e.g. by being duly prepared for interviews).
There is also apparently some resistance by humanities' students

to entering employment in industry, owing to a blanket condemnation

of industry (not altogether unexpected given the performances and
attitudes of some industries), instead of a mere discriminating
attitude which makes due criticism where it is warranted.

of similar magnitude appear on the other side as well.

Faults

For example,

even where senior management does re&amp;o&lt;? nize the modern relevance
of the skills humanities' students acquire, personnel selection

staff (who often have a technological background) are usually
§
unequipped to select for such skills and reluctant to do so.

�§Both Professor Raymond Bradley of Simon Fraser University and the

Editor of this Newsletter made many useful suggestions which have been
incorporated in the text.

The main quotations are from Cardinal

Newman' s Tire Idea of a University.

�</text>
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              <text>AN ALTERNATIVE ANGLE ON THE HUMANITIES

by Richard Routley

Higher education in the humanities, beyond the basics of literacy,
has been under attack for a Long time.

This is partly because it costs

money and public resources that might be otherwise invested (e.g. for
technological education, for industrial assistance or subsidization);

it is also because education in the humanities can lead to dissatisfac­
tion with established ways, and criticism of them^i.e. "rocking the boat .
While it is impossible to develop a definitive argument for extensive

education in the humanities—any more than it is possible to mount a

conclusive argument against it—a telling case can nonetheless be made.
There tends to be little dispute about some of the things
humanities' subjects teach, much better than other areas:

competence

and skills in composition and communication, for example, both essential

for many roles in modern technological society.

University courses Ln

humanities teach these things, mostly as a by—product of the other topics
they rightly focus upon.

It is about subjects and topics beyond this usually conceded
minimal level that questions are asked:

Why should universities teach,

or teach so much of, typical humanities' subjects

English, other

languages and literatures, linguistics, history and philosophy

when a university education in these areas affords direct access to

but few jobs, and is, it is assumed, inessential for most day-to-day

^The social sciences, which are sometimes grouped with the
humanities, have been excluded from consideration; that is, humanities
is being used in its narrower modern sense. This artificial separation
sharpens the issues; for the case for university, or at least polytechnic

education in economics, for instance, is straightforward in much the way
that forestry and engineering is.

2

living?

It is obvious enough why they should be offered and taught:

because they comprise a significant part of knowledge.

But this reply

does not meet the complaint that they are still too much taught.
The older response to this type of challenge appealed to the
importance of culture, to "the utilization of the intellect as an

end", to the desirability of having cultivated and civilized men and
women in the community.

Higher education in the humanities was taken

to be distinctively fitted to confer these virtues.

The older response

has force, but it has to meet the tedious objection that much
humanities' education merely delivers "dreamers who can converse well

over cocktails;" moreover, it needs supplementation if it is to be

sustained nowadays.
In particular, it requires underpinning by an argument, independently
called for, which counteracts the narrow industrial utilitarianism

into the framework of which answers are all too often supposed to fit.
According to this type of industrial philosophy, university education

is important if it contributes directly to such things as providing
(typically at public expense) a technically skilled but not surplus

workforce, if it helps to enlarge the industrial base, enables
expansion or improvements in sales and marketing of industrial products,
and so on—taking it for granted that all these industrial activities
are worthwhile.

But the further and deeper issue is:

these industrial activities and makes them valuable?

What justifies

To put it

bluntly, these activities are valuable not for the profits they

inequitably distribute, but rather for what they add to the communities
they should serve, in the way of net value (such as a richer life for

members of the community, making some allowance for the costs
involved, by way of pollution, despoiliation of urban, rural and

- 3 -

and natural environments, etc.)-

And it is to these same values that

higher education in the humanities should also answer—not, to consider

a worst case, to the direct demands of a damaging and undesirable

industry furnishing dangerous or alienated jobs.
If we do look at these more ultimate values, the attainment

of rich and rewarding and varied lifestyles, then it is evident, without
much elaboration, that higher education in the humanities has much to

recommend it, that people whose lives are fuller and richer and who
add to the variety and culture of the communities in which they live
will be produced by humanities education at its best., that the older

argument can be pushed through.

There are, however, further responses, reinforcing the older
response, which it is now necessary to indicate.

All the older

response generally implies is that an educated person can simply

be pumped full of a stuff called "culture"—a supply of allegedly
factual information, views, and prejudices on this or that area.
What higher education in the humanities teach s at its best

is

much more, and more important than this: namely, the acquisition
of a range of critical and analytical skills of practical value.
These include such analytical skills as

being able to dissect an

issue or problem, to break it down to its components and determine
the basic assumptions, to work out the presuppositions made, to draw
out the implications of the matter, and to view the problem from
various angles.

They include such critical skills as the ability

to assess a problem or work analysed; for instance the ability to
criticise the assumptions made and to locate and evaluate alternatives

to them, to weigh evidence, to see faults in arguments and fallacies
when they occur, and so on.

They also include such skills as the

4

ability to obtain further information and to apply the methods, and
to research new areas and new problems independently of a teacher.

In short, the humanities, properly done, teach an analytical and
critical method, and above all the ability "to reason well in all

matters".
As an integral part of this, they should teach the awareness

of alternatives, an appreciation of alternative situations, cultures,
and worlds.

A first step in the critical evaluation of an institution,

for example, is often the awareness of alternatives, that things do

not have to be exactly the way the institution is, but that there
are alternative situations where the institution is variously modified

or even eliminated.

It is not difficult to see how depth education

in history or the languages leads to an appreciation of options, by

placing the student in contexts where things are done and seen differently.

Philosophy and parts of modern linguistics, specifically semantics,
take this whole enterprise much further and now, in the explicit
investigation of possible worlds, render it systematic.

Indeed,

a significant part of the history of philosophy has consisted in
the envisaging and following through of certain such alternatives.
And such a devising of alternative situations is tied intimately

to reasoning.

For example, an argument is valid if there are no

alternative situations where its premisses hold but its conclusion
does not.
Finally, the critical method, in particular the ability to

discern alternatives, helps people to become aware of their own
intellectual assumptions, and where necessary to change them.

Thus

too, it leads to an intellectual flexibility and adaptability, which

is increasingly important for modern, practical problem-solving,

- 5 -

and for the adjustments in lifestyle many of us may confront.

Systematic philosophy teaches critical reasoning explicitly;
a central part of philosophy is the assessment of arguments and

the detection of fallacies.

Other humanities' disciplines teach

the analytic and critical method also, though less directly, and

more by example.

English does it through the medium of literary

criticism; languages, in analogous ways, by the analysis and critical
evaluation of "foreign" literature and the critical examination of
the practices, customs, and thought of a culture with a different

language and literature.

A good language education can not only

introduce people to alternatives, but can in the process reveal

to them their own cultural assumptions, and so open the way to

alternative possibilities they have not previously considered.
So it is also with history, which involves similar interpretative
skills in the investigation of far-removed societies.

What is the virtue of critical and analytical reasoning,
of being able to think in a concentrated, systematic imaginative

way, of being able to approach problems from several angles?

What,

in particular, is the relevance of these skills to that obtrusive
part of the practical world, business, commerce, etc.?

Not only

will there be many problems for firms and services to handle and
try to resolve, problems often best dealt with using just such

skills, but the problems arising will increasingly be of a different

character, of a type for which purely technological educations are
inappropriate or inadequate, and where new alternatives will have

to be devised, seriously considered, and sometimes adopted.

newer problems include two important overlapping types:
mental problems and resource problems.

These

environ­

The resource problems are

- 6 -

due to increasing scarcity and escalating prices of materials,
especially oil^but also lumber, etc.

As a result, industry and

government, as well as the private individual, will have to be re­

conciled to, and make, very considerable adaptations and adjustments

(of kinds still to be determined), to adopt alternative practices
and solutions to problems on a wide range of fronts.

The environ­

mental problems arise because present and historical practices are

often damaging, sometimes destructive, to the environment or the

people who live in it, and because these practices, such as rapacious
forestry and injurious pollution, are not going to be tolerated^
indefinitely, but will require much modification at the very least.
In each case, resource and environmental, much innovation will be
essential, much new and alternative thinking required, far better

if it is analytical and critical, and so does not lead
to a compounding of old and bad technological fixes.

In sum, the

problems to be faced, many of them of considerable complexity,

are of a different character:

successful resolution of them, where

it can be accomplished, and superior decision-making will more and

more demand substantial and imaginatively-deployed analytical and
critical skills.

The requisite skills are inculcated in a good

education in the humanities.

Of course, some of these skills are acquired in the theore­
tical sciences—though the critical skills usually in a lesser way,

much as compositional skills are acquired in a lesser way in the
sciences.

What further distinguishes most of the humanities is the

way they relate to, and take account of, humans—of people as people

and not merely as statistics.

Those educated in the humanities

tend to have a sensitivity to people, and understanding of them,

-7 -

that technologists often lack.

So it is that they can introduce

important elements into problem-solving, due respect for persons
(and not mere fobbing off by public relations exercises), that

technological resolutions of problems frequently, but inadmissibly,
neglect.

A corollary of all this is that there is a sound case for

deploying people well educated in the humanities more widely in

organizations engaged in research and problem solving.

It would be

rash to pretend that either industry, governments, and so on

(the potential employers) on the one side, or the universities (the
potential suppliers of humanities graduates) on the other, are

entirely ready for this already initiated scenario.

It is not that

universities do not always teach humanities at their best (that could
hardly be expected), but that the skills and methods called for,
analytical and critical, are often not sought and are sometimes
deliberately devalued.

Sometimes indeed the critical method is

forgotten and university education—not just in the humanities—

degenerates into something approaching a brainwashing process,
reinforcing prevailing practices, attitudes and ideologies instead

of indicating serious weaknesses in prevailing practices and
revealing the range of alternatives open in one way or another.

Nor do universities make much effort, so far, to prepare students
for the possibility that the critical skills they acquire may be

put into practice outside class assignments, not just in their
day-to-day living, but in the workplace and in their attempts to

enter it (e.g. by being duly prepared for interviews).

There is

also apparently some resistance by humanities' students to

8 -

entering employment in industry, owing to a blanket condemnation
of industry^ instead of a more discriminating attitude which makes due
criticism where it is warranted.

on the other side as well.

Faults of similar magnitude appear

For example, even where senior management

does recognize the modern relevance of the skills humanities'
students acquire, personnel selection staff are usually unequipped

to select for such skills.

A further corollary is that an integral part of a modern

technological education is a training in the humanities.

2

'Both Professor Raymond Bradley of Simon Fraser University
and the Editor of this Newsletter made many useful suggestions
which have been incorporated in the text. The main quotations
are from Cardinal Newman's The Idea of a University.

/

AN ALTERNATIVE ANGLE ON THE HUMANITIES
by Richard Routley*

Higher education in the humanities, beyond the basics of

literacy, has been under attack for a long time, in part because it
costs money and public resources that might be otherwise invested

(e.g. for technological education, for industrial assistance and
subsidization), but also because it can lead to (sometimes warranted)

dissatisfaction with established ways and criticism of them (e.g.
to "rocking the boat").

While it is impossible to develop a definitive

argument for extensive education in the humanities—any more than it
is possible to mount a conclusive argument against it—a telling
caye can nonetheless be made.
About some of the things humanities* subjects teach,
much better than other areas such as the sciences and technologies,

competence and skills in composition and communication—essential

for many roles in modern technological society—there tends to be

little dispute.

University courses in humanities teach these things,

sometimes, initially, directly, but more often as a by-product of
the other topics they rightly focus upon.

It is about subjects and topics beyond this usually

conced ed minimal level that questions are asked:—Why should
universities teach, or teach so much of, typical humanities' subjects—
such as English, and other languages and literatures, linguistics,
history and philosophy^—when a university education in these areas

affords direct access to but few jobs, and is, it is assumed,

inessential for most day-to-day living?

It is obvious enough

'"The author is a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Humanities
and Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social
Sciences, Australian National University. He is visiting the University
of Victoria as a Canadian Commonwealth Fellow.

^The social sciences, which are sometimes grouped with the
humanities, have been excluded from consideration; that is, 'humanities'
is being used in its narrower modern sense.
This (artificial) separation
sharpens the issues; for the case for university, or at least polytechnic,
education in economics, for instance, is straightforward in much the way
that forestry and engineering is.

2 -

why they should be offered and taught:
cant part of knowledge.

because they comprise a signifi­

But this reply does not meet the complaint that

they are still too much taught.
The older response to this type of challenge appealed to the

importance of culture and of "the utilization of the intellect as an
end", of having cultivated and civilized men (and women) in the community,
higher education in the humanities being taken to be distinctively
fitted to confer, at least often, these virtues.
The older response has
force, but it has to meet the %ne^riiag objection that much humanities'

education merely delivers "god-damn dreamers who can converse well over

cocktails," and it needs supplementation if it is to be sustained

nowadays.

In addition, it requires underpinning by a move, independently
called for, which takes on the narrow industrial utilitarianism into
the framework of which answers are all too often supposed to fit.
According to this type of industrial philosophy, university education

is important if it contributes directly to such things as providing
(typically at public expense)

a technically skilled but not surplus

workforce, if it helps enlarge the industrial base, enables expansion
or improvements in sales and marketing of industrial products, and
so on—taking it for granted that all these industrial activities
are worthwhile.

But the further and deeper issue is what justifies

these industrial activities and makes them valuable when they are
(which is far from always the case).

To put it bluntly, they are

valuable not for the profits they inequitably distribute, but rather
for what they add to the communities they should serve, in the way

of net value (such as a richer life for members of the community,
making some allowance for the costs involved, by way of pollution,
despoiliation of urban, rural and natural environments, etc.).

And

it is to these values, that industrial activities themselves have
ultimately to answer, that higher education in the humanities should

also answer—not, to consider a worst case, to the direct demands
of a damaging and undesirable industry furnishing dangerous or
alienated jobs.

If we do look at these more ultimate values, the attainment

of rich and rewarding and varied lifestyles, then it is evident ,

- 3 -

/
without much elaboration, that higher education in the humanities has
much to recommend it., that people whose lives are fuller and richer

and who add to the variety and culture of the communities in which

they live will be produced by humanities education at its best, coat
the older argument can be pushed through.
There are, however, further responses, reinforcing the older

response, which it is now necessary to indicate.
response sometimes says, an educated

For all tae older

person can simply be pumped

full of a stuff called culture, a supply of (allegedly) factual
information, views, and also prejudices, on this or that area.
What higher education in the humanities, at its best, teaches is

much more, and more important than this; namely the acquisition

of a range of crff*Ktal and analytical skills of practical value.

These include such analytical skills as being able to dissect an
issue or problem, to break it down to^components and determine the

basic assumptions; to work out the presuppositions made, and to draw
out the implications of the matter; to view the problem from various

They include such critical skills as the ability to assess

angles.

critically a problem or w^rk analysed, for instance to criticise

the assumptions made and to locate and evaluate alternatives to

them, the ability to weigh evidence, to see faults in arguments and
fallacies when they occur, and so on.

They also include such skills

as the ability to obtain further information and to apply the methods,

to research independently of a teacher in new areas and on new problems.

In short, the humanities, properly done, teach an analytical and
critical method, and above all the ability "to reason well in all

matters".
As an integral part of this they (should) t.^ctch the aware­

ness of alternatives, an appreciation of alternative situations,

cultures, worlds.

A first step in the critical evaluation of an

institution, for example, is often the awareness of alternatives,

that things do not have to be exactly that way, the way the
institution is, but that there are alternative situations where the

institution is variously modified or even eliminated.

It is not

difficult to see how depth education in history or the languages leads
to an appreciation of alternatives, by placing the student in contexts

where things are done and seen differently.

Philosophy and parts

4

of modern linguistics (specifically semantics) take this whole enter­
prise much further and now, in the explicit investigation of (possible)

worlds, render it systematic:

but a significant part of the history

of philosophy has consisted (it can now be seen) in the envisaging
and following through of certain such alternatives.

And such a

devising of alternative situations is tied intimately to reasoning.
For example, whether an argument is valid or not is a matter of
there are not or are alternative situations where its premises hold
but its conclusion does not.

Finally, the critical method, in particular the ability to

discern alternatives, helps people to become aware of their own
intellectual assumptions, and where necessary to change them.

Thus

too it leads to an intellectual flexibility and adaptability, which

is increasingly important for modern, practical problem-solving and

for the adjustments in lifestyle many of us may confront.

Systematic philosophy teaches critical reasoning
explicitly:

a central part of philosophy is the assessment of

arguments and the detection of fallacies.

Other humanities'

disciplines teach the analytic and critical method also, though

less directly, and more by example.

English does it through, for

instance, the medium of literary criticism, languages in analogous
ways, by the analysis and critical evaluation of "foreign" literature

and the critical examination of the practices, customs, and thought
of a culture with a different language and literature.

A good

language education can not only introduce people to alternatives,
but can in the process reveal to them their own cultural assumptions,

and so open the way to alternative possibilities they have not

previously considered.

So it is also with history, which often

involves similar interpretative skills, e.g. in the investigation
of some period in the history of a society as far removed from
modern societies as that of ancient Athens.
What is the virtue, or relevance, of critical and analytical
reasoning, of being able to think in a concentrated, systematic
imaginative way, of being able to approach problems from several

angles?

What, in particular, is the relevance to that obtrusive

part of the practical world, business, commerce, etc.

Not only will

there be many many problems for firms and services to handle and

5

try to resolve, problems often best dealt with using just such skills,
but the problems arising will increasingly be of a different character,

of a type for which purely technological educations are inappropriate
or inadequate, and where new alternatives will have to be devised,
seriously considered and sometimes adopted.

These

newer problems

include two important (overlapping) types, environmental problems

and resource problems.

The resource problems are due to increasing

scarcity and escalating prices of materials, especially oil (but

also, e.g., lumber)—as a result of which industry and government
(as well as the private individual) will have to be reconciled to

and niaoke very considerably, adaptations and adjustments of kinds
still to be determined, to adopt alternative practices and solutions

to problems on a wide range of fronts.

The environmental problems

arise because present practices are frequently damaging,

*

-

'

1

destructive, to the environment or the people who live in it (e.g.

through pollution and effects such as cancer), and because these
practices, such as rapacious forestry and ser^oct^s pollution,

are not going to be tolerated indefinitely, but will require much

modification at the very least.

In each case, resource and environmental,

much, innovation will be essential, much new and alternative thinking

required, far better if it is analytical and critical, and so does
not lead, for example, to a compounding of old and bad technological

fixes.

In sum, the problems to be faced, many of them of considerable

complexity, are of a different character:

successful resolution of

them, where it can be accomplished, and superior decision-making
will more and more demand, among other things, substantial and

imaginatively-deployed analytical and critical skills.

The

requisite skills are inculcated in a good education in the humanities.

Of course, some of these skills are acquired in the

theoretical sciences—though usually in a m^rked^-lesser way, piuch
as compositional skills (which typically increase with further
training in the humanities) are acquired in a-de-eide&lt;Hy lesser way

in the sciences.

What further distinguishes most of the humanities

is the way they relate to, and take account of, humans
people and not merely as statistics.

of people as

Those educated in the humanities

tend to have a sensitivity to people, and understanding of them, that

technologists often lack.

So it is that they can introduce importune

6 --

elements into problem-solving, due respect for persons (and not

mere fobbing off by public relations exercises), that technological
resolutions of problems frequently, but inadmissibly, neglect.

A corollary of all this is that there is a sound case for

deploying people well educated in the humanities more widely
in organizations engaged in research and problem solving.

It would

be rash to pretend that either industry, governments, and so on
(the potential employers) on the one side, or the universities

(the potential suppliers of humanities graduates) on the other,
are entirely ready for this already initiated scenario.

It is not

that universities do not always teach humanities at their best

(that could hardly be expected), but that the skills

and methods

called for, analytical and critical, are often (e.g. in language
ers) not sought and are sometimes (deliberately) devalued.

Sometimes indeed the critical method is forgotten and university

education—not just in the humanities—degenerates into something
approaching a brainwashing process, reinforcing prevailing practices,
attitudes and ideologies instead of indicating &lt;

;

in prevailing practices and.the range of alternatives open in one way
A
or another. Nor do universities fticke much effort, so far, to

prepare students for the possibility that the. critical skills they
acquire may be put into practice outside class assignments, not
just in their day-to-day living, but in the workplace and in their

attempts to enter it (e.g. by being duly prepared for interviews).
There is also apparently some resistance by humanities' students

to entering employment in industry, owing to a blanket condemnation

of industry (not altogether unexpected given the performances and
attitudes of some industries), instead of a mere discriminating
attitude which makes due criticism where it is warranted.

of similar magnitude appear on the other side as well.

Faults

For example,

even where senior management does re&amp;o&lt;? nize the modern relevance
of the skills humanities' students acquire, personnel selection

staff (who often have a technological background) are usually
§
unequipped to select for such skills and reluctant to do so.

§Both Professor Raymond Bradley of Simon Fraser University and the

Editor of this Newsletter made many useful suggestions which have been
incorporated in the text.

The main quotations are from Cardinal

Newman' s Tire Idea of a University.

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                    <text>�I '

Deep theory naturally delivers an aesthetics. Rudiments of such a deep aesthetics are readily
assembled from elsewhere. They include:
• a theory of aesthetic objects, fictions, art works, etc., drawn from item-theory (as in JB).
• a value theory, of rich non-reductionistic form, drawn from deep-green theory
• a full plurallism_. _ _

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· · =_ ·
.~ e source of our
obligations to respect and protect wor
ks of art can be established in the type
of value
[ theory foun .
&lt;;,c.Ae.-n-..e.d m deep-green philosophy. Given the
kind of world proposed by Richard
"Sylva-ft-, where a diverse range of enti
ties are seen to have. inherent value, it
seems quite
plausible to believe that artistic works
could also be valuable in themselves,
and that our
obligations towards them are grounded
in a recognition of 'this ~eta phy sica l pict
ure. We
have also seen that the kind of valuatio
n framework described by ~ylvan could
be usefully
employed to assess the objective valu
e of works of art, which is of importa
nt practical
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�In making an evaluation of the wort h of a work of
art, we are assessing the intrinsic
value of an item. Whil e that value is inher ent in
the work itself, it is at the same time
mani feste d in certain non-natural quali ties which can
be intuited by those engaged with the
work. Thes e qualities, whic h are fund amen tal chara
cteris tics of a work of art, prov ide us
with a crite ria for asses sing value . This value
, howe ver, is not reduc ible to those
fundamental characteristics by themselves. The value
of a work of art is expre ssed by two
essen tial types of qualities perta ining to art work
s, being firstly the qualities assoc iated
with aesth etic value, and secondly the quali ties assoc
iated with instructional (or didactic)
value. This second type of value relate s to the
tende ncy of a work of art to chall enge ,
instru ct, give valuable insig ht, or enlig hten. Whil
e these two types of value may prim a
facie look like they constitute a distin ction between
the intrinsic and instrumental value of
an art work , I believe that they could neve rthel ess
be both construed as elements of an art
works intrinsic value. It is certainly true to say that
the instructive qualities of a work of art
have instrumental value, but we need n't conc lude
from this that the didactic value consists
solel y in the relation betw een the art work and the
subje ct experiencing it. It seem s quite
cons isten t to hold that the didac tic value of an
art work is deriv ed from its inher ent
constitution to to provoke certain ideas, and thus
is part of its intrinsic value. Wha t Sylvan
refers to as emotional prese ntatio n, woul d then
be best cons trued with regard to artistic
evalu ation as the presentation of an art work s intrin
sic value~ a value whic h is manifested
in term s of both aesthetic and didactic qualities.
Thes e qualities can be asses sed in terms
of a comp rehen sive set of criter ia for deter mini ng
value. Such criteria woul d inclu de for
aesthetic qualities such characteristics as beauty, stren
gth of expression, balance, harm ony,
comp ositio n, vividness and uniqu eness , and for instru
ctive qualities such characteristics as
the vivid encapsulation of an idea or a valua ble insig
ht into the nature of life or existence.
After ident ifyin g the various comp onen ts of an artist
ic presentation, the evaluating agen t is
requi red to enga ge intel lectu ally in a furth er asses
smen t. This stage is what Sylv an
refer red to as coherence proce ssing , and it is the
stage at whic h the surfa ce characteristics
of a work of art are asses sed for addit ional comp lexity
or meaning. The qualities of an art
work whic h are not intuited directly, such as the
symb olism of a painting or the mess age
of a powe rful drama, will be asses sed at this point
. Cohe rence proce ssing is espec ially
impo rtant in making an evalu ation of the instru ctive
or intellectual comp onen t of an art

�work. In th~ context of the type of'theory of intrinsic
value and accompanying evaluative
framework advocated by Richard Sylvan, it seems possi
ble to establish a set of criteria for
assessing the value of works of art, and in doing so
enable practical value judgements to
be made .
One objection to the proposal that it-is possible to make
value judgements about art
works which are objectively true, is that the interpretati
~n of
1s an especially subjective
experience. It is often held that judgements about
artistic merit are nothing more than a
matter of personal opinion, and that there is no
real way of solvi ng arguments about
artistic value. While Sylvan is quite willing to admi
t that there· i's plenty of room for error
in his conceptual scheme, and that it is inevitable
that people will come to different
conclusion_s about the value of the same work of art,
there is no need to admit that we are
doomed to artistic relativism. Given a comprehensive
criteria for assessing value, it seems
reasonable to assume that a significant proportion of
people will recognize at least part of
the central core of characteristics which reflect an art-w
orks value, and thereby come' to a
not- too- diffe rent judg emen t ·o f that value. This
assum ption is supp orted by the
observation that admirers of art can and frequently
do come to some level of agreement
over what constitutes go.od art. It is important to
note that a great many of the finest
paintings, symphonies, sculptures and plays have
been held in high esteem for many
centuries by countless individuals, who have all indep
endently come to respect and admire
their value. Anot her difficulty regarding the attrib
ution of value to works of art is to
determine who should get to make practical decisions
about the value of certain works of
art. This kind of decision making is crucial for instit
utions like art-galleries and museums,
for it will determine which items will be protected,
and
whic h will not. While the
.
t
judgement of any person who makes a considered evalu
ation of a work of art is important,
it seems appropriate that we should leave the final
decision maki ng to the artists and
admirers of art who have the most extensive backgroun
d knowledge and understanding of
what makes a work of art valuable. We must trust that
in their capacity as 'experts' on art,
such people have a finely tuned appreciation of artist
ic value, and that when in positions of
responsibility, such as that of being curator of an
art gallery, these people will do their
utmost to ensure that valuable art is preserved.
•

art

•

r

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                  <text>In one obituary, Sylvan's handwriting was said to have "looked like the oscilloscope for a patient in intensive care", and thus "not for the timid".</text>
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              <text>I '

Deep theory naturally delivers an aesthetics. Rudiments of such a deep aesthetics are readily
assembled from elsewhere. They include:
• a theory of aesthetic objects, fictions, art works, etc., drawn from item-theory (as in JB).
• a value theory, of rich non-reductionistic form, drawn from deep-green theory
• a full plurallism_. _ _

~---- ------ --

{/'-'t~lr&amp;

t/1-:; . . . . __
-,,L ~

l),.,v,r✓L., J

/4
_ -- ~ ~-: -

- , ·

/4.. I -~ J

1/

f

-4.:i, :f '

·

· · =_ ·
.~ e source of our
obligations to respect and protect wor
ks of art can be established in the type
of value
[ theory foun .
&lt;;,c.Ae.-n-..e.d m deep-green philosophy. Given the
kind of world proposed by Richard
"Sylva-ft-, where a diverse range of enti
ties are seen to have. inherent value, it
seems quite
plausible to believe that artistic works
could also be valuable in themselves,
and that our
obligations towards them are grounded
in a recognition of 'this ~eta phy sica l pict
ure. We
have also seen that the kind of valuatio
n framework described by ~ylvan could
be usefully
employed to assess the objective valu
e of works of art, which is of importa
nt practical
11-i(,_.L f
J;_ a_.,-,Jfl't--'.? lA/} 16 ~ j ~ - . h,,, ~ -:,;~ i
~ ul; , C--..__&lt;:_~/ J"~

,-r,_._,,

1.,' ,r

f-f

.1f.,,,__1J

,-rt _:_..f'"Ltc.--t~.----..,,

4.... lri/2::;J._-1 ,,____, , ~~ ,
-?(,

".~A ✓ ~~

_}

Y

d-v..AJ -_ 6--1 #?..,.....1-4 ~_ a_?_.__ __

In making an evaluation of the wort h of a work of
art, we are assessing the intrinsic
value of an item. Whil e that value is inher ent in
the work itself, it is at the same time
mani feste d in certain non-natural quali ties which can
be intuited by those engaged with the
work. Thes e qualities, whic h are fund amen tal chara
cteris tics of a work of art, prov ide us
with a crite ria for asses sing value . This value
, howe ver, is not reduc ible to those
fundamental characteristics by themselves. The value
of a work of art is expre ssed by two
essen tial types of qualities perta ining to art work
s, being firstly the qualities assoc iated
with aesth etic value, and secondly the quali ties assoc
iated with instructional (or didactic)
value. This second type of value relate s to the
tende ncy of a work of art to chall enge ,
instru ct, give valuable insig ht, or enlig hten. Whil
e these two types of value may prim a
facie look like they constitute a distin ction between
the intrinsic and instrumental value of
an art work , I believe that they could neve rthel ess
be both construed as elements of an art
works intrinsic value. It is certainly true to say that
the instructive qualities of a work of art
have instrumental value, but we need n't conc lude
from this that the didactic value consists
solel y in the relation betw een the art work and the
subje ct experiencing it. It seem s quite
cons isten t to hold that the didac tic value of an
art work is deriv ed from its inher ent
constitution to to provoke certain ideas, and thus
is part of its intrinsic value. Wha t Sylvan
refers to as emotional prese ntatio n, woul d then
be best cons trued with regard to artistic
evalu ation as the presentation of an art work s intrin
sic value~ a value whic h is manifested
in term s of both aesthetic and didactic qualities.
Thes e qualities can be asses sed in terms
of a comp rehen sive set of criter ia for deter mini ng
value. Such criteria woul d inclu de for
aesthetic qualities such characteristics as beauty, stren
gth of expression, balance, harm ony,
comp ositio n, vividness and uniqu eness , and for instru
ctive qualities such characteristics as
the vivid encapsulation of an idea or a valua ble insig
ht into the nature of life or existence.
After ident ifyin g the various comp onen ts of an artist
ic presentation, the evaluating agen t is
requi red to enga ge intel lectu ally in a furth er asses
smen t. This stage is what Sylv an
refer red to as coherence proce ssing , and it is the
stage at whic h the surfa ce characteristics
of a work of art are asses sed for addit ional comp lexity
or meaning. The qualities of an art
work whic h are not intuited directly, such as the
symb olism of a painting or the mess age
of a powe rful drama, will be asses sed at this point
. Cohe rence proce ssing is espec ially
impo rtant in making an evalu ation of the instru ctive
or intellectual comp onen t of an art

work. In th~ context of the type of'theory of intrinsic
value and accompanying evaluative
framework advocated by Richard Sylvan, it seems possi
ble to establish a set of criteria for
assessing the value of works of art, and in doing so
enable practical value judgements to
be made .
One objection to the proposal that it-is possible to make
value judgements about art
works which are objectively true, is that the interpretati
~n of
1s an especially subjective
experience. It is often held that judgements about
artistic merit are nothing more than a
matter of personal opinion, and that there is no
real way of solvi ng arguments about
artistic value. While Sylvan is quite willing to admi
t that there· i's plenty of room for error
in his conceptual scheme, and that it is inevitable
that people will come to different
conclusion_s about the value of the same work of art,
there is no need to admit that we are
doomed to artistic relativism. Given a comprehensive
criteria for assessing value, it seems
reasonable to assume that a significant proportion of
people will recognize at least part of
the central core of characteristics which reflect an art-w
orks value, and thereby come' to a
not- too- diffe rent judg emen t ·o f that value. This
assum ption is supp orted by the
observation that admirers of art can and frequently
do come to some level of agreement
over what constitutes go.od art. It is important to
note that a great many of the finest
paintings, symphonies, sculptures and plays have
been held in high esteem for many
centuries by countless individuals, who have all indep
endently come to respect and admire
their value. Anot her difficulty regarding the attrib
ution of value to works of art is to
determine who should get to make practical decisions
about the value of certain works of
art. This kind of decision making is crucial for instit
utions like art-galleries and museums,
for it will determine which items will be protected,
and
whic h will not. While the
.
t
judgement of any person who makes a considered evalu
ation of a work of art is important,
it seems appropriate that we should leave the final
decision maki ng to the artists and
admirers of art who have the most extensive backgroun
d knowledge and understanding of
what makes a work of art valuable. We must trust that
in their capacity as 'experts' on art,
such people have a finely tuned appreciation of artist
ic value, and that when in positions of
responsibility, such as that of being curator of an
art gallery, these people will do their
utmost to ensure that valuable art is preserved.
•

art

•

r

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                <text>&lt;a href="https://antipodean-antinuclearism.org/items/browse?search=Richard+Sylvan&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bjoiner%5D=and&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=&amp;amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=&amp;amp;range=&amp;amp;collection=&amp;amp;type=&amp;amp;user=&amp;amp;tags=&amp;amp;public=&amp;amp;featured=&amp;amp;exhibit=&amp;amp;geolocation-mapped=&amp;amp;geolocation-address=&amp;amp;geolocation-latitude=&amp;amp;geolocation-longitude=&amp;amp;geolocation-radius=10&amp;amp;submit_search=Search+for+items"&gt;Richard Sylvan&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://antipodean-antinuclearism.org"&gt;Antipodean Antinuclearism: (Re)constructing Richard Routley/Sylvan's Nuclear Philosophy&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Como - Desk - Right Drawer 3</text>
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                    <text>�Deep theory naturally delivers an aesthetics. Rudiments of such a deep aesthetics are readily
assembled from elsewhere. They include:
• a theory of aesthetic objects, fictions, art works, etc., drawn from item-theory (as in JB).
• a value theory, of rich non-reductionistic form, drawn from deep-green theory
• a full pluralism.

�£■

Jhe source of our
obligations to respect and protect works of art can be established in the type of value
^theory found in deep-green philosophy. Given the kind of w^ld ^proposed by Richard
•Syfvan, where a diverse range of entities are seen to have inherent value, it seems quite

plausible to believe that artistic works could also be valuable in themselves, and that our
obligations towards them are grounded in a recognition of this metaphysical picture. We
have also seen that the kind of valuation framework described by Sylvan could be usefully
employed to assess the objective value of works of art, which is of important practical

ff

JZ

-7^

�In making an evaluation of the worth of a work of art, we are assessing the intrinsic
value of an item. While that value is inherent in the work itself, it is at the same time
manifested in certain non-natural qualities which can be intuited by those engaged with the
work. These qualities, which are fundamental characteristics of a work of art, provide us
with a criteria for assessing value. This value, however, is not reducible to those
fundamental characteristics by themselves. The value of a work of art is expressed by two
essential types of qualities pertaining to art works, being firstly the qualities associated

with aesthetic value, and secondly the qualities associated with instructional (or didactic)
value. This second type of value relates to the tendency of a work of art to challenge,

instruct, give valuable insight, or enlighten. While these two types of value may prima

facie look like they constitute a distinction between the intrinsic and instrumental value of
an art work, I believe that they could nevertheless be both construed as elements of an art
works intrinsic value. It is certainly true to say that the instructive qualities of a work of art
have instrumental value, but we needn't conclude from this that the didactic value consists

solely in the relation between the art work and the subject experiencing it. It seems quite
consistent to hold that the didactic value of an art work is derived from its inherent
constitution to to provoke certain ideas, and thus is part of its intrinsic value. What Sylvan

refers to as emotional presentation, would then be best construed with regard to artistic
evaluation as the presentation of an art works intrinsic value; a value which is manifested
in terms of both aesthetic and didactic qualities. These qualities can be assessed in terms

of a comprehensive set of criteria for determining value. Such criteria would include for
aesthetic qualities such characteristics as beauty, strength of expression, balance, harmony,
composition, vividness and uniqueness, and for instructive qualities such characteristics as

the vivid encapsulation of an idea or a valuable insight into the nature of life or existence.

After identifying the various components of an artistic presentation, the evaluating agent is
required to engage intellectually in a further assessment. This stage is what Sylvan
referred to as coherence processing, and it is the stage at which the surface characteristics

of a work of art arc assessed for additional complexity or meaning. The qualities of an art
work which are not intuited directly, such as the symbolism of a painting or the message

of a powerful drama, will be assessed at this point. Coherence processing is especially

important in making an evaluation of the instructive or intellectual component of an art

�work. In the context of the type of theory of intrinsic value and accompanying evaluative
framework advocated by Richard Sylvan, it seems possible to establish a set of criteria for
assessing the value of works of art, and in doing so enable practical value judgements to
be made.

One objection to the proposal that it'is possible to make value judgements about art
works which are objectively true, is that the interpretation of art is an especially subjective
experience. It is often held that judgements about artistic merit are nothing more than a
matter of personal opinion, and that there is no real way of solving arguments about
artistic value. While Sylvan is quite willing to admit that there is plenty of room for error

in his conceptual scheme, and that it is inevitable that people will come to different
conclusions about the value of the same work of art, there is no need to admit that we are
doomed to artistic relativism. Given a comprehensive criteria for assessing value, it seems

reasonable to assume that a significant proportion of people will recognize at least part of
the central core of characteristics which reflect an art-works value, and thereby come to a

not- too- different judgement of that value. This assumption is supported by the
observation that admirers of art can and frequently do come to some level of agreement
over what constitutes good art. It is important to note that a great many of the finest
paintings, symphonies, sculptures and plays have been held in high esteem for many

centuries by countless individuals, who have all independently come to respect and admire
their value. Another difficulty regarding the attribution of value to works of art is to
determine who should get to make practical decisions about the value of certain works of
art. This kind of decision making is crucial for institutions like art-galleries and museums,
for it will determine which items will be protected, and which will not. While the
judgement of any person who makes a considered evaluation of a work of art is important,
it seems appropriate that we should leave the final decision making to the artists and

admirers ol art who have the most extensive background knowledge and understanding of
what makes a work of art valuable. We must trust that in their capacity as 'experts' on art,
such people have a finely tuned appreciation of artistic value, and that when in positions of
responsibility, such as that of being curator of an art gallery, these people will do their
utmost to ensure that valuable art is preserved.

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              <text>Deep theory naturally delivers an aesthetics. Rudiments of such a deep aesthetics are readily
assembled from elsewhere. They include:
• a theory of aesthetic objects, fictions, art works, etc., drawn from item-theory (as in JB).
• a value theory, of rich non-reductionistic form, drawn from deep-green theory
• a full pluralism.

£■

Jhe source of our
obligations to respect and protect works of art can be established in the type of value
^theory found in deep-green philosophy. Given the kind of w^ld ^proposed by Richard
•Syfvan, where a diverse range of entities are seen to have inherent value, it seems quite

plausible to believe that artistic works could also be valuable in themselves, and that our
obligations towards them are grounded in a recognition of this metaphysical picture. We
have also seen that the kind of valuation framework described by Sylvan could be usefully
employed to assess the objective value of works of art, which is of important practical

ff

JZ

-7^

In making an evaluation of the worth of a work of art, we are assessing the intrinsic
value of an item. While that value is inherent in the work itself, it is at the same time
manifested in certain non-natural qualities which can be intuited by those engaged with the
work. These qualities, which are fundamental characteristics of a work of art, provide us
with a criteria for assessing value. This value, however, is not reducible to those
fundamental characteristics by themselves. The value of a work of art is expressed by two
essential types of qualities pertaining to art works, being firstly the qualities associated

with aesthetic value, and secondly the qualities associated with instructional (or didactic)
value. This second type of value relates to the tendency of a work of art to challenge,

instruct, give valuable insight, or enlighten. While these two types of value may prima

facie look like they constitute a distinction between the intrinsic and instrumental value of
an art work, I believe that they could nevertheless be both construed as elements of an art
works intrinsic value. It is certainly true to say that the instructive qualities of a work of art
have instrumental value, but we needn't conclude from this that the didactic value consists

solely in the relation between the art work and the subject experiencing it. It seems quite
consistent to hold that the didactic value of an art work is derived from its inherent
constitution to to provoke certain ideas, and thus is part of its intrinsic value. What Sylvan

refers to as emotional presentation, would then be best construed with regard to artistic
evaluation as the presentation of an art works intrinsic value; a value which is manifested
in terms of both aesthetic and didactic qualities. These qualities can be assessed in terms

of a comprehensive set of criteria for determining value. Such criteria would include for
aesthetic qualities such characteristics as beauty, strength of expression, balance, harmony,
composition, vividness and uniqueness, and for instructive qualities such characteristics as

the vivid encapsulation of an idea or a valuable insight into the nature of life or existence.

After identifying the various components of an artistic presentation, the evaluating agent is
required to engage intellectually in a further assessment. This stage is what Sylvan
referred to as coherence processing, and it is the stage at which the surface characteristics

of a work of art arc assessed for additional complexity or meaning. The qualities of an art
work which are not intuited directly, such as the symbolism of a painting or the message

of a powerful drama, will be assessed at this point. Coherence processing is especially

important in making an evaluation of the instructive or intellectual component of an art

work. In the context of the type of theory of intrinsic value and accompanying evaluative
framework advocated by Richard Sylvan, it seems possible to establish a set of criteria for
assessing the value of works of art, and in doing so enable practical value judgements to
be made.

One objection to the proposal that it'is possible to make value judgements about art
works which are objectively true, is that the interpretation of art is an especially subjective
experience. It is often held that judgements about artistic merit are nothing more than a
matter of personal opinion, and that there is no real way of solving arguments about
artistic value. While Sylvan is quite willing to admit that there is plenty of room for error

in his conceptual scheme, and that it is inevitable that people will come to different
conclusions about the value of the same work of art, there is no need to admit that we are
doomed to artistic relativism. Given a comprehensive criteria for assessing value, it seems

reasonable to assume that a significant proportion of people will recognize at least part of
the central core of characteristics which reflect an art-works value, and thereby come to a

not- too- different judgement of that value. This assumption is supported by the
observation that admirers of art can and frequently do come to some level of agreement
over what constitutes good art. It is important to note that a great many of the finest
paintings, symphonies, sculptures and plays have been held in high esteem for many

centuries by countless individuals, who have all independently come to respect and admire
their value. Another difficulty regarding the attribution of value to works of art is to
determine who should get to make practical decisions about the value of certain works of
art. This kind of decision making is crucial for institutions like art-galleries and museums,
for it will determine which items will be protected, and which will not. While the
judgement of any person who makes a considered evaluation of a work of art is important,
it seems appropriate that we should leave the final decision making to the artists and

admirers ol art who have the most extensive background knowledge and understanding of
what makes a work of art valuable. We must trust that in their capacity as 'experts' on art,
such people have a finely tuned appreciation of artistic value, and that when in positions of
responsibility, such as that of being curator of an art gallery, these people will do their
utmost to ensure that valuable art is preserved.

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¾

'
1 ~--~
'
......_
.....

The worldwide peace movement faces a new era in 1984. -Since 1979, there has been
a massive revival of the peace movement in response to the preparations for a
limited nuclear war in Europe. Up to now the movement has concentrated successfully
on consciousness ra1s1ng. J-bwever, the challenge now is to present practical new
ideas to end the anns race. Mr. Allan McKnight has undertaken a comparison of the
separate draft treaties tabled by the Soviet Union and the United States at the
United Nations (UN) in 1962. ~ has now c001piled them into one practical draft
plan, whkhis the most feasible to date because it is based on the actual proposals
of the two world powers. The progran111e should ensure t~at the nations have sufficient non-nuclear arms to protect their citizens yet reduce the military expenditure
dramatically and not present an invading threat to neighbouring countries. It is
interesting to note that ~eden, ~itzerland and Yugoslavia have defence forces ·
structured in this ay but this has never received the publicity it deserves. The
plan is based on 3 stages of mutual reductions. All measures of disannament would
be balanced so that at no stage during the implementation would any nation gain
military advantage. The treaty provides a timetable. It also provides for an
establishment of a peace force and disannament organisation independent of the UN.
Dr. Suter says that it is only when we perceive the alternative that we can see how
important it is to give consideration to grand schemes for disannament.
Mr. McKnight's book is available from the Law Council of Ns.J.
'U ~

J~
\--., ~

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¾

'
1 ~--~
'
......_
.....

The worldwide peace movement faces a new era in 1984. -Since 1979, there has been
a massive revival of the peace movement in response to the preparations for a
limited nuclear war in Europe. Up to now the movement has concentrated successfully
on consciousness ra1s1ng. J-bwever, the challenge now is to present practical new
ideas to end the anns race. Mr. Allan McKnight has undertaken a comparison of the
separate draft treaties tabled by the Soviet Union and the United States at the
United Nations (UN) in 1962. ~ has now c001piled them into one practical draft
plan, whkhis the most feasible to date because it is based on the actual proposals
of the two world powers. The progran111e should ensure t~at the nations have sufficient non-nuclear arms to protect their citizens yet reduce the military expenditure
dramatically and not present an invading threat to neighbouring countries. It is
interesting to note that ~eden, ~itzerland and Yugoslavia have defence forces ·
structured in this ay but this has never received the publicity it deserves. The
plan is based on 3 stages of mutual reductions. All measures of disannament would
be balanced so that at no stage during the implementation would any nation gain
military advantage. The treaty provides a timetable. It also provides for an
establishment of a peace force and disannament organisation independent of the UN.
Dr. Suter says that it is only when we perceive the alternative that we can see how
important it is to give consideration to grand schemes for disannament.
Mr. McKnight's book is available from the Law Council of Ns.J.
'U ~

J~
\--., ~

.......

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